7852 Riley, Fruits, 29, notes that an embryo is already growing in the wheat seed as it falls; usually after two days in moist soil, it breaks through the seed coating. 7853 Barrett, John, 423, suggests that though the article is generic, it might allude to Christ as the specific grain; but this grammatical explanation is not likely. 7857 Cf. 1 En. 108:10; 2 Bar. 51:15–16; m. «Abot 4:17; »Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B; b. Tamid 32a; Lev. Rab. 3:1; Deut. Rab. 11:10; Ecc1. Rab. 4:6, §1; Daube, Judaism, 137. Boring et a1., Commentary, 106, suggest that the summons of the analogous Matt 16resembles the typical prebattle speech of generals: risking life in battle more often than not yields its preservation (Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13). 7860 E.g., the oath to Augustus and his descendants, 3 B.C.E., in IGRR 3.137; OGIS 532; ILS 8781 (Sherk, Empire, 31); or to Gaius, 37 C.E., in CIL 2.172; ILS 190 (Sherk, Empire, 78). 7862 Xenophon Anab. 3.2.39; also Boring et al, Commentary, 106, citing Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13 (seventh century C.E.) and Ps.-Menander. See Publilius Syrus 242. 7863 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.212; 1.191; 2.218–219,233–235. Sanders, Judaism, 239, cites Josephus War 2.169–174; Ant. 15.248; 18.262; Ag. Ap. 2.227–228; Philo Embassy 192; cf. Dio Cassius 66.6.3. 7865 On the two ways in ancient literature, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; Plutarch Demosthenes 26.5; Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1 ; 4Q473 frg. 1 (developing Deut 11:26–28 ; probably also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 1–4); m. «Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Ecc1. Rab. 1:14, §1; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Deut. Rab. 4–3;SongRab. 1:9, §2; Matt 7:13–14; Luke 13:24; Did. 1.1–6.2; Barn. 18.1–21.9; cf. the two roads after death in Virgil Aen. 6.540–543; Cicero Tusc. 1.30.72; 4 Ezra 7:3–16, 60–61; 8:1–3; T. Ab. 11:2–11A; 8:4–16B; »Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Ber. 28b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; Gen. Rab. 100:2. 7866 Coulot, «Quelqúun,» provides arguments that 12probably stems from Jesus. On serving as following, persevering, and discipleship here, see Cachia, «Servant.»

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9490 Beasley-Murray, John, 302. 9491 Ibid., 307. 9492 Pamment, «17:20–23.» Contrast the oneness (unum) of Stoic writers, who tended toward pantheism (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.52). 9493 Cf. Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 100. 9494 See esp. Epp, «Wisdom,» 144. 9495 The Father " s love for the Son before the «foundation of the world» (17:24) is equivalent to «in the beginning» (1:1–2; cf. 9:32; καταβολ in Matt 13:35; Luke 11:50; Heb 4:3; 9:26; it often appears in the NT in predestinarian contexts, such as Rev 13:8; 17:8; Matt 25:34; Eph 1:4 ; 1Pet 1:20 ); they shared glory before the world began (17:5). 9496 Sipre Deut. 97.2 , on Deut 14:2 . 9497 With Beck, Paradigm, 132 (following Kurz, «Disciple,» 102), which he rightly takes (pp. 133–36) as evidence for reader identification with the beloved disciple. 9498 This refers to the experience of the Spirit, not merely to heaven after death (pace, e.g., Witherington, Wisdom, 271). 9499 Even Glasson " s moderately worded connection with Moses» préexistent mission in As. Mos. 1(Moses, 77; cf. Bernard, John, 2:580, based on a few words) is too far from the mark; the preexistence here is divine (Barrett, John, 514), the sort of préexistent glory attributed to Wisdom and Torah (see comment on 1:1–2). 9500 The long discourse of chs. 13–17 concludes with a note that Jesus had «said these things» (18:1), a familiar way for a narrator to close a discourse (Jub. 32:20; 50:13; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 66.26; Acts 20:36; it becomes standard in Matthew–7:28; 11:1; 13:53; 19:1; 26:1; cf. Keener, Matthew, 256). 9501 Cf. 1 En. 90(«Lord of righteousness,» which could be rendered «righteous Lord»). This was appropriate for a ruler (cf. Prov 20:28; 25:5 ); cf. the address to Ptolemy (βασιλε δκαιε) in Let. Arts. 46. 9502 See Painter, John, 61. Cf. Isa 1:27; 56:1; 58:8; 1QS 10.11; 11.2, 5, 9, 12–14; 1QH 4.29–32, 36–37; Przybylski, Righteousness, 37–38; in the LXX and elsewhere, see Stendahl, Paul, 31; Dahl, Paul, 99; Piper, Justification, 90–96; in the rabbis, e.g., Gen. Rab. 33:1; Ruth Rab. proem 1.

