| 25. Макарий Египетский, преподобный. Духовные беседы, Сл.5,6. 26. Немезий Емесский, Указ. соч. С.84. 27. anim. et res. (О душе и воскресении) (М. 46.128А). 28. hom. (Беседы) 3.7 М. 31.216А, В). 29. or.2 (Слово 2-е) 17 (М. 35.428А). 30. hom. in Mt. Беседа на Мф.7:14 (М. 51.41). 31. Феофан Затворник, епископ. Путь ко спасению. С.206. 32. Исаак Сирин, преподобный. Слова подвижнические. С.19. 33. Там же. С.20. 34. Григорий Богослов, святитель. Творения, Т.2, С.43. 35. princ. (О началах) 1.8.1 (GCS vol. 22, 1913). 36. Arch. (Прение Архелая, епископа Месопотамского, с ересиархом Манесом) М. 10.1440А. 37. Мефодий Патарский, священномученик. Творения. С.181,183. 38. Цит. по: Киприан (Керн), архимандрит. Указ. соч. С.249. 39. haer. (Пять книг против ересей) 2.33.4 (М. 7.833А). 40. p.e. (Приуготовление к Евангелию) 6.6 (M. 21.720D). 41. parad. (Беседы о рае) 7 (М. 30.68В). 42. Русская религиозная антропология. Т.2. С.435-439. 43. Cels. (Против Кельса) 4.15 (GCS vol.2, 1899 p.285.15,18; М. 11.1048А). 44. princ. (О началах)4.4.4 (GCS vol.22, 1913 p.353.11; М. 11.405В). 45. Немезий Емесский, епископ. Указ. соч. С.69. 46. Епифанович С.Л. Указ. соч. С.72. 47. Цит. по: Киприан (Керн), архимандрит. Указ. соч. С.185. 48. serm. imag. (Слово о человеке, сотворенном по образу Божию) 1 (M. 89.1144D-1145A). Глава 7. Дух человека Если состав человека определен из тела и души общим мнением, то вхождение в этот состав духа спорно. До сих пор обсуждается вопрос: состоит ли человек из души и тела или из духа, души и тела. И хотя этот вопрос мы считаем не самым главным, обратиться к нему придется. Итак, является ли дух человека частью его природы или нет - спорный вопрос, но однозначно верно то, что в жизни человека дух составляет центр его духовной жизни. Однако сам термин " дух " понимается достаточно широко: " Многое зовется духами. Ибо и ангел ведь зовется духом; душа наша зовется духом, и этот веющий ветер... и великая добродетель... и порочное деяние... и сопротивник-демон зовется духом " (Святитель Кирилл Иерусалимский) |
| 2A. Not Elijah (1:21a) That the Fourth Gospel plays John " s role down in light of some contemporary exorbitant claims for him is likely (see comment on 1:6–8), especially since the Fourth Gospel refuses to grant him even the role of Elijah which he seems to have played to some extent in pre-Markan tradition ( Mark 1:6 ; Matt 3:4; 3829 cf. 1 Kgs 17:6; 2 Kgs 1LXX; Mark 9:13 ; Matt 17:12–13; Luke 1:17), 3830 even though he does not explicitly transfer those claims to Jesus. 3831 It may also merit mention that the Synoptic miracle traditions which applied Elijah " s miracle-working role to Jesus and passages such as Luke 9:61–62 (cf. 1 Kgs 19:20) and 10(cf. 2 Kgs 4:29) already transferred some Elijah images to Jesus, but for Jesus these were clearly inadequate (cf. Luke 9:8, 19–20, 33–35, although Luke omits Mark " s parallel acclamation of the deceased Baptist as Elijah here). Of course, even the Synoptic writers did not suppose that John was literally Elijah ( Mark 9:4 ; Matt 17:3; Luke 1:17; 9:30). 3832 If the historical John saw himself as a forerunner, he may have seen himself as an Elijah at least in a figurative sense (cf. 1:23; Mal 4:5 ); if he saw himself as a forerunner for Elijah, he would have seen the one coming after him as literally «before» him (1:30). 3833 Jewish tradition naturally developed the promise of Elijah " s return in Mai 4:5–6 (MT 3:23–24), which appears as early as Ben Sira ( Sir 48:10 ). Later rabbis particularly seized on this feature of eschatological expectation, although they developed it in very different ways from nonrabbinic streams of thought. 3834 That Elijah remained alive was safely assumed from the biblical text (2 Kgs 2:9–12; Mal 4:5–6 ; cf. 1Macc 2:58; Sir 48:9 ), and later rabbis continued to work from this assumption. 