| 205 Mary Ann Donovan, One Right Reading? A Guide to Irenaeus (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1997), 14. 207 Justin was no doubt aware of the martyrdom of Poly carp which had recently taken place in Smyrna. The ancient account of Justin’s trial before the prefect Q. Junius Rusticus may be read in Herbert Musurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, Oxford Early Christian Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), 43 – 7 (Recension A). 208 Robert Grant, Greek Apologists of the Second Century (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1988), 138. 209 Including Martin Hengel, Die johanneische Frage. Ein Losungsversuch, with a contribution on the Apocalypse by Jorg Frey, WUNT 67 (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993), 28, n. 48. 210 See the translation ofH. Chadwick, Origen: Contra Celsum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), ‘some believers... alter the original text of the gospel three or four or several times over, and they change its character to enable them to deny difficulties in face of criticism’. 211 Bendey Layton, The Gnostic Scriptures: A New Translation with Annotations and Introductions (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 250. 212 Harold W. Attridge, ‘The Gospel of Truth as an Exoteric Text’, in C. W. Hedrick and R. Hodgson, jun. (eds.), Nag Hammadi, Gnosticism, and Early Christianity (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1986), 229 – 55, at 239 – 40. 213 The seminal study is W. C. van Unnik, ‘The “Gospel of Truth” and the New Testament’, in F. L. Cross (ed.), The Jung Codex (London: A. R. Mowbray, 1955), 79 – 129. Writing thirty years later, Attridge, ‘Exoteric’, 242, agrees. He finds evidence of the author’s knowledge of Matt. 5.48 at Gospel of Truth 1.3.27, 24 – 5; Matt. 11.25 at 19.25; Mark 14.24 at 20.15 – 16; Luke 2.46 – 9 at 19.19 – 20; John 3.19 at 3.24 – 5; John 10.3 – 4 at 21.33 – 4, 22.21 – 2; John 11.37 at 30.15 – 16. It also seems to know some letters of Paul, Hebrews, 1 John, and Revelation. 214 See Jacquelin A. Williams, Biblical Interpretation in the Gnostic Gospel of Truth from Nag Hammadi, SBL Dissertation Series 79 (Adanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1988), 177 – 8. |
| 3871 Some commentators have suggested that the Gospel tradition originally derived the citation from the Baptist " s own usage, derived in turn from his sense of mission. 3872 That John actually applied the text to himself is reasonable in view of his Synoptic pronouncements concerning the one whose way he prepared (Matt 3:3; Mark 1:3 ; Luke 3:4–6); it seems unlikely that he would not have contemplated his own mission in scriptural terms. Although extant evidence is insufficient to prove or disprove that John uttered the words attributed to him in 1:23, the text was in use in his environment; its application by another wilderness community to its own mission 3873 could have commended it to the Baptist as more appropriate to his own. If John knew Qumran, he may have felt the text applied better to his ministry because he was less fully separatistic than they; 3874 they used the text to justify total seclusion from the rest of Israe1. 3875 The wilderness was central in Israel " s history (e.g., Hos 2:14 ; ] En. 89:28; Song Rab. 3:6, §1); other Jewish people also applied Isa 40 to salvation. 