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Synagogues functioned as judicial assemblies even in the Diaspora; Roman laws usually permitted them to exercise internal discipline over their own communities. In many rabbinic texts, the OT image of God " s angelic court is developed and applied either to angels or to sages in heaven, and it is possible that this image was in wide enough circulation by the end of the first century for readers of the Fourth Gospel to have caught an allusion to it. But here the verdict of the earthly courts is contrasted with that of the heavenly court, in contrast to usual rabbinic teaching (cf. also Matt 16:19, 18:15–20); typical Johannine irony makes the accusers of Jesus and his community the ones really on trial before God. (An ancient Mediterranean audience may not have found such irony foreign; for example, a king might unwittingly condemn a deity, only to learn in the end that it is he himself who would suffer.) 9160 The Paraclete, who defends the disciples brought before worldly courts (cf. Mark 13:11 ; Matt 10:19–20), is also the one who will charge the world with its sins (16:8–11). 9161 3C. Prophetic Witness Prophets in the OT also functioned as witnesses to God " s righteousness, particularly when they declared his covenant lawsuits against Israe1. Lukan pneumatology (which emphasizes the Spirit of prophecy more than that of any other extant early Christian writer) also connects prophetic empowerment to declare the risen Christ with Lukés witness motif (Acts 1:8; 2:32–33; 4:33; 5:32), although Luke probably limits the immediate use of «witness» to eyewitnesses more strictly than John does. 9162 Thus the Paraclete not only continues the presence of Jesus in a general way and expounds Jesus» teachings but also enables the believers to boldly testify for Jesus, recognizing that it is the world, and not the believers, that is really on trial before God. 9163 This image naturally leads to the next Paraclete passage, in which the Spirit acts as prosecutor ( John 16:8–11 ). The disciples who would bear witness in this passage were those with him from «the beginning» (15:27), undoubtedly the beginning of his ministry (2:11; 8:25; 16:4; cf. 6:64; Acts 1:21–22; Phil 4:15 ), 9164 perhaps intended to evoke the era of the new creation (cf. 1:1–2; 8:44; 9:32; 17:24; 1 John 1:1; 2:13–14; 3:8 ). 9165 But for the Johannine community, perhaps all believers could count their first experience of the gospel analogously (1 John 2:24; 3:11; 2 John 6 ). 4. Coming Persecution (16:1–4)

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7267 Alciphron Farmers 16 (Pithacnion to Eustachys), 3.19, par. 1–2; this remains common today in some African towns where I have stayed. Either the robber or the homeowner might be bound (Xenophon Anab. 6.1.8; Matt 12:29); a homeowner could kill a thief if he came at night or armed (Cicero Mi1. 3.9; Exod 22:2; Eshnunna 13; cf. Eshnunna 12). 7273 Phaedrus 4.23.16; 2Cor 11:26 ; m. Ber. 1:3; b. c Abod. Zar. 25b; Ber. lia; B. Qam. 116b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6; Gen. Rab. 75:3; Exod. Rab. 30:24; cf. sources in Friedländer, Life, 1:294–96; Hock, Context, 78 n. 19; Tannaitic sources in Goodman, State, 55. In ancient romances, robbers also carried off young women (Achilles Tatius 2.16.2; 2.18.5; 3.9.3). 7275 E.g., Horace Ep. 1.2.32–33; Apuleius Metam. 8.17; 1 Esd 4:23–24; Sib. Or. 3.380; Josephus Ant. 14.159–160,415,421; 20.5,113,124; Life 105; Treat. Shem 6:1; 7:20; b. Sanh. 108a; Lev. Rab. 9:8. The poor may have been less frequent targets (Dio Chrysostom Or. 7, Euboean Discourse, §§9–10). 