3835 In these later rabbis, however, his role in the present period before the final time became more prominent than his eschatological function, perhaps due in part to the de-emphasis of messianic eschatology after the sufferings under Hadrian. (The rabbis also tended to view the prophets as proto-scribes.) 3836 Like other biblical prophets, Elijah became a master halachist, often sent to settle rabbinic disputes; 3837 also sometimes described with a role comparable to that of angels, 3838 the rabbinic Elijah often was sent on divine errands to miraculously aid rabbis. 3839 Other rabbinic evidence, however, does point to Elijah " s eschatological role. The rabbis were clearly aware of Malachís prophecy and they anticipated Elijah " s return at the end of the age 3840 alongside rabbinism " s other eschatological figures. 3841 Elijah would also exercise an eschatological halakic role, 3842 especially (in line with the rabbinic interpretation of Malachi) in determining proper lines of descent (Israelites vs. proselytes, etc.). 3843 Although the bulk of this evidence derives from the more numerous Amoraic texts, some of it is also Tannaitic. 3844 |
| Arhiva Predica Preafericitului Patriarh Chiril inut dup Liturghia oficiat la catedrala „Hristos Mântuitorul” în Kaliningrad 7 decembrie 2014 19:11 La 7 decembrie 2014, în Duminica a 26-a dup Cincizecime, ziua pomenirii sfintei mucenie Ecaterina, Preafericitul Patriarh al Moscovei i al întregii Rusii Chiril a condus slujirea Dumnezeietii liturghii la catedrala „Hristos Mântuitorul” în Kaliningrad. Dup încheierea serviciului divin Întâistttorul Bisericii Ruse s-a adresat ctre credincioi cu o predic. Preasfinia Voastr, stpâne Serafim! Preasfiniile Voastre! Stimate Nicolai Nicolaevici, guvernatorul regiunii Kaliningrad! Stimate Alexandr Gheorghievici, primarul oraului Kaliningrad! Dragi prini, frai i surori! V salut cordial pe toi cu prilejul acestei zile de duminic, plin de bucurie i srbtoare! Pentru mine întotdeauna este o bucurie de a trece pragul acestei biserici i în genere de a veni pe pmântul Kaliningradului, de care sunt legai aproape 30 de ani din viaa mea. Kaliningradul este un loc deosebit, unde Biserica Ortodox a început de la zero viaa sa. i când vd azi mulime de oameni, când aud i capt informaie referitor la fondarea noilor biserici, la iluminarea acestor locauri, când tiu cât este de cutat în Kaliningrad gimnaziul ortodox, cât de mult doresc oamenii s obin studii în instituiile bisericeti de învmânt, eu, bineîneles, m bucur. Deoarece cu mila lui Dumnezeu chiar i cele mai îndrznee visuri, care au luat natere cu 30 de ani în urm, i cele mai îndrznee ateptri s-au realizat, au depit toate premoniiile, ateptrile i visurile noastre. Sarcina cea mai important, care azi se afl în faa Bisericii, const în faptul ca Evanghelia Mântuitorului, legea lui Dumnezeu s intre în trupul i sufletul poporului nostru. Nou ni se spune uneori c pentru a birui criminalitatea trebuie s fie ameliorat legislaia, trebuie de perfecionat organele de drept - i probabil, sunt cuvinte corecte. Dar se poate mai simplu i mai ieftin de soluionat nu doar problema criminalitii, dar i problema dezorganizrii umane, a nelinitii, a lipsei de bucurie în inim: vieuiete conform legilor lui Dumnezeu i totul se va altura (vezi: Mt. 6:33). Dar pentru a vieui conform legilor lui Dumnezeu, trebuie s le cunoatem i, pe lâng aceasta, trebuie s ne comportm astfel, ca s evitm totul ce poate distruge aceast lege a lui Dumnezeu. |
