| 8104 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 25A; see considerably more documentation in Keener, Matthew, 542–45, on Matt 23:7–11. 8113 T. Sanh. 7:8; b. Hor. 13b, bar; p. Sanh. 1:2, §13; Ta c an. 4:2, §§8–9. This widespread practice of rank probably also prevailed in first-century Pharisaic circles (e.g., Bowker, Pharisees, 35). 8114 E.g., Plutarch T.T. 1.2.3, Mor. 616E; Xenophon Cyr. 8.4.3–5; Luke 14:7–11; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §§9, 12; Ter. 8:7. 8115 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; among the deities, see Homer II. 1.535; see further Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 117, and sources cited there (including Suetonius Aug. 44). In Jewish sources, see Gen 43:33 ; t. Sanh. 8:1; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §12; b. Hor. 13b, bar. 8116 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; Valerius Maximus 4.5.ext.2; Plutarch Cicero 13.2; 1QS 2.19–23; lQSa 2.11–17; p. Ketub. 12:3, §6; Roš Haš. 2:6, §9; cf. m. " Abot 5:15; on the order in speaking out, cf. 1Cor 14:29–30 ; Josephus War 2.132; 1QS 6.9–10. 8120 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 25; Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.10; Aristotle Po1. 2.7.5, 1272a; Diodorus Siculus 21.18.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.15.1. Roman society also demanded giving way to onés elder (Cato Col1. dist. 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.47.1). 8121 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Anf. 3.47 (applied to the sages in Sipra Qed. pq. 7.204.3.1; p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Hor. 3:5, §3; Lev. Rab. 11:8). Prominent local leaders tended to be those who were aged, as both literary texts (Josephus Life 266; Let. Arts. 32:39; Acts 14:23) and inscriptions (CI) 1:294, §378; 1:426, §581; 1:432, §595; 1:433, §597; 2:9, §739; 2:45, §790; 2:46, §792; 2:53, §801; 2:76–77, §828a; 2:77, §828b; 2:79, §829; 2:137, §931; cf. CI] hlxxxvi-lxxxvii) testify, as does the LXX (e.g., Josh 24:1; Judg 8:14, 16; 11:5–11; 21:16 ; Ruth 4:2–11; 2 Chr 34:29; Jer 26:17 ; Jdt 6:16; 7:23–24; 13:12; 1Macc 1:26; 7:33; 11:23; 12:35; 13:36; 14:20,28; 2Macc 13:13; 14:37). 8126 E.g., b. c Abod. Zar. 20b; Sotah 4b-5a. Lincoln, Ephesians, 236, cites Qumran texts extolling gentleness or meekness (1QS 2.24; 3.8; 5.3, 25; 11.1). |
| 6324 Slaughter by relatives, as in Mark 13:12 ; Matt 10:21, indicated an especially awful time (Diodorus Siculus 17.13.6; see n. 21). Those converted to radical philosophies such as Cynicism (Alciphron Farmers 38 [Euthydicus to Philiscus], 3.40, par. 1) or Essenism (4Q477 2 2.8, if its sense resembles that in 2.6) might reject earthly families; even Stoics and Pythagoreans recognized a higher allegiance (Musonius Rufus 16, p. 102.14–16, 21–31; Iamblichus V.P. 35.257). But some pagans criticized Jesus» stance toward his family (Apocrit. 2.7–12). 6325 For appointing relatives, see, e.g., Xenophon Hel1. 3.4.29; 1 Chr 2:16; 27(though cf. 1 Chr 11:6); Neh 7:2. 6326 Safrai, «Education,» 965. 6327 E.g., Sophocles E1. 1493–1494; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.78.3; Livy 3.36.2; see comment on 3:2. Although rabbis treated some subjects as esoteric, Smith, Parallels, 155, cites Sipre Deut. 13:7: heretics speak secretly, but the Law is taught openly. 6328 E.g., Musonius Rums frg. 9 in Meeks, Moral World, 49; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.32.2; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.69; Publilius Syrus 10; Plutarch Praising 6, Mor. 54ID; Menander Rhetor 2.3, 386.9; 2.10, 416.24–25; Philodemus Frank Criticism frg. 1; among Cynics, see Vaage, «Barking.» 