7278 MacMullen, Relations, 2, and many sources cited in his notes; he compares the dogs with those outside many contemporary Anatolian villages, «able to tear a man in pieces.» They often targeted wolves (Longus 1.21), but dogs could prove faithful to their masters (Appian R.H. 11.10.64; Sei. Pap. 3:460–63 in 3 B.C.E.; Xenophon Mem. 2.3.9; Plutarch Themistocles 10.6; p. Ter. 8:7; cf. some tamed in Xenophon Eph. 4.6; 5.2; one surprisingly tame in Philostratus Hrk. 2.2). 7280 E.g., Aristophanes Wasps 952; Virgil Georg. 3.406–408; Phaedrus 3.15.1; Babrius 93.3–11; Plutarch Demosthenes 23.4; Valerius Flaccus 1.158–159. 7282 Against the masses (κλπτοα και λωποδτοα, Epictetus Diatr. 1.18.3, though he thinks them just misled; cf. ληστς in 1.18.5) or those who think they control the body (Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.28). 7283 Cicero Phi1. 2.25.62 (rapinas); technically it was the duty of governors to suppress robbers (Plutarch Cicero 36.4). 7284 The exception might be a use for someone deceptive and cunning (Xenophon Cyr. 1.6.27), which could be positive toward onés enemies (1.6.28). That Jesus is a «good thief» here (Derrett, «Shepherd»; cf. Matt 24:43) is highly unlikely; that the lack of identification of Jesus with the thief would make the parable early (Robinson, Studies, 72, who wrongly makes the tradition of Rev 3:3; 16late) is likewise unlikely.

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4165 Not exalted (as for Moses in Tg. Ps.-J. to Deut 9:19 ). John translates both «Rabbi» and «Rabboni» on their first appearances in the Gospel, but it may be noteworthy that these also constitute the first and last appearances of the «Rabb-» title, which occurs nine times in the Gospel, always for Jesus or (once, 3:26) for John. Tilborg, Ephesus, 99–100, provides information on the office of «teacher» in Ephesus, but it would have been widespread. 4167 Some purist stylists objected to including foreign words in their works; see, e.g., [Virgil] Cata1. 7. 4170 Jewish texts especially speak of «following after» God (rather than onés own desires); see Helfmeyer, «Gott.» 4171 See, e.g., Wis 1:1; Jub. 1:15; 21:2; Matt 6:33; in the DSS, e.g., 1QS 1.1–2; 5:9,11; CD 1.10; 6.6; 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 1, lines 8–12; 4Q416 frg. 2 (with 4Q417 in Wise, Scrolls, 384–85), co1. 3, lines 12–14; cf. Garcia de la Fuente, «Bûsqueda»; «seekers of smooth things,» negatively, 4QpNah. 2.2, 4; 3.3. For Wisdom, e.g., Sir 51:13–14,21 ; Wis 8:2; the law, Sir 35:15 ; for seeking out a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1; on the application to study of Torah, see CD 6.7, and esp. Culpepper, School, 291–99, with John 5:39; 7 (pp. 298–99). On seeking and «finding» (cf. John 1:41,45 ) God, cf. Wis 1:2; Jub. 1:15; Matt 7:7; a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1. 4172 Stibbe, Gospel, 1, finds an inclusio between 1and 20:15. For this as Johannine discipleship language, see Collins, Written, 52, 94–127. 4173 For reticence in responding, as in Luke 24:28–29, see, e.g., Bailey, Peasant Eyes, 108. One might protest that another of higher status has no time (Ovid Metam. 5.333–334) and await their assurance to the contrary before proceeding (5.335–336). A teacher might converse in a low-key manner to arouse the hearers» interest to learn more (e.g., Philostratus Hrk. 1.1–5.6). 4174 See Liefeld, «Preacher,» 223, noting Dio Chrysostom as an exception due to his exile. Most of Socrates» students wished to be with him as much as possible (Xenophon Mem. 4.1.1; 4.2.40). Musonius Rufus advocated this approach (11, p. 84.9–14; cf. 6, p. 52.7).