3876 Many Jewish people awaiting the new exodus in the wilderness 3877 were open not only to renewal movements 3878 but to prophets (e.g., Acts 21:38) 3879 and messiahs (e.g., Matt 24:26) 3880 appearing in the wilderness, and it was appropriate for the Baptist to read theological significance into his requisite exile from population centers. 3881 (Although Mark may emphasize the Baptist " s wilderness existence to prefigure Jesus 3882 and to emphasize the fulfillment of Isa 40:3, 3883 this element of John s ministry was undoubtedly historical–he could have safely drawn crowds there as long as he did nowhere else, 3884 and it afforded him the only place for public baptisms not sanctioned by establishment leaders. 3885 Further, Marks «wilderness of the Jordan» presupposes a tradition familiar with Palestinian topography.) 3886 For the author, a new exodus background may be significant, for it is in an exodus context that his Gospel most frequently mentions the «wilderness» (3:14; 6:31, 49; not clear in 11:54); such an allusion probably would have been intelligible to his audience (Rev 12:6). |
| 7 St Maximus the Confessor, Myst., 2:24 PG 91 669C–672A. All the Fathers, whether Alexandrian, Cappadocian, Antiochian, Persian, Russian or Latin, whether deliberately nor not, understood Christology to be the heart of the Christian doctrine. To illustrate: they recognized two basic Scriptural senses: the historical or literal sense, and the “mystical” or spiritual sense. The latter, sometimes called, allegory (cf. Gal.4:24 ), has several levels of understanding – moral, typological, etc. “For with one and the same word it (the Scriptures), as St Pope Gregory Dialogist tells us, “at once narrates a fact and sets forth a mystery” – quia uno eodemque sermone dum narrat textum, prodit mysterium (Mora. XX, I PL 76 135C). Cf. St Peter Chrysoslogus, sensus in littera latet, occultatur divinum in humano sermone mysterium (Serm. CXXXII PL 52 561B). The Parables of the Lord are allegorical. He disclosed The mysteries of the Kingdom of heaven” (Matt. 13:11; Mark 4:11 ; Luke 8:10), but spoken so that the unbeliever “seeing may not see, and hearing may not hear” (Matt. 13:13). Moreover, the two senses are joined – as the two Natures of Christ – each with a purpose, the historical sense leading to the spiritual or mystical sense. 8 Among the Christian Fathers and ecclesiastical writers, none have written more about pagan anti-types than St Justin Martyr (Apologies, Dialogue with Trypho the Jew). Origen (Contra Celsum), Clement of Alexandria (Stromata). Likewise, consult J. Pelikan, Jesus Through the Centuries: His Place in the History of Culture. New Haven, 1985, pp. 34–45; H. Rahner, Greek Myths and Christian Mystery. trans. by R. Lattimore. New York, 1967, chaps. 1–3; and F. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Literature. Munich, 1987, 529–538. 9 A word of caution: the word “initiated” may have an occult ring; in fact, the Fathers apply it to any male or female baptized into Christ. They have been “initiated” into the mysterion revealed by the Incarnation. All members of the Church, all the Faithful, the initiated (μυστικα), are “mystics.” All her “theology,” all her actions are “mystical” (μσται): the visible hides an invisible power or grace. The raison d " etre of “mysticism” is union with God, union by grace. Christ, not Origen, not Augustine, not even St Gregory of Nyssa and St Dionysius the Areopagite, is the founder of Christian mysticism. |