6329 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 11.9.1; Plutarch Aemilius Paulus 11.3; Flatterer 1–37, Mor. 48E-74E; Philodemus Frank Criticism Tab. 1.2. Historians (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.6.5), philosophers (Epictetus Diarr. 1.9.20; 1.12; 4.6.33; 4.7.24; Diogenes Laertius 6.1.4; 6.2.51; 6.5.92; Marcus Aurelius 1.16.4), and moralists (Isocrates Demon. 30; Cicero Amtc. 25.94–26.99; Off. 1.26.91; Horace Ep. 1.16.25–39; Juvenal Sat. 3.86–87; 4.65–72; Babrius 77; Phaedrus 1.13.1–2; 3.16.16–18; 4.13; Athenaeus Deipn. 6.236e), including Jewish writers (Wis 14:17; Josephus Life 367; Ps.-Phoc. 91; 1 Thess 2:5) regularly warned against flattery. 6330 Plutarch Profit by Enemies 6, Mor. 89B; Flatterer 17–37, Mor. 59A-74E; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.36.48. 6331 Lysander 5 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 190F; cf. Prov 27:6 . |
| Recognizing that the level of threat was no longer that of mob violence (8:59; 10:31, 39) but premeditated and planned violence (11:53), Jesus stopped the «public» ministry he had begun in 7:4–14 (11:54; see comment on παρρησα in 7:4). 7739 God would protect Jesus until his hour (7:30; 8:20), but Jesus would also cooperate with his Father " s plan to do so. In 11Jesus continued to «remain» (cf. 10:40; 11:6; 12:24) in the wilderness (cf. the new exodus theme in 1:23; 3:14; 6:39,49), again no longer walking in Judean territory because of his enemies (as in 7:1). Some think that «Ephraim» (11:54) was in Samaritan territory, hence that Jesus took refuge there with his friends from Samaria (4:40). 7740 This is possible, though probably only the former Palestinian Jewish Christians in the community would understand the geographical allusion. 7741 That Jesus withdrew from «the Judeans» to find refuge in «Ephraim,» often a name for the northern kingdom in the biblical prophets (especially Hosea), may have struck more of them. That «the Jewish festival of Passover was near» (11:55) recalls the earlier Passovers in the Gospel, announced in almost identical words (2:13; 6:4). Both previous Passovers in the story became occasions for severe conflict (2:15–19; 6:66), and the earlier Gospel tradition reserves the paschal announcement for the passion week ( Mark 14:1,12 ; Matt 26:18). Most significantly, however, the reader knows from previous depictions of feasts that Jesus goes to Jerusalem for such feasts (e.g., 2:13; 5:1; 7:2, 10; 10:22); unless Jesus goes secretly (7:10), he is about to return to the place where Judeans have been wishing to kill him (5:18; 7:1; 8:59; 10:31; 11:8,53). Even if one approached the Gospel unaware of the passion tradition (and most of John " s original audience would not), one would recognize that, barring divine intervention (7:30; 8:20), his «hour» was soon at hand (12:23, 27; 13:1). Many went to Jerusalem early to «purify themselves» before the festival (11:55; cf. 2:6; 3:25). Like other pilgrims, they probably joked and made merry on the way. 7742 But Diaspora Jews in particular would want to arrive early to purify themselves ritually; many could do it nowhere else (cf. Acts 21:24, 26; 24:18). 7743 Many, especially those with corpse impurity, would need to arrive at least a week early. 7744 Jesus needed no further purification (cf. 10:36), but nevertheless is near Jerusalem several days before the festival (12:1). |