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7345 The Jerusalemite Pharisees Jesus addresses (9:40–10:4), and the probably urban first recipients of the Gospel (cf. Rev 1:4,11), may have thought instead of the more common literary images of flocks (cf., e.g., Keener, Matthew, 452); perhaps Jerusalemites thought of temple flocks (see some commentators on Luke 2:8). 7351 Ovid Metam. 14.778; Statius Achilleid 1.704–708. So also thieves (Catullus 62.34–35; Lewis, Life, 123; Matt 24:43). 7353 Babrius 132.1–4 (presumably the danger of being trapped inside with dogs and shepherds functioned as a deterrent). 7355 Hegesippus claimed that James the Lord " s brother called Jesus θρα (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 2.23.12–19); if this tradition is independent, it supports the antiquity of the christological title (see Carson, John, 389). Augustine rightly links 10:7–9 with 14and contends that Jesus is the only way to salvation (Tr. Ev. Jo. 47.3.3). 7358 The opportunity for suicide (Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.20; 1.25.21; 2.1.19; 3.8.6); other opportunity (Plutarch Reply to Colotes 3, Mor. 1108D; cf. 1QS 11.9); dreams of closed doors were inauspicious (Chariton 1.12.5). 7361 With, e.g., Bruns, «Shepherd,» 388; too quickly dismissed by Bernard, John, 2:355. Tg. Neof. on Deut 33suggests that Moses would also go forth before his people, leading them in the future world. But the image applied to any shepherd/leader (1 Kgs 22:17; 2 Chr 18:16). 7362 Bailey, «Shepherd Poems,» 7, focuses on the village homés court and thinks animals would have to be led out to pasture even in winter. 7363 Cf. Jesus» present leading in 16:13; future (as a shepherd) in Rev 7:17. In Aeschylus Eumenides 91, Apollo promises that Hermes will guide Orestes safely, like a shepherd (ποιμανων). 7371 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 110. Winter approaches as Jesus speaks these words in the story world (7:2; cf. 10:22–23), but this would probably exercise little influence on how John " s audience imagines the pasturing. 7374 Longus 3.3 (addressing Lesbos, farther north, but relevant in the Judean hills; shepherds and goatherds generally remained in the hills–Babrius 91.2; Matt 18:12); cf. Babrius 45.2–3.

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4399 If anything, the primary link, as in 7:37–39, is with Sukkoth and an emphasis on the Spirit «dwelling» among believers. 4405 Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 79; Estate of Ciron 9, 20. On wedding customs, see Keener, «Marriage,» 685–86; wedding feasts, e.g., in Xenophon Eph. 1.8; 3.5; Philostratus Hrk. 54.8; Matt 22:2; Rev 19:9. 4406 ÓRourke, «Law,» 181. But even in Roman weddings the mother decked the bride out, and the bride separated her toys for childhood deities (Friedländer, Life, 1:234); such frugality as Lucan C.W. 2.352–353 recounts is exceptiona1. Roman weddings were also joyous celebrations (Appian R.H. 3.4.7). 4410         " Abot R. Nat. 4 A; 8, §22 B; cf. also b. Ketub. 17a, in Safrai, «Home,» 758, and Urbach, Sages, 1:608. 4414 Even Romans would honor one who placed the demands of religious rituals above affection for onés family, though this may be because of their emphasis on duty to the state (Valerius Maximus 1.1.10; cf. Deut 13:6–10 ). 4416 E.g., t. Ber. 2:10; 4Q545 line 6; Brown, John, 1:97–98, cites Judg 14:12 ; Tob 11:19. Feasting during the night of the wedding itself may have been the most significant; cf. Eickelman, Middle East, 174, on traditional Middle Eastern weddings (Catullus 61.112, 192–193, insists that Roman weddings must be consummated on the first day). 4417 Safrai, «Home,» 760, citing especially t. Ber. 2:10, which emphasizes the participation of the shoshbinin (see on John 3:29 ) and the participating guests, the «sons of the wedding-canopy» (bene chuppah). Thus Haenchen, John, 1:174, is mistaken in denying that anyone would know the wine was different on the assumption that all guests were coming and going. 4419 E.g., Chariton 3.2.10; Menander Rhetor 2.6, 404.17 (perhaps hyperbolically); cf. Matt 22:3–10; Luke 14:21; Diodorus Siculus 16.91.4; 16.92.1; stele in Sherk, Empire, 33. 4420 E.g., the splendid and costly wedding of Josephus Ant. 13.18–21 (marred by a massacre); Phaedrus 1.6.1. For wedding invitations, see, e.g., P.Oxy. 1487; cf. similarly invitations to other banquets, P.Oxy. 112; 1214; 1485; 2147. An ideal banquet setting might prefer nine or less people (Aulus Gellius 13.11.2–3), but this was irrelevant for weddings.