| 7581 Haenchen, John, 2:58, cites the «narrow, stone-strewn paths» in much of Palestine, apart from Roman roads. Having depended heavily on flashlights for traversing such paths in the dark in rural Nigeria, I can testify to the difficulties where lighting was unavailable. 7582 Outsiders to the community naturally walked in darkness, i.e., did evil (1QS 4.11). Tannaim could apply an expression such as «The fool walks in darkness» ( Eccl 2:14 ) to the theologically foolish, e.g., those who did not consistently agree with one of the Pharisaic schools (f. c Ed. 2:3). 7584 Brown, John, 1:423. Ancients debated whether light entered or came from the eye (cf. Aristotle On Sense and Sensible Objects 2, 438ab; Aulus Gellius 5:16; Diogenes Laertius 9.7.44; Plutarch T.T. 1.8.4, Mor. 626C; Jos. Men. 6:6/3; cf. Allison, «Eye»; perhaps Matt 6:22–23). 7585 See Bernard, John, 2:378. Nevertheless, the claim that Lazarus was merely nearly dead (Bretherton, «Lazarus») violates the story line (11:39) and its theology (11:25). 7587 Where it is one of the most frequent expressions: CIJ 1:8, §3; 1:12, §17; 1:17–19, §§16–20; 1:21, §24; 1:26, §35; 1:28, §37; 1:31, §44; 1:34, §50; 1:37, §55; 1:39, §§62–63; 1:41, §69; 1:56, §81; 1:59, §85; 1:60, §86; 1:62, §88; 1:63, §90; 1:65, §92; 1:66, §93; 1:67, §95; 1:70, §99; 1:71, §100; 1:72, §102; 1:73, §103; 1:74, §105; 1:75, §106; 1:76, §109; 1:78, §111; 1:81, §117; 1:84, §121; 1:90, §129; 1:92, §131; 1:92,§132; 1:95,§136; 1:96, §137; 1:97, §138; 1:102,§144; 1:103,§145; 1:104,§146; 1:105, §147; 1:107, §149; 1:109, §151; 1:110, §152; 1:111, §154; 1:113, §§156–157; 1:114, §159; 1:118–19, §167; 1:121–22, §169; 1:121, §171; 1:124, §172; 1:130, §180; 1:131, §§184–185; 1:135, §192; 1:195, §277; 1:202, §286. 7588 CIJ 1:144–45, §206; 1:149, §210; 1:150, §212; 1:160, §224; 1:162, §228; 1:187–88, §265; 1:338, §458; 1:473, §658; 1:473, §659 (with Hebrew also); 1:473, §660. But some Latin inscriptions have this stereotypical phrase in Greek (CIJ 1:163, §229; 1:166, §222; 1:338, §459; 1:342–43, §464; 1:384, §523). |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 2:11: signs lead to disciples» faith 2:23: signs produce faith of untrustworthy people 4:48: Jesus complains about those who require signs for faith 6:30: crowds demand a sign before faith, although they have already received signs 7:31: many members of the crowds believed Jesus because of his signs 11:47–48: people are believing because of Jesus» signs 12:37: the crowds refused to believe despite Jesus» signs (though even some rulers did believe secretly–12:42) One should also factor in texts which link Jesus» «works» with faith: 10:25: they refuse to believe despite Jesus» works 10:37–38: they should at least believe his works 14:10–11: believe on account of the Father " s works done by Jesus 14:12: those who believe will replicate the same kind of works 2411 Various texts are clear that God provided Jesus» signs or works to produce faith (10:37–38; 11:15, 42; 13:19; 14:10–11, 29; cf. 6:40); texts that indicate the obduracy of those disbelieving despite signs (10:25; 12:37) or despite encountering Jesus himself (6:36,64; 8:46) also fall into this category. Faith as a result of signs is not bad (1:50; 2:11, 22; 10:41–42; 11:45; 12:11; 16:30; 17:21; 20:8), but it must proceed to discipleship (8:30–31; 9:35–38), and is by itself inadequate (2:23–24; 3:2–3; 4:48; 9:18). Demands for signs usually presuppose unbelief (6:30; 7:4–5) or inadequate faith (20:25); often faith must precede signs (4:48,50; 11:40). (The inadequacy of «signs-faith» also appears in the Synoptic tradition: Mark 8:11–12; 15:32 ; Matt 12:38–39; 16:1–4; Luke 11:16, 29.) The ultimate basis of faith is the Spirit-inspired witness to the truth (1:7; 4:39, 41–42; 5:38, 46–47; 15:26–27; 