| 4499 Cf. Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.16; 20.11 (τ γρ σο και μν); Martial Epigr. 1.76.11–12; cf. Olsson, Structure, 36. 4503 Cf. Whitacre, Polemic, 84–85, who rightly regards Jesus» response here as a cryptic saying that tests his mother, fitting the misunderstanding motif of this Gospe1. Ancients could follow the story line: Coriolanus acceded to his mother " s request, knowing full well it would cost him his life (Plutarch Cor. 34.2; 36.4). 4504 «Beginning» may also suggest a new creation (cf. 1:1–2; 8:44; Gen 1:1 ; Wis 14:13; cf. the differently worded predestinarian concept in Tob 6:17), but the language is natural enough for the beginning of a particular period in question (e.g., Gen 10:10 ; Sir 51:20 ; £ Ab. 15:14A; 4:13B). That period may also be salvifically significant, referring to the beginning of God " s work among his people (Pss. So1. 8:31–32; 17:30). 4505 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 68, following Giblin, «Suggestion,» citing 2:1–14; 4:46–5:1,18; 7:2–10; 11:1–8 (though the conflict does not stem from the compliance in every instance). 4506 On the last, cf. Matthew " s manner of describing healings taking place «that very hour» (Matt 8:13; 9:22; 15:28; 17:18; cf. Luke 7:21; Acts 16:18; 22:13); no less frequent chronological markers in comparable works may suggest that John " s are intended primarily literally rather than symbolically. 4508 Brown, John, 1:99, on the basis of John " s uses of οπω. Salvoni, «Hour,» 240, reads οπω as «nevertheless.» 4509 Cullmann, Time, 44; Salvoni, «Hour,» 237–38; Braun, Jean, 17; Feuillet, Studies, 31 (some including his subsequent exaltation). Holwerda, Spirit, 7 n. 16, does not think Jesus» death is in view in this use of «hour»; Derrett, Law, 242–43, thinks that the «appropriate» time, i.e., when guests are too drunk to notice the miracle, is what is meant. 4513 Cf. Judas Maccabeus in 1Macc 9:10, «if our time (καιρς) has come, let us also die in a manly way for the sake of our brothers» (my trans.) 4514 E.g., Homer/. 15.612–614; 16.441; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.6; Appian C.W. 2.16.116; Silius Italicus 3.134–135. This includes the specific language of «time» (Virgil Aen. 10.503; 11.470; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 69.6) and «day» (Euripides Ale. 24–27, 105, 147; Virgil Aen. 12.150; Phaedrus 4.11.8; Appian C.W. 2.21.149; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 29). It also could apply to the «hour» of marriage in a marital context (Catullus 62.30); could its application to time of a miracle (Eunapius Lives 549, in Boring et a1., Commentary, 250; cf. also Philostratus Hrk. 3.2, 5 in Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xxvii-xxix) derive from the present story? |
| Зависть . Taken from Faber, Dominica 3 Post Pentecosten, No. 3 «Murmurationes dissuadentur», sect. 1 «Murmur contra proximos ... 2 ex invidia»: «Ad instar catellorum, qui cum vident aliquid cibi dari canibus aliis, mox oblatrant quasi indigne ferant: sic murmurabant operarii illi, quod paterfamilias parem dedisset mercedem iis, qui una tantum hora laboraverant [see Matt. 20.1–16].» Зависть 2. Taken from Faber, Dominica 6 Post Pascha, No. 5 «Mali cur bonos oderint, et cur veritatem», sect. 1 «Bonos mali oderunt: ... 4 ob invidiam». 11. 3–6 cf Faber: «Vidit Cain Abelis sacrificia Deo placuisse, utpote caelesti igne absumpta, sua vero minime, Gen. 4 Hinc odium in fratrem.» 11. 7–10 cf Faber: «Vidit Esau benedictionem patris fratri esse impensam sibique surreptam, hinc песет ei machinabatur, Gen. 27 11. 11–14 cf Faber: «Viderunt filii Iacob, quod frater eorum Ioseph a patre plus cunctis filiis amaretur, idcirco eum oderant nec poterant ei quidquam pacifice loqui, Gen. 37 11. 