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In illud Exiit qui seminat (Luc., VIII, 5), 771–6. In secundum adventum Christi, 775–8. In paralyticum (Joan., V, 51), 777–82 (­ Amphitochii). In parabolam do drachma (Luc, XV, 11), 781–4. De scientia et de presbytero, 783–6. In parabolam villici iniquitalis (Luc, XVI), 785–8. De jejunio, 787–90. In filium Viduæ, 789–94. Contra Judæos (in serpentem æneum), 793–802. 62 (XI). De sacrificiis Caini et de fato, 719–22. In S. Parasceven et in Passionem Domini, 721–4. In Publicanum et nharisæum, 723–8. In ingressum jejuniorum, 727–8. In Assumptionem Christi, 727–30. De jejunio, 731–32. De jejunio, 731–38. De oratione, 73.7–40. In illud Ignem veni (Luc., XII, 49), 739–42. Admonitione? Spirituales, 741–4. In principium jejuniorum, 745–8. In adorationem crucis, 747–54. In resurrectionem Christi, 753–6. In parabolam Samaritani, 755–8. De jejunio, 757–60. De jejunio et de Davide, 759–64. In Annuntiatio tem Deiparæ, 763–70. De eleemosyna, 769–70. De caritate 769–72. In Lazarum 1–3, 771–6, 775–8, 777–80. 63 (XII). In illud In principio erat Verbum (Joan., 1, 1), 543–50. De mansuetudine, 519–56. In novam Dominicam et in apost. Thomam, 927–30, In S. Stephanum, 1–3. 929–32; 931–4, 933–4. In S. Pentecosten, 933–8. De patientia et consummatione sæculi, 937–42. Encomium S. Gregorii Illuminatoris, 943–54. 64 (XIII). De jejunio et prophetis, 15–16. De jejunio et Davide, 17–18. De non contemnenda Dei clementia, 17–18. De hemorrhoissa, 17–20. De mari (Luc., VIII, 22), 19–22. De similitudine sinapis (Matt., XIII, 31), 21–26. In illud Si qua nova creatura (2 Cor., V, 17), 25–34. In illud Hic esi Filius (Matt., XVII, 5), 33–8. De virginitate, 37–44. De cognitione Dei in S. Theophania, 13–46. In Assumptionem D.-N. J.-C.. 45–48. In stagnum Genesaret et in S. Petrum, 47–52. JOANNES CINNAMUS, s. XII, 133. Historiarum libri, 1–7, 309–678. Tollii præfatio, 299–304. Du Cange. Præfatio,299–304; de Cinnamo, 305–8. Du Cange. Appendix ad Cinnamum . Tabulæ seu stemmata, 679–94. Du Cange. Descriptio urbis CP., ex Christophoro de Bondelmontibus, cum notis Du Cange, 695–708.