19:35). Saving faith (e.g., 1:12; 3:15–16, 18, 36; 5:24; 6:35, 40, 47; 7:38–39; 8:24; 11:25–27; 12:36, 46; 16:27) normally goes beyond this. It is persevering faith (6:67–69; 8:30–31, 45; 16:30–33), and suggests integrity of heart–and perhaps an initial stage of faith–as a prerequisite (1:47; 3:19–21; 5:38, 44; 10:26; 12:38–43). One passage explicitly distinguishes two levels of faith (4:50, 53) even though the second only implies discipleship. Likewise, though unbelief in general is the essence of sin (16:9), narratives seem to imply that some levels of unbelief may produce greater measures of hostility than others, when such hostility becomes the only way to maintain the unbelief of others (12:9–11 ). The connection between faith and signs is a theme that climaxes, appropriately, in the climax of the Gospel: blessed are those who believe without seeing (20:29), such as the audience which believes on the basis of the apostolic witness (20:31). God ultimately demands a commitment tht runs deeper than mere acceptance of what should be obvious. (See more detailed discussion of «faith» in ch. 7 of the introduction.) 5D. Signs-Faith as a Biblical Allusion |
| 7638 Tears often moved authorities to action (e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Sest. 11.26; Caesar Gallic W. 1.20). On male authorities being particularly moved by women " s pleas in the ancient Mediterranean world, see Luke 18:2–5; 2Sam 14:1–21; 20:16–22; 1 Kgs 1:11–16; 2:17; Matt 20:20; P.Sakaon 36; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511; perhaps Valerius Maximus 8.3; comment on 2:4. 7640 «Come and see» is a familiar invitation formula (see comment on 1:39) but, apart from Johannine style, probably bears no other relation to 1:39, 46 and 4:29. 7642 Jesus presumably weeps in 11because he «shares the sadness of his friends and their neighbors» (Smith, John 225). By ancient Mediterranean standards, mere tears were hardly wildly demonstrative (Virgil Aen. 11.148–150; cf. especially women, e.g., Homer Il. 18.30–31; Aeschylus Cho. 22–31, 423–428). Jewish mourners did not, however, participate in the more masochistic mourning rites of their pagan neighbors (e.g., Deut 14:1 ). 7643 Malina, Windows, 24–25, citing Plutarch Caesar 5.2; 11.3; 41.1; 48.2; Cicero 47.2; Acts 20:37; Lightfoot, Gospel, 229, cites Juvenal Sat. 15.132–133. Cf. also 2 Kgs 8:11–12; Homer I1. 1.348–349, 413; Od. 4.113–119; 16.190–191; 23.231–232; Sophocles Ajax 819–820; Philostratus Hrk. 45.6. Note amplification in Josephus " s hellenized accounts: Moses» prayer with tears for God " s vindication against Korah (Josephus Ant. 4.51); David " s prayers with tears during Absalom " s revolt (Josephus Ant. 7.203; 2Sam 15:23, 30 ). 7644 E.g., Livy 1.26.12; 23.8.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.10.1; for rhetoric, see, e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Mi1. 38.105; Rosc. Amer. 9.24; Rab.post. 17.47; Gae1. 24.60; Sest. 11.26; Seneca Controv. 4.pref.6; Menander Rhetor 2.13, 423.30; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.19.512; 2.1.561; 2.5.574; 2.9.582; 2.10.586; Acts 20:19. Narrators used tears to stir pathos (e.g., Xenophon Eph. 1.11); Polybius 2.56.7 complains about historians who sensationalize with tragic scenes of women " s tears invented to arouse pathos; John may deliberately evoke pathos here. |