15–20 cf Faber: «Viderunt Aegyptii se ab exteris Hebraeis sobole numerosa, pulchra, robusta, solerti aliisque animi et corporis dotibus instructa superari, ideo oderant et affligebant eos, Exodi 11. 21–26 cf Faber: «Viderunt Iudaei, Scribae et Pharisaei miracula, quae faciebant Apostoli, dona Spiritus Sancti in eos infusa, populum eis adhaerentem et addictum; ideo dissecabantur cordibus et fremebant in eos, caedebant, occidebant.» 11. 27–30 cf Faber: «Vident mundani viros pios, virtuosos, religiosos coli et amari a principibus et Episcopis, et praeferri sibi; inde oderunt illos.» The image of the owl is not taken from this passage in Faber. Зависть 3 – 20. All these poems occur consecutively in A, fols. 251v–252v; although immediately preceded and followed by poems inspired by Faber, Dominica 1 Post Pascha, Nos. 1–4, this cycle does not appear to have the same source. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 12, 24 published in Bylinin; No. 8 published in Anthony Hippisley, The Poetic Style of Simeon Polotsk y, Birmingham, 1985, p. 44. |
| 3533 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7 (citing 1 Chr 13LXX; m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8); Bowman, Gospel, 69–98, esp. 69–77. «The Name» appears as a title for Christ in Jewish Christian theology (Daniélou, Theology, 147–63; on 150 he finds this even as early as the NT: John 12with 17:5; Jas 2:7; 5:14). 3535 Isa 29:23; Ezek 39:7 ; 1 En. 9:4; Sipra Emor par. 11.234.2.3; b. Pesah. 53b; Šabb. 89b; p. Sanh. 3:5, §2; Num. Rab. 15:12; prayer on Samaritan bill of divorce (Bowman, Documents, 328); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:101–5; the «sacred letters» in Let. Aris. 98; cf. b. Šabb. 115b, bar.; Pesiq. Rab. 22:7; engraved on Israel " s weapons, Song Rab. 5:7, §1; 8:5, §1. One may also compare Matt. 6and its sources in the Kaddish and the third benediction of the Amidah (the latter is called «the sanctification of the name,» m. Roš Haš. 4:5); eschatological sanctification of the Name in Ezek 28:22; 36:23; 38:23; 39:7 ; and see comment on John 17:6, 17, 19 , below. 3536 E.g., Sir 23:9 ; Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sib. Or. 3.17–19 (probably pre-Christian); 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Ecc1. Rab. 3:11, §3; cf. Lev. 24:11,16 ; b. Sanh. 60a, bar.; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69 (for alleged exceptions in the temple service, see m. Sotah 7:6; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2; Marmorstein, Names, 39; Urbach, Sages, 1:127; cf. Lemaire, «Scepter»); among the Samaritans, see Jeremias, Theology, 10 n. 1. The Qumran sectarians often wrote the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew letters (probably to show it special honor, but cf. Siegal, «Characters,» comparing the rabbinic teaching), as did early Greek OT manuscripts (see Howard, «Tetragram»). 3538 E.g., Pr. Jos. 9–12; Lad. Jac. 2:18; Incant. Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69:6–7 (Isbell, Bowls, 150); CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; T. So1. 18:15–16 (the Solomonic tradition recurs in b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 11:3); Smith, Magician, 69; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13; examples in Deissmann, Studies, 321–36; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Knox, Gentiles, 41–42. Cf. the namés power in Pesiq. Rab. 21:7; Urbach, Sages, 1:124–34; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 269; in Jewish mystical experience, see Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. Name invocation was common practice (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29; Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376; Koester, Introduction, 1:380). |