| The final verses of the section wrap it up, again emphasizing the division among the people (7:43; 9:16). John writes not to an audience alienated from its Jewish heritage, but to one Jewish group alienated from other Jewish groups. Some wished to seize Jesus (10:39); others believed him because of his works and the Baptist " s witness (10:41–42), as Jesus had requested (10:38). This concluding cap to the section also provides a geographical transition (10:40), allowing John to move into ch. 11 and the following passion materia1. Jesus returned to the area where John had been preparing the way (1:23), especially in Perea (10:40), 7531 and Jesus «remained» there (10:40; cf. 1:39; 11:6) safe from his opponents (10:39) until it was time for him to return to Judea to face death there (11:7–10). This passage attests the effectiveness of Johns «witness» so heavily emphasized in the Gospel (1:6–8, 15); here, where John had been preaching, Jesus was temporarily safe from his Judean opposition, and many believed him through John s earlier testimony (10:41–42). (This was a region controlled by Herod Antipas, but Antipas apparently interfered with John only when he became a political threat, 7532 and Antipas does not figure in the Fourth Gospe1.) Although the crowds must have known some of Johns testimony about Jesus (5:33), most of Johns denials and confessions in 1:19–36 and 3:27–36 were only to his inquirers or to the disciples; nevertheless, these texts probably functionally supply the reader with what the author wishes to emphasize as the substance of the Baptists testimony. Again, however, the author contrasts the forerunner and Jesus: John did no signs, but properly attested Jesus» identity (10:41). That many believed in Jesus in Perea (10:42) is a positive note, but previous texts supply an ominous warning that such faith must be proved through perseverance (2:23–25; 8:30–31). 7449 The Greek term here (εγκανια) means «renewal» and appears in the LXX for rededications; it also vaguely resembles the sound of «Hanukkah,» «dedication,» also used of consecration in the MT (Brown, John, 1:402; Moore, Judaism, 2:49). |
| 17 Volbach W. Fr. Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spatantike und des fruhen Mittalaters. Mainz, 1952. S. 57–58. Taf. 33. Nr. 110. Для понимания сложения и эволюции данной композиции см. Жебелев С. Иконографические схемы Вознесения Христова и источники их возникновения//Сборник статей, посвящённых памяти Н. П. Кондакова. Прага, 1926. С. 1–14. 18 Айналов Д. В. Мозаики IV и V веков. СПб., 1895. С. 34–71. Рис. 5; Oakeshott W. Die Mosaiken von Rom vom dritten bis zum vierzehnten Jahrhundert. Leipzig, 1967. S. 74–76. 19 Dobrzeniecki T. Maiestas Domini w zabytkach polskich i obcych z Polske Museum Narodowego w Warszawie. T. XVII. Warzawa, 1973. S. 29–38. Il. 6. 20 См. Миркович Л. Xeopmoлoruja или ucmopujcku развитак и богослуженье празника Православне источне цркве. Београд, 1961. 21 Айналов Д. Искусство Палестины в средние века//Византийский временник. Т. XXV. Л., 1928. С. 77–86; Weitzmann K. “Loca Sancta” and the Representational Arts of Palestine//Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Vol. 28. Washington, 1974. P. 31–56. 22 См. Weitzmann K. A Metamorphosis icon or miniature on Mt. Sinai//Старинар. Нов. Сер. Кнь. XX. Београд, 1970. P. 415–421. 23 Стрелков А. С. Фаюмский портрет. М.–Л., 1936; Павлов В. В., Шуринова Д. Д. Фаюмский портрет. М., 1965. 24 Айналов Д. В. Синайские иконы восковой живописи//Византийский временник. Т. IX. СПб., 1902. С. 343–375; Он же. К вопросу о технике восковой живописи//Журнал Министерства народного просвещения. Нов. сер. Ч. XV. 1908. C. 193–200. 25 См. Борбудакис М. От фаюмского портрета к истокам искусства византийских икон (опыт нового подхода). Гераклейон, 1998. 26 Опубликовано: Weitzmann K. The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai. The Icons. Vol. One: From the Sixth to the Tenth Century. Princeton — New Jersy, 1976. 27 Chatzidakis M. An encaustic icon of Christ at Sinai//The Art Bulletin. Vol. 49. 1967. P. 197–208. 28 Kitzinger E. Some Reflections on Portraiture in Byzantine Art//Зборник радова Византолешког института. Кнь. VIII–1. Београд, 1963. P. 190–193. Fig. 5, 6. Вторая монета, с иным изображением Христа, относится к 705 г. (“семитический портрет”). |