| 8296 E.g., 1Pet. 5:5 ; t. Meg. 3:24; c Abod. Zar. 1:19; 4 Bar. 5:20; Ps.-Phoc. 220–222; Syr. Men. 11–14, 76–93 (but cf. 170–172); Homer II. 1.259; 23.616–623; Aulus Gellius 2.15; Diodorus Siculus 1.1.4; 2.58.6; Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.22–23. 8300 Among philosophers, cf. Epicurus (Culpepper, School, 107, cites Lucretius Nat. 3.9); Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.82; Nock, Christianity, 30. 8302 E.g., Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.490; 1.25.536, 537; Iamblichus V.P. 35.250; 2 Kgs 2:12; 4 Bar. 2:4, 6, 8; 5:5; t. Sanh. 7:9; Matt 23:9; cf. Gen. Rab. 12(Simeon b. Yohai of the sages of Beth Hillel and Shammai); for Christian usage from the second to fifth centuries, see Hall, Scripture, 50. 8303 E.g., Ahiqar 96 (saying 14A); Sir 2:1 ; Did. 5.2; 1 John 2:1; cf. Babrius pro1.2; Babrius 18.15. This included astronomical and other revelatory wisdom (1 En. 79[esp. MS B]; 81:5; 82:1–2; 83:1; 85:2; 91:3–4; 92:1). 8304 E.g., Jub. 21:21; Tob 4:3,4, 5,12; 1Macc 2:50, 64; 1 En. 92:1; T. Job 1:6; 5:1; 6:1; T. Jud. 17:1; T. Reu. 1:3; T. Naph. 4:1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6. 8305 E.g., m. B. Mesía 2:11; Ker. 6:9; Sipre Deut. 32.5.12; p. Hag. 2:1, §10; among Gentiles, Theon Progymn. 3. 93–97. 8307 Malina, Windows, 55. One may compare the frequent topic of unity in Greek speeches (e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.53.1; Livy 24.22.17). Some characterized loving one another (φιλλληλους) as more naturally a rural phenomenon that could include sharing resources (Alciphron Farmers 29 [Comarchides to Euchaetes], 3.73, par. 2). 8308 Though Segovia, Relationships, 179, is correct that the Gospel, unlike 1 John, is involved in polemic with the synagogue rather than «intra-church.» 8309 «Commandment(s)» appears frequently in the Johannine Epistles (1 John 2:3–4, 7–8; 3:22–24; 4:21; 5:2–3; 2 John 4–6 ; cf. also Rev 12:17; 14:12); the commandment specifically concerns love (1 John 3:23; 4:21) and accurate faith (1 John 3:23). 8310 It was new in the sense of realized eschatology (1 John 2:8). The Johannine Epistles may employ «from the beginning» meaning «from the beginning of the gospel tradition,» however (1 John 2:24; 3:11; 2 John 6 ), perhaps as a double entendre with the beginning of creation (1 John 1:1; 2:13–14; 3:8). |
| Portas ergo reserari iussit.» 11. 11–16 cf Faber: «Ingressi autem hostes recta urbem pertransierunt, nihil hostiliter molientes, imo quasi neminem oppidanorum videntes. Sur. torn. 4.» Смирение 4 . Taken from Faber, Dominica 10 Post Pentecosten, No. 4 «De variis orandi ritibus», sect. 5 «Cur prostrato corpore oremus»: «Si enim Leo, generosum animal, prostratis parcit, speramus etiam Deum nobis reconciliandum, cum prostrati ipsum oramus, ut qui iam non pugnare volumus. sed gratiam imploramus.» Published in I.P. Eremin, «Poêtieskij stil» Simeona Polockogo,» TODRL, VI (1948), p. 131. Смирение 5 . Taken from Faber, ibid., sect. 6 «Cur inclinemus caput»: «Inclinamus caput, et incurvamus corpus, oculosque in terram demittimus, uti Publicanus in hodierno Evangelio [viz. Luke 18.9–14], aliique... Rem terrenam [inquit Caesarius Episcopus Arelat. ho. 30.] ab homine terreno quaerimus, et prope usque ad terram nos humiliter inclinam us: et a Deo rem issionem peccatorum et aetemam requiem inquirentes, ne capita nostra inclinare dignamur. " ’ Смирение 6 . Taken from Faber, ibid., No. 9 «Documenta [on the Gospel for the day, viz. Luke 18. 9–14]», sect. 1 «A Christo disce:... 3. primos saepe fieri Ultimos et contra»: «Bonus initio fuit Pharisaeus, cum bona opera fecit, sed quando ea per superbiam collutulavit, malus effectus est. Vicissim malus initio fuit Publicanus. cum mala patravit, sed quando ea per poenitentiam et humilitatem delevit, bonus tandem evasit. Recte ergo Optatus Milevit. 