| 6785 As noted by Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24; see likewise Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137. Cf. returning the charges in other handbooks: Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442b.6–9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.6; Hermogenes Issues 39.1–5. 6786 E.g., Xenophon Hel1. 2.3.37. 6787 Thus Cicero Mur. 29.60, dealing softly with Marcus Cato. 6788 E.g., Horace Carm. 4.6. 6789 Dodd, «L " arrière-plan»; idem, More Studies, 46–47; cf. Dozeman, «Sperma» Dodd, More Studies, 41–42, heavily emphasizes the Abraham material here. Contrast Robinson, «Destination,» 123–24 n.1. 6790 For such sarcasm in the face of hostility, see, e.g., Silius Italicus 11.254–255; Matt 23:32; perhaps 1 Kgs 22:15. 6791 Thus Jesus employs parody (see Stibbe, Gospel 118; cf. Rev 13:3, 18; 17:8). Some later philosophers also spoke of hearing and speaking God " s message as if in his presence (Porphyry Marc. 15.258–259, though for him this means undistracted by bodily desires). 6792 See, e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 107; Cicero Pis. 2.3; Verr. 2.2.1.1–2; Agr. 24.63–64; Cat. 1.6.14; perhaps Acts 24:19. 6793 E.g., Rom 4:1 ; Sipre Deut. 311.1.1; 313.1.3; " Abot R. Nat. 23, §46B; 36, §94; b. Ber. 6b; Ned. 32a. Those not his descendants also could greet him with the honorary title «father» (T. Ab. 2:3A; 9:4B); in some sense he was father of the whole world (t. Ber. 1on Gen 17:5 ). Cf. «our fathers» in 6:31. 6794 E.g., Gal 3:7; 4 Macc 6:17, 22; 18:1. Later teachers even emphasized God " s special pre-creation forethought for the patriarchs (Gen. Rab. 1:4, citing Hos 9:10 ). 6795 Many Tannaim probably even denied the use of the phrase to proselytes (m. Bik. 1:4–5; Cohen, «Fathers»). 6796 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 42.5.2 triumphantly reads the stones in that passage as Gentile Christians. 6797 Schnackenburg, John, 2:210. 6798 E.g., Mek. Pisha 16.165–168 (other opinions in 16.169–172); p. Ta c an. 1:1, §8; Gen. Rab. 55:8; 74:12; 76(Jacob " s merit); 84and 87(Joseph " s merit); Exod. Rab. 2:4; 15:10; 23:5; Lev. Rab. 34:8, bar; Num. Rab. 13:20; Song Rab. 4:4, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10(in prayer); see further Moore, Judaism, 1:537. Some Tannaim suggested they could have used more merit (Sipre Deut. 2.1.1–4); some Amoraim attributed the exodus to the merit of, or faith in, Moses (Exod. Rab. 15:3; 16:1), to righteous acts (Exod. Rab. 1:28; Lev. Rab. 28:4; Num. Rab. 20:22), to the merits of Israelite women (Exod. Rab. 1:12; Num. Rab. 3:6, bar.), or to various factors, including patriarchal merits (Deut. Rab. 2:23). |
| The soteriology of both reflects that of early Christianity in general, but they have special nuances in common, some overlapping more with those found in other early Christian sources than others do. Jesus loves his own (Rev 1:5,3:9; John 13:1,34,15:9–10 ), holds believers» fate in his hands (Rev 1and passim; John 10:28–29 ), and declares who are genuinely his people (Rev 3:7–8; John 10 ). Jesus» death and resurrection have cosmic significance (Rev 1:18; 2:8; cf. 3:1; John 12:31; 16:11; 17:4–5 ). Jesus» blood frees his followers (Rev 1:5; 5:9; 12:11), and cleanses them (Rev 7:14, cf. 22:14; 1 John 1:7 ), and is related to a river of life ( John 19:34 ; cf. Rev 22:1). Both have references to piercing dependent on the same Zechariah testimonium (Rev 1:7; John 19:37 ). Both include the vision of God through Jesus (Rev 22:4; John 1:18; 1 John 3:6 ), although Revelation retains the apocalyptic orientation of divine vision from Judaism. The apparent elect may apostatize ( John 6:70 ; Dan in Rev 7:4–8), 1093 wrath is emphasized (Rev 6:16–17; 11:18; 14:10, 15–16; 19:15; John 3:36 ), 1094 and «death» has a spiritual orientation (Rev 2:11, 20:14; 1 John 3:14, 5:16–17 ). 