| Материал из Православной Энциклопедии под редакцией Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла ЕНОС Ветхозаветный праотец Енос. Роспись собора Рождества Богородицы Ферапонтова мон-ря. Мастер Дионисий. 1502 г. Ветхозаветный праотец Енос. Роспись собора Рождества Богородицы Ферапонтова мон-ря. Мастер Дионисий. 1502 г. Енос [евр. , греч. Ενς], ветхозаветный праотец (пам. в Неделю св. праотцев и в Неделю св. отцов). Сын Сифа и отец Каинана. Е. жил 905 лет (Быт 5. 11 MT и LXX, обычно сообщающие разный возраст патриархов, относительно Е. приводят одинаковые цифры). Древнеевр. имя E. ( ), как и имя Адам ( ), имеет в ВЗ нарицательное значение - «человек»; соответственно эти слова являются синонимами, но в ВЗ встречается реже (42 раза), чем и преимущественно в поэтических и пророческих текстах ( Maass F . //TDOT. Vol. 1. P. 374). Этот термин, происходящий от евр. глагола - лишаться силы, слабеть (см.: Иов 4. 17), часто обозначает человеческую слабость, смертность и удаленность от Бога (см. Пс 33. 12, 26; 103. 15). Праведное поколение Е. противопоставляется греховному поколению Каина, описанному в предшествующих стихах. В кн. Бытие после рассказа о Е. повторяется родословие людей от Адама (Быт 5. 1 и сл.) и, т. о., возобновляется линия от допотопного человечества, к-рая была прервана убийством Авеля и продолжилась благодаря рождению отца Е. - Сифа. Поэтому мн. исследователи рассматривают образ Е., связанного с появлением нового поколения людей, в качестве параллели «новому Адаму» ( Cassuto. P. 246-247; Rendsburg. P. 24). В кн. Бытие особенно отмечается рождение Е., т. к. именно в его время люди «начали призывать имя Господа» (Быт 4. 26). Этот стих сложен для истолкования, поскольку известно, что имя Господне было открыто древним евреям только во времена Моисея (Исх 3. 13-15; Исх 6. 3-4). Однако в Быт 4. 1 логическое ударение поставлено не на откровении Божественного имени, а скорее на начале Его призывания во времена Е. ( Wenham. 1980). Выражение «призывать имя Господне» встречается также в Быт 12. 8; 13. 4; 21. 33; 26. 25 и всякий раз т. о. отмечается начало богослужения, в т. ч. совершение молитв и жертвоприношений. Поэтому, по мнению большинства исследователей, слова из Быт 4. 26 указывают на установление регулярного богослужения во времена Е. ( Hess. P. 526; Wenham. 1987. P. 116). |
| 56. S. 340-342; Efthymiadis S.//Speculum. 2006. Vol. 81. N 4. P. 1230-1231); Braounou-Pietsch E. Die Chronographia des Michael Psellos: Kaisergeschichte, Autobiographie und Apologie. Weisbaden, 2005; Sarriu L. Ritmo, metro, poesia e stile: Alcune considerazioni sul dodecasillabo di Michele Psello//MEG. 2006. Vol. 6. P. 171-198; Reading Michael Psellos/Ed. Ch. Barber. Leiden, 2006. P. 57-71; Barber C. Contesting the Logic of Painting: Art an Understanding in 11th-Cent. Byzantium. Leiden; Boston, 2007; Bossina L. Psello distratto: Questioni irrisolte nei versi «In Canticum»//Ducle melos: La poesia tardoantica e medievale: Atti del III Conv. Intern. di studi, Vienna, 15-18 nov. 2004/Ed. V. Pangal. Alessandria, 2007. P. 337-360; Lauritzen F. Sul nesso tra stile e contenuti negli encomi di Psello (per una datazione dell Oratio Panegyrica 3 Dennis)//MEG. 2007. Vol. 7. P. 149-158; idem. A Courtier In The Women " s Quarters: The Rise and Fall of Psellos//Byz. 2007. Vol. 77. P. 251-266; idem. Psellos " Early Career at Court//ВВ. 2009. Т. 68. N 135-143; idem. Psello