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10495 See Boring et a1., Commentary, 162–63; Robbins, Jesus, 192. 10496 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 41. 10497 Many scholars think that tomb robberies were common enough to warrant the fear (Kysar, John, 296; Beasley-Murray, John, 371); cf. Iamblichus Bab. St. 7 (Photius Bibliotheca 94.75a). Many tomb inscriptions threatened curses on tomb violators (Jeffers, World, 45); Cyrus " s tomb reportedly bore the warning not to rob it, for it held little wealth (Plutarch Alex. 69.2). For the sanctity of tombs, see, e.g., Seneca Controv. 4.4 excerpts, introduction; Diodorus Siculus 17.17.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.24.6; 11.10.1; Appian R.H. 8.12.89; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.58. 10498 Cf. also Xenophon Eph. 3.8–9; perhaps Apol1. Κ. Tyre 32 (though cf. 44). 10499 Stauffer, Jesus, 144–45, who suspects the question also stands behind John 20 (where it is not clear), points out that the theory continued to circulate in later times (Justin Dia1. 108; Tertullian Spec. 30). 10500 Lewis, Life, 96. 10501 E.g., Apollonius of Rhodes 4.51–53; Lucan C.W. 6.538–568, 626; Ovid Her. 6.90; see especially the tale of Telephron in Apuleius Metam. 2.30; in other cultures, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 261. 10502 PGM 1.248–249; 2.49–50; 4.342–343, 1390–1395, 1402–1403, 2211–2217; 57.5–6; 58.5–9; 67.21; 101.1–3; these ghosts were more malevolent (Plutarch Cimon 1.6; 6.5–6). If Jesus» enemies considered him a magician (Matt 12:24), some Jewish leaders may have even anticipated the theft of the body as in Matt 27:64. In less severe cases, tombs generally settled for divine threats against robbers (e.g., IG 3.1417, in Grant, Religions, 9). Both tying rope from a cross (Pliny Nat. 28.11.46) and iron pounded through the hands (Lucan C.W. 6.547) were used in witchcraft (as a superstitious cure in m. Šabb. 6:10; p. Šabb. 6:9, §2). 10503 Grave robbing was not only impious (e.g., Plutarch Mor. 173B) but a capital offense (e.g., SEG 8.13, in Sherk, Empire, 52, §27). 10504 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 40. On Matthew " s guards, see Keener, Matthew, 696–97, 713–15.

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7285         Tg. Neof. on Gen 6:11, 13 later interpreted a major part of the violence that merited God " s anger as robbery. Rhet. Alex. 1,1422b.5–8, portrays deceivers as «thieves» (κλπτας) of understanding. 7288 Cullmann, State, 22; Wood, «Interpreting,» 266. Shepherd, «Jews,» 100 applies it against both false christs and false teachers in genera1. 7290 Hunter, John, 102; Mary, «Shepherd,» 2660. Bruns, «Shepherd,» 387, applies it to the temple priesthood, wrongly citing the Hanukkah story before 10:22; Stauffer, Jesus, 93–94, wrongly applies the false-shepherds image to Pilate (also the wolf, 99). Bowman, Gospel, 199–200, applies it to Moses and to the rabbis who abused him; Valentinians applied to OT prophets (Hippolytus Haer. 6.30). 7291 Odeberg, Gospel, 328; Quasten, «Shepherd,» 12,153,159–60; Jeremias, Parables, 167; Barrett, John, 367. Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 45.11.4 recontextualizes the image for false teachers leading people into heresy. 7292 With Jeremias, Parables, 133; Matt 18:12; Luke 15:4. Three hundred was large (t. B. Qam. 6:20); cf. eighty in P.Hib. 33.16 (245 B.C.E.); 12 in P.Oxy. 245 (26 C.E.); a poor widow had one sheep (Babrius 51.1). 7293 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.10.1 (which also appeals to the named ones» desire for personal recognition). 7294 Longus 4.26.4 (a novel), in Hock, «Novel,» 139. For calling sheep by name, Watkins, John, 232, cites Idyll 5.102–103; Bailey, «Shepherd Poems,» 10, attests that some modern shepherds in the region name their sheep whereas others do not but that shepherds can always distinguish their sheep individually. 7295 Jeremias, Parables, 215 n. 37, following Dalman, Arbeit, 6:250–51. Brown, John, 1notes that Palestinian shepherds apparently often have «pet names for their favorite» sheep, such as «Long-ears» or «White-nose.» Haenchen, John, 2:46, doubts that sheep would each have their own names in a large flock; but in Palestine an average-sized flock was only about a hundred (Matt 18:12; Luke 15:4; Jeremias, Parables, 133), as noted above.

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