1095 Both apparently transform Jesus» cross into a throne (Rev 5, 22:1; John 12:32–33; 19:2–3,15,19 ). Both works emphasize that salvation (and damnation) are available to all nations (Rev 5:9–10; 7vs. 13:7; 14:6; κσμος in John, esp. 4:42). «Repentance» (Rev 2:5; etc.) is not found in John, but appears in early Christian literature most commonly in conjunction with future eschatology (e.g., Matt 3:2; 4:17), 1096 and John implies it by other terms (his faith and decision dualisms). 1097 They also exhibit parallels in Christology. 1098 Jesus is Lord of history but subordinate to the Father. He is the beginning and the end (Rev 1:17; 2:8; 3:14; 22:13; cf. 1:8; 4vs. 17:8; John 1:1–18 ); this identifies him as deity (Isa 44:6; Rev 1:8; 21:6). He may be the Son of Man of Dan 7 (Rev 1:13, but cf. 14:14), as often in John (esp. 5:27). As in John, Revelation " s Jesus is the divine Son of God (Rev 2:18, although this may strike especially at the imperial cult). 1099 His name is significant (e.g., Rev 2:3, 3:8, 12). Jesus has a supernatural knowledge of the human heart (Rev 2:2, 9, 13, 19; 3:3, 8, 15, especially with ργα; John 2:24–25; 6:15, 64 ), searching the minds and hearts (Rev 2:23; John 2:25 ). Jesus is explicitly called creator only in the Gospel, but there acts as the agent of the Father (1:3), which does not conflict with Revelation (4:11; cf. 3:14). |
| 10383 E.g., Hodges, «Tomb.» 10384 E.g.,Dibelius, Jesus, 139. 10385 Sanders, Figure, 280. 10386 E.g., Boyd, Sage, 277–78. 10387 Arrian Alex. 4.14.3. 10388 Ancient sources more often than not left women unnamed (see Ilan, «Distribution»), but Mary is abundantly dcoumented in the resurrection traditions ( Mark 16:1 ; Matt 28:1; Luke 24:10). 10389 See Aune, «Problem,» 48. 10390 See Boring et a1., Commentary, 151. 10391 One supposed divine apparition turned out to be a conjured ghost of a gladiator (one of low class; Eunapius Lives 473). Likewise, although the biblical tradition reported only apparitions of angels in dreams, both pagan (e.g., Homer 17. 23.65, 83–85; Euripides Hec. 30–34,703–706; Virgil Aen. I. 353–354; 2.268–297, 772–794; 4.351–352; 5.721–723; Ovid Metam. 11.586–588, 635, 650–673; Apuleius Metam. 8.8; 9.31; Plutarch Bravery of Women, Mor. 252F) and Jewish ( " Abot R. Nat. 40A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:23; p. Hag. 2:2 , §5; Ketub. 12:3, §7; Sanh. 6:6, §2; cf. Acts Paul 11.6) dreams often included apparitions of deceased persons. 10392 In Talbert, Gospel, 41; cf. Plutarch Camillus 33.7. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, cites Romulus " s apotheosis appearance to Proculus Julius in Livy 1.16.2–8; Plutarch Romulus 28; Numa 11. 3; Ovid Fasti 2.500–509 and notes that Justin 1 Apo1. 21 made an apologetic comparison between Jesus» resurrection appearances and pagan understanding of imperial apotheosis. 10393 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 320. 10394 Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 193. 10395 He visits both Hades and the world of the living (Philostratus Hrk. 11.7) but visits his wife only in Hades (11.8). Others returned from Hades without immortality (e.g., Antonius Diogenes Thule 109ab). 