discepolo di Stetato//BZ. 2009. Bd. 101. N 2. S. 715-725; idem. Stethatos " Paradise in Psellos " ekphrasis of Mt Olympos//ВВ. 2011. Т. 70. N 139-150; idem. Autocrate negli encomi imperiali di Michele Psello (1018-1081)//ЗРВИ. 2012. Кн. 49. С. 113-125; idem. The Depiction of Character in the Chronographia of Michael Psellos. Turnhout, 2013; idem. Paraphrasis as Interpretation: Psellos and a Canon of Cosmas the Melodist (Poem 24 Westerink) //Βυζαντιν. Θεσ., 2014. Τ. 33. Σ. 61-74; Reinsch D. R. Warum eine neue Edition der Chronographia des Michael Psellos?//Byzantina Mediterranea: FS für J. Koder zum 65. Geburtstag/Hrsg. K. Belke et al. W., 2007. S. 525-546; idem. Wie und wann ist der uns überlieferte Text der Chronographia des Michael Psellos entstanden?//MEG. 2013. Vol. 13. P. 209-222; idem. Wer waren die Leser und Hörer der Chronographia des Michael Psellos?//ЗРВИ. 2013. Кн. 50. С. 389-398; idem. Der Dual als Mittel literarischer Gestaltung in Michael Psellos " Chronographia//BZ. |
| 144 Vincent, Abel. JN. p. 40–300; Coüasnon Ch. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Jerusalem, London 1974; Corbo V. II Santo Sepolchro di Gerusalemme, I–III. Jerusalem, 1981; Patrich J. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre: History and Architecture//Tsafrir, Safrai (eds.), Jerusalem, p. 353–381; Biddle M. The Tomb of Christ. Phoenix Mill, 1999 145 Vincent, Abel. JN, p. 205–248; Corbo V. Scavo archeologico a ridosso della basilica dell’Ascensione//Liber Annuus 10 (1959–1960), p. 205–248. 146 Richmond E. T. Basilica of the Nativity, Bethlehem//QDAP 5 (1936), p. 75–81; Idem. The Church of the Nativity, the Plan of the Constantinian Building//QDAP 6 (1938), p. 63–66; Vincent H. Bethléem le sanctuaire de la Nativité d’après les fouilles recentes//RB 45 (1936), p. 551–74, 46 (1937), p. 93–121; Bagatti B. Gli antichi edifici sacri di Betlemme. Jerusalem, 1951. 147 Magen Y. The Church of Mary Theotokos on Mt. Gerizim//Ancient Churches Revealed/Ed. Y. Tsafrir. Jerusalem, 1993, p. 83–89. 148 Holum K. G. The Temple Platform: Progress Report on the Excavations//K. G. Holum, A. Raban and J. Patrich (eds.), Caesarea Papers 2 (Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplement 35), p. 13–34. 149 Corbo V. C. Cafamao, I. Jerusalem, 1975, p. 59–111; Idem. The House of Saint Peter at Capharnaum. Jerusalem, 1972; Idem. The Church of the House of St. Peter at Capernaum//Ancient Churches Revealed, p. 71–76. 150 Avner R. Jerusalem, Mar Elias – The Kathisma Church//Excavations and Surveys in Israel, 20 (2000), p. 101–103. 151 See the drawing of the Vienna Ms. 458 in: Meehan D. Adamnan’s De Locis Sanctis. Dublin, 1958 (frontispiece). 152 Theophanes. Chronographia. A. M. 5920/Ed. De Boor, I, Leipzig 1883, p. 86–87; on the translation of the relics to and within Jerusalem and the building of the church of St. Stephen see: Lagrange M. J. Saint Etienne et son sanctuaire à Jérusalem. Paris, 1894; Vincent, Abel. JN, p. 43–104. 153 Holum K. G., Vikan G. The Trier Ivory, Adventus Ceremonial, and the Relics of St. Stephen//DOP 33 (1979), p. 113–133; Idem. Theodosian Empresses – Woman and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1982, p. 103–109. |