1. 2. adversus Donatistas ait: Meliora sunt peccata cum humilitate, quam innocentia cum superbia.» Смирение 7 . Taken from Faber, Dominica 4 Post Pentecosten, No. 10 «Mysteria [on the Gospel for the day, viz. Luke 5 .1–11]», sect. 6 «Cur ait Petrus: Exi ame Domine». 11. 1–10 cf Faber: «Quare Petrus ait: Exi a me, Domine? Respondetur, id dixisse ex humilitate, considerata Christi Domini potentia et magnitudine, sui ipsius vero vilitate et indignitate; se enim utpote peccatorem et vilem homuncionem indignum reputabat, qui Christum in navi sua haberet, tarn sibi praesentem... Nam hoc ipso, quo te humilias et indignum iudicas tanta Christi familiaritate, dignus ea efficeris, et Christus se ad te libentius demittit, qui non modo non exiit a Petro, id postulante, sed potius eum bono animo esse iussit, et socium sibi individuum assumpsit.» 11. 11–12 cf Faber: «B. Virgo nominabat se ancillam Domini, et Dominus earn elegit in matrem.» 11. 13–16 cf Faber: «Ioannes Baptista indignum se dicebat, qui solveret ei corrigiam calceamentorum; et Dominus elegit eum in suum Baptistam.» II. 17–20 cf Faber: «Indignum se reputabat publicanus, qui in penitiora templi intraret et oculos ad caelum attolleret, et Dominus praetulit eum Pharisaeo.» The reference in 11. 21–4 to the centurion (cf Matt. 8.8) appears to be Simeon " s own addition. |
| 2645 As in Did. 7.1–3; Odes So1. 23:22. Various analyses recognize Matthew " s emphasis here on Jesus» centrality and authority (e.g., Meier, Matthew, 371; Brooks, «Design»; Schaberg, Father, 336–37 [emphasizing Jesus as the supreme teacher, not the Trinity]; Parkhurst, «Reconsidered» [connecting Jesus» words here with the worship of 28:17]). On the possible antiquity of the tradition, see Albright and Mann, Matthew, 362. 2646 For the connection among Matt 1:23; 18:20; and 28:20, see Kingsbury, Structure, 69; Ellis, Matthew, 28; Gundry, Matthew, 597. 2647 Matthew " s formula echoes the Jewish formula in later recorded in m. «Abot 3:2,6; Mek. Bah. 11.48–51 (Lauterbach 2:287); other texts also emphasized God " s presence among his people (e.g., Mek. Pisha 14.87,100–101, Lauterbach 1:113–14). God was commonly called «the Omnipresent» (t. Sotah 3–4 has it roughly twenty-four times; cf. also m. »Abot 2:9,13; 3:14; t. Péah 1:4; 3:8; Šabb. 7:22, 25; 13:5; Roš Haš. 1:18; Ta c an. 2:13; B. Qam. 7:7; Sanh. 1:2; 13:1,6; 14:3,10; Sipra VDDen.pq. 2.2.4.2; pq. 4.6.4.1; Sav M.D. par. 98.7.7; Sh. M.D. 99.1.4, 5, 7; 99.2.2, 3; 99.3.9, 11; 99.5.13; Qed. Par. 1.195.2.3; pq. 7.204.1.4; Emor pq. 9.227.2.5; Behuq. pq. 5.266.1.1; 8.269.1.3; Sipre Num. 11.2.3; 11.3.1; 42.1.2; 42.2.3; 76.2.2; 78.1.1; 78.5.1; 80.1.1; 82.3.1; 84.1.1; 84.5.1; 85.3.1; 85.4.1; 85.5.1; and other references listed in Keener, Marries, 150 n. 27). See, e.g., Smith, Parallels, 152. 2648 For Matthean Christology, see esp. Kingsbury, Structure. 2649 See further Benoit, Jesus, 1:47–70, who argues at length for Jesus» deity in the Synoptics. 2650 See Gospel of the Ebionites frg. 6 (Epiphanius Haer. 30.16.4–5 in NT Apocrypha, ed. Hennecke, 1:158); Daniélou, Theology, 67 (the Elkasites), 117 (the image discontinued in the fourth century because of Arian use). Philo regarded God " s angel as the Logos (Names 87; Dreams 1.239). 2651 The parallelism is ascending rather than synonymous; for this comparative figurative use of angels, see 1Sam 29:9 ; 2Sam 14:17, 20; 19:27 ; Zech 12:8; perhaps Gal 1 (contrast Longenecker, Christology, 26–31). |
|
|