10396 See Bowersock, Fiction as History, 108–13; even his mid-first-century parallel does not indicate a bodily resurrection (it may simply mean «a brief tryst with his wife,» 112, as in earlier sources; see Petronius Sat. 129.1). 10397 Lucan C. W. 6.667–775; cf. Antonius Diogenes Thule 11 Ob. Resuscitation stories are common (see our introduction to John 11 ), but most simply claim apparent deaths (Bowersock, Fiction as History, 99–100, 104–8; more convincing are OT parallels), which often invite suspense on behalf of characters with whom readers have begun to identify; see, e.g., Xenophon Eph. 3.5–7; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 25–26; Iamblichus Bab. St. 3–6 (Photius Bibliotheca 94.74b-75a). |
| The idea that a prophet was unwelcome in his own land fits a variety of sayings about philosophers 5667 and prophets 5668 already circulating in this period. Jewish tradition long emphasized that Israel had rejected and persecuted its prophets, amplifying the biblical foundation for this tradition ( Jer 26:11, 23; 1 Kgs 18:4; 19:10; 2 Chr 36:15–16; Neh 9:26). 5669 The basic saying appears in all four gospels (Matt 13:57; Mark 6:4 ; Luke 4:24), but John " s version (4:44) may be the «closest to the original» form. 5670 By dishonoring Jesus, God " s agent, they were dishonoring God himself (5:23; cf. 8:49); by contrast, those who served Jesus would receive honor from God (12:26; cf. 12:43). Jesus meanwhile would receive glory from the Father, whereas his accusers sought glory only from each other (5:41,44). 2. A Galilean Aristocrat Learns Faith (4:46–54) This pericope is linked with the preceding narrative both geographically (Samaria and Galilee as opposed to Judea) and in terms of their unorthodox respondents to Jesus. 5671 The Samaritans received Jesus» ministry (4:4–42); here Galileans sought Jesus for miracles. Jesus» deliberate return to Galilee (4:43–45) leads to another mention of «Cana of Galilee,» with a conscious reference to Jesus» first miracle there (4:46; cf. 2:1–11). Every reference to Cana in this Gospel explicitly adds its connection with Galilee (2:1, 11; 4:46; 21:2); this could be to distinguish it from some other «Cana» elsewhere, but because its mention in 2comes so quickly after 2:1, when the reader would not need a reminder, it may be intended to draw attention to its representative Galilean character. 5672 A geographical inclusio mentioning Galilee explicitly brackets the entire unit (4:43, 54). 5673 The connection with the «first» Cana miracle suggests a comparison of the two stories. 5674 In the first story Jesus» mother is the suppliant and responds to Jesus» rebuke by refusing to take no for an answer (2:3–5); in this passage the royal official acts in the same manner (4:48–50). 5675 In both cases Jesus works a sign but invites those entreating him to a level of faith higher than signs-faith. Presumably Jesus» mother surmounts his rebuke based on confidence in Jesus whereas this story includes a greater element of desperation, but on the formal level they share the same insistence that refuses to be deterred. Indeed, this man offers initial faith without a sign, in contrast to Nicodemus (2:23; 3:2) and the Samaritan woman (4:18–19). The link with the first Cana miracle, a secret miracle which is tightly connected with the temple dispute which follows it (2:13–23), may also help the reader of the second Cana miracle to anticipate the bitter public debates about to come (5:16–18). Jesus» rebuff challenges not only the man but the broader constituency of mere signs-faith that he represents (in 4the «you» is plural). 5676 |
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