| B., 1976; Pohlmann K.-F. Studien zum Jeremiabuch: Ein Beitr. zur Frage nach der Entstehung des Jeremiabuches. Gött., 1978; Bogaert P. M. Le Livre de Jérémie. Leuven, 1981. P. 145-167; Ittmann N. Die Konfessionen Jeremias: Ihre Bedeutung für die Verkündigung des Propheten. Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1981; Ahuis F. Der klagende Gerichtsprophet: Stud. zur Klage in der Überlfg. von den alttestamentlichen Gerichtspropheten. Stuttg., 1982; Blenkinsopp J. A History of Prophecy in Israel. Phil., 1983; Amsler S. Les Actes des Prophètes. Geneva, 1985; Hayward R. Jewish Traditions in Jerome " s Commentary on Jeremiah and the Targum of Jeremiah//Proc. of the Irish Bibl. Assoc. Phil., 1985. Vol. 9. P. 100-120; Soderlund S. The Greek Text of Jeremiah: A Revised Hypothesis. Sheffield, 1985; Carroll R. Jeremiah: A Comment. Minneapolis; L., 1986; Holladay W. L. Jeremiah 1: A Comment. on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chap. 1-25. Phil., 1986; idem. Jeremiah 2: A Comment. on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chap. 26-52. Minneapolis, 1989; McKane W. A Critical and Exegetical Comment. on Jeremiah. Edinb., 1986-1996. 2 vol.; Rusche H. Zum «jeremianischen» Hintergrund der Korintherbriefe//BiblZschr. 1987. Bd. 31. N 1. S. 116-119; Smith M. S. Jeremiah IX 9: A Divine Lament//VT. 1987. Vol. 37. N 1. P. 97-99; idem. The Laments of Jeremiah and their Contexts. Atlanta, 1990; The Targum of Jeremiah/Transl. R. Hayward. Wilmington, 1987; Clements R. E. Jeremiah. Atlanta, 1988; Diamond A. R. P. Jeremiah " s Confessions in the LXX and MT: A Witness to Developing Canonical Function?//VT. 1990. Vol. 40. N 1. P. 33-50; Craigie P. C., Kelley P. H., Drinkard J. F. Jeremiah 1-25. Dallas (Tex.), 1991; Stipp H.-J. Jeremia im Parteienstreit: Stud. z. Textentwicklung von Jer 26, 36-43 und 45 als Beitr. zur Geschichte Jeremias, seines Buches und judäischer Parteien im 6. Jh. Fr./M., 1992; Vieweger D. Die literarischen Beziehungen zwischen den Büchern Jeremia und Ezechiel. Fr./M., 1993; Dassmann E. Jeremia//RAC. 1994. |
| Archive Patriarch Kirill expresses support for the Primate of the Ethiopian Church due to the latest developments in Ethiopia 10 February 2023 year 11:50 His Holiness Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia has sent a letter of support to His Holiness Patriarch Abune Mathias of of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church in connection with the latest tragic events in Ethiopia as a group of schismatics attempted to carry out a schism in Ethiopia. Bellow is the full text of the message from the Primate of the Russian Orthodox Church. HIS HOLINESS ABUNE MATHIAS, PATRIARCH AND CATHOLICOS OF ETHIOPIA Your Holiness, beloved brother in Christ, On behalf of the Russian Orthodox Church I address you with these words of sincere compassion at the time of new ordeals that have befallen our friend – the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. My heart aches as I hear the news of the hardships the Ethiopian Christians are enduring, in these trying circumstances remaining faithful to their Church and despite the oppression maintaining the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace (Eph 4:3). The strength in spirit that your suffering flock shows serves as a proof that Christian faith is living and strong in the Ethiopian land. I believe that the fortitude of the confessors who defy earthly fear for the sake of the kingdom of God, and his righteousness (Mt 6:33) will set an example for future generations. The Russian Orthodox Church has always taken to heart the afflictions that befell your people. Now, at this difficult moment, I express my brotherly support to Your Holiness, the archpastors, pastors and all faithful children of the Ethiopian Church. We resolutely condemn any actions aimed at causing a schism in the Church and invariably support our Ethiopian brothers. I wish to Your Holiness good health and plentiful help from God Almighty in your Primatial ministry, and I wish unity in faith and longevity to your flock. It is my hope that the Lord will show mercy on the Christians of Ethiopia and, in accord with the words of St David the Psalmist, will bless his people with peace (Ps 29:11). |
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