| 4066 E.g., Hooker, Message, 12–13; cf. Gundry, Matthew, 53. 4067 B. Pesah. 94a; Hag. 13a, anachronistically attributed to ben Zakkai; similarly R. Isaac in b. Sanh. 39b. Although the evidence is quite late, it might be relevant that the bat qol could have eschatological ramifications in some very late rabbinic sources (Lev. Rab. 27:2). 4068 A bat qol was, of course, open to challenge, particularly on halakah: p. Móed Qat. 3:1, §6; Kadushin, Mind, 261–63; texts in Hill, Prophecy, 34 (though cf. p. Sotah 7:5, §5). 4069 See, e.g., Keener, Spirit, 55–59. 4070 Theon Progymn. 5.52–56. This embarrassment is often held as one guarantee of its historicity; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 11; Jeremias, Theology, 45; Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:100–5; Stanton, Gospel Truth, 164–66; pace Bultmann, Tradition, 251. 4071 Satterthwaite, «Acts,» 345, cites in this respect Lucian Hist. 56–57; Cicero De or. 3.27.104–105; 3.53.202–203; Quintilian 8.4; Longinus Subi 11–12; cf. Lucian Hist. 6. 4072 Often pointed out; e.g., Burkitt, History, 225–26; Smith, John (1999), 70. 4073 Ancient cosmologies differed considerably from our own; many Greeks held the upper heavens to be purer than lower regions (e.g., Plato Phaedrus 248AB; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.27, 31; Philo Flight 62; cf. Aristotle Heav. 1.2, 268bl l-269al9), Romans located gods there (Ovid Metam. 1.168–176), and Jewish apocalypses report God " s throne there (2 En. 20:1–3; 3 En. 1:2; T. Levi 2–3; b. Hag. 12b-13a; Rev 4:2–5; see esp. Lincoln, Paradise). 4074 For their function in Neo-Assyrian treaty making, see Begg, «Doves»; for peace and harmlessness, see, e.g., Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.12.2. 4075 Πελες in Aelian 11.27, perhaps referring to the oracle at Dodona (cf. Dodonás doves in Herodotus Hist. 2.57). A dove functions as a decoy in Aelian 13.17; birds often functioned as omens (e.g., Homer II 10.274–275). Doves could also function as carriers (Homer Od. 12.62–63). 4076 Doves often appear with grapes in Jewish art (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:156–57), but an implicit link with 15on this basis would be extremely improbable. |
| Dura-Europos and Its Art. Oxf., 1938; idem. The Foundations of Dura-Europos//SK. 1938. T. 10. P. 99-106; idem. Res Gestae Divi Saporis and Dura//Berytus. 1943. Vol. 8. P. 17-60; Hill E. Roman Elements in the Settings of the Synagogue Frescoes at Dura//Marsyas. N. Y., 1941. Vol. 1. P. 1-15; idem. The Orpheus in the Synagogue of Dura-Europos//J. of the Warburg and Courtauld Inst. L., 1958. Vol. 21. P. 1-6; Stechow W. Jacob Blessing the Sons of Joseph//Gazette des beaux-arts. Ser. 6. 1943. T. 23. P. 193-208; Idem//No Graven Images. 1971. P. 261-276; Shoe L. T. Architectural Mouldings of Dura-Europos//Berytus. 1948. Vol. 9. P. 1-40; Welles C. B. The Population of Roman Dura//Studies in Roman Economic and Social History in Honor of A. Ch. Johnson. Princeton, 1951. P. 251-274; idem. The Chronology of Dura-Europos//Symbolae R. Taubenschlag dedicatae. 1957. Vol. 3. P. 467-474; Kraeling C. H. The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Rep. New Haven, 1956. Vol. 8. Pt. 1: The Synagogue; 1967. Vol. 8. Pt. 2: The Christian Building; Шишова И. А. Дура-Европос - крепость Парфянского царства//УЗ Ленинградского ун-та. 1956. 192. Вып. 21. С. 107-125; Goodenough E. R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. N. Y., 1964. Vol. 9-11: Symbolism in the Dura Synagoge; Bickerman E. Symbolism in the Dura Synagogue//HarvTR. 1965. Vol. 58. P. 127-151; Шифман И. Ш. Рабы в документах из Дура-Европос//Античное общество: Тр. конф. по изуч. античности. М., 1967. С. 81-85; Perkins A. The Art of Dura-Europos. Oxf., 1973; Пигулевская Н. В. Ближ. Восток: Византия, славяне. Л., 1976; Hopkins C. The Discovery of Dura Europos. New Haven; L., 1979; Matheson S. Dura-Europos: The Ancient City and the Yale Collection. New Haven, 1982; Gates M.-H. Dura-Europos: A Fortress of Syro-Mesopotamian Art//BiblArch. 1984. Vol. 47. N 3. P. 166-181; Goodenough E. R., Gutmann J. Early Synagogue and Jewish Catacomb Art and Its Relation to Christian Art//ANRW. 1984. Pt. 2. Vol. 21. Hbd. 2. P. 1313-1342; Gutmann J. The Sacrifice of Isaac: Variations on a Theme in Early Jewish and Christian Art//Thiasos ton Mouson: Studien zu Antike und Christentum: FS J. |
| Louvain, 1932; Kraeling C. H. The Jewish Community at Antioch//JBL. 1932. Vol. 51. N 2. P. 130-160; Stinespring W. F. The Description of Antioch in Codex Vaticanus Arabicus 286: Diss. New Haven, 1932; Simon M. La polémique anti-juive de S. Jean Chrysostome et le mouvement judaïsant d " Antioche//Annuaire de l " Institut de Philologie et d " histoires orientales et slaves. Brux., 1936. Vol. 4. P. 403-421; idem. «Verus Israël»: Étude sur les relations entre chrétiens et Juifs dans l " Empire romain, 135-425. P., 1948; Ehrhard. Überlieferung; Jeremias J. Die Makkabäer-Kirche in Antiochia//ZNW. 1937. Bd. 36. N 2. S. 283-286; idem. Heiligengräber in Jesu Umwelt (Mt. 23, 29; Lk 11, 47): Eine Untersuch. zur Volksreligion der Zeit Jesu. Gött., 1958; Dorrie H., Hrsg. Passio SS. Machabaeorum: Die antike lateinische Übers. des IV. Makkabäerbuches. Gött., 1938; Dupont-Sommer A., éd. Le quatrième Livre des Machabées. P., 1939; Torrey Ch. C. The Letters Prefixed to Second Maccabees//Journ. of the American Oriental Society. 1940. Vol. 60. N 2. P. 119-150; Abel F.-M. Les Livres des Maccabées. P., 1949; Hadas M. Aristeas and III Maccabees//HarvTR. 1949. Vol. 42. N 3. P. 175-184; idem., ed. The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees. N. Y., 1953; Perler O. Das vierte Makkabäerbuch, Ignatius von Antiochien und die ältesten Martyrerberichte//RACr. 1949. T. 25. P. 47-72; Pfeiffer R. H. History of NT Times: With an Introd. to the Apocrypha. N. Y., 1949; Tcherikover V. Syntaxis and Laographia//J. of Juristic Papyrology. Warsz., 1950. Vol. 4. P. 179-207; idem. Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews. Phil., 1959 (рус. пер.: Чериковер В. Эллинистическая цивилизация и евреи/Пер. с англ. В. Л. Вихнович. СПб., 2010); idem. The Third Book of Maccabees as a Historical Source of August " s Times//Scripta Hierosolymitana. Jerus., 1961. Vol. 7. P. 1-25; Bammel E. Zum jüdischen Märtyrerkult//ThLZ. 1953. Bd. 78. Sp. 119-126; idem. Judaica: Kleine Schriften. Tüb., 1986. Bd. 1; Goodenough E. R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. |
| в К-поле (Стамбуле) была открыта евр. типография. Поскольку в Османской империи поселились приверженцы разных обрядов, евр. общины были организованы по модели землячеств, попытки ввести централизованное управление успеха не имели. Лит.: Steinschneider M. Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher. B., 1893; Strack H., Billerbeck P. Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch. Münch., 1922-1961. 6 Bde; Marmorstein A. Mitteilungen zur Geschichte und Literatur aus der Geniza//Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums. Dresden, 1923. Bd. 67. H. 4. S. 132-137; Finkelstein L. Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages. N. Y., 1924; Moore G. F. Judaism in the First Cent. of Christian Era. Camb., 1927-1930. 3 vol.; Kuhn K. G. Ισραλ, Ιουδαος, Εβραος//ThWNT. 1938. Bd. 3. S. 360-370; Starr J. The Jews in the Byzantine Empire. Athens, 1939; Grundmann W. Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum. Lpz., 1940; Charanis P. The Jews in the Byzantine Empire under the First Palaeologi//Speculum. Camb. (Mass.), 1947. Vol. 22. N 1. P. 75-77; Baron S. W. A Social and Religious History of the Jews. N. Y., 1952-1983 2. 18 vol.; Goodenough E. R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. N. Y., 1953-1968. 13 vol.; Blumenkranz B. Juifs et chrétiens dans le monde occidental, 430-1096. P., 1960; idem. Les auteurs chrétiens latins du Moyen Âge sur les juifs et le judaïsme. P., 1963; Cohen G. D. The Story of the Four Captives//Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research. N. Y., 1960/1961. Vol. 29. P. 55-131; Neusner J. A History of the Jews in Babylonia. Leiden, 1965-1970. 5 vol.; idem. The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before 70. Leiden, 1971. 3 pt.; Sharf A. Byzantine Jewry from Justinian to the Fourth Crusade. N. Y., 1971; Hengel M. Judentum und Hellenismus: Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Palästinas bis zur Mitte des 2 Jh. v. Chr. Tüb., 19732; Goodblatt D. M. Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Babylonia. |
| [ciii] Образ такой Церкви в виде лампады весьма распространился на Западной Европе в средние века, там вместе с Христом появляется ещё один персонаж — апостол Пётр. Как видно в первоисточнике, последний не упоминается. [cv] Goodenough Erwin, Jewish Symbols in Greco-Roman Period. New-York, 1953-1959, Vol. VIII, pp. 157-165. [cviii] Les interpolation chrétiennes des Testaments des XII Patriarches et les manuscrits de Qumrân, Paris, 1960. [cix] См. сборник кумранских рукописей на фр. языке: La Bible écrits intertestamentaires. Gallimard, 1987. p. 905. [cx] О полемике вокруг памятника см.: Philonenko M., Les interpolations chrétiennes des Testaments des XII Patriarches et les manuscrits de Qumrân, Paris, 1960; Peterson., The Testament of the XII Patriarchs, Assen, 1953. [cxiv] Cyprianus Thascius Caecilus. De Unitate. На русском языке: Св. Киприан Карф. «О единстве Церкви». Творения священномученика Киприана, епископа Карфагенского. Москва, Паломник, 1999. [cxv] Cyprianus. Epistula 4, 4 et Epistula 73, 21,2. В в дополнение к вышеизложенному в одной из глав следует добавить, что Ориген в его подробном описании Ноева Ковчега как прообраза Церкви в гомилии на книгу Бытия интерпретирует описанные в Септуагинте тёсанные четырухкантовые брусья, из которых был устроен Ковчег, как образ людей, которые несут всю массу обитавших на судне (в Церкви) животных, а снаружи защищают корабль от волн и потопления. Они обозначают ревнителей веры, учителей и учёных, которые, с одной стороны, укрепляют чад Церкви, а с другой, — защищают её разумом и силой речей от нападающих извне язычников и еретиков. Здесь мы видим тот же мотив обтёсывания дерева — своей ветхой природы — как образ духовного совершенствования и работы над собой, которое происходит при помощи креста, в данном случае — топорика ascia lignaria. См.: Origène, Homélies sur la Genèse, II, 1. SC 7bis, P. 82-94. [cxvi] Tristan F. Les premiers images chretiennes, Librairie Arthème Fayard, Paris, 1996, p 565-566. Трисран считает, что это буква гамма «γ», написанная минускулом. |
| The theology of Jewish Christianity. London; Chicago, 1964 (загл. оригинала; Theologie du judeo-christianisme. Paris, 1958); Oesterly W. О. E. The Jewish Background of the Christian liturgy. Oxford, 1925; Gavin F. S. B. The Jewish antecedents of Christian Sacraments. London, 1928. Repr. N. Y„ 1969; Goodenough E. Jewish symbols in the graeco-roman world. N. Y., 1953–1956. Vol. 1–6; Cullmann O. Baptism in the New Testament. London, 1950. Repr. Philadelphia, 1978 (загл. оригинала: Die Tauflenre des Neuen Testaments. Zurich, 1948); Cullmann O. Les sacrements dans l’Evangile Johannique//La foi et la culte de l’Eglise Primitive. Neuchatel, 1963; Genge A., ed. Baptism in the New Testament: A Symposium. Baltimore, 1964; Beasley-Murray G. R. Baptism in the New Testament. London; N. Y., 1962; Flenungton W. R. The New Testament doctrine of baptism. London, 1957; Scfmackenburg R. Baptism in the thought of St.Paul. N. Y., 1964 (загл. оригинала: Das Heilsgeschehen bei der Taufe nach dem Apostel Pauplus. Munchen, 1950); Brown R. The Johannine sacramentary//Liturgical Studies. 1962. Vol. 23. P. 183–206; Cross F. L. I Peter: A paschal liturgy. London, 1954. (3) Библиографию основных святоотеческих текстов о крещении и связанных с ними исследований см.: Вагеше G. Bapteme d’apres les Peres grecs et latins//Dictionnaire de theologie catholique. 1905. Vol. 21. P. 178–218; Bour R. Bapteme dans les monuments de I’antiquite chr&ienne//Ibid. 1905. Vol. 21. P. 233–244; Palmer P., ed. Sources of Christian theology: Sacrements and worship. Westminster, Md„ 1955. Vol. 1; Danielou J. The Bible and the Liturgy. Notre Dame, 1956. 3d print. 1964 (загл. оригинала: Bible et liturgie. Paris, 1951); Benoit A. Le Bapteme Chretienne au second siecle: La Theologie des Peres. Paris, 1953; Duchesne L. Christian worship: Its Origine and Development. Ed. 5. London, 1949 (загл. оригинала: Origines du culte chretien. Paris, 1898). Святоотеческие тексты: Hamman A., ed. Baptism: Ancient liturgies and patristic texts. |
| Goldin, «Magic» Goldin, Judah. «The Magic of Magic and Superstition.» Pages 115–47 in Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity. Edited by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza. University of Notre Dame Center for the Study of Judaism and Christianity in Antiquity 2. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1976. Goldstein, «Acceptance» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «Jewish Acceptance and Rejection of Hellenism.» Pages 64–87 in vo1. 2 of Meyer and Sanders, Self-Definition. Goldstein, «Composition» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «The Central Composition of the West Wall of the Synagogue of Dura-Europos.» Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 16–17 (1984–1985): 99–142. Goldstein, «Creation» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «Creation ex Nihilo: Recantations and Restatements.»/5 38 (1987): 187–94. Goldstein, «Origins» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «The Origins of the Doctrine of Creatio ex Nihilo.» JJS 35 (1984): 127–35. Good, King Good, Deirdre J. Jesus the Meek King. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1999. Goodblatt, «Suicide» Goodblatt, David. «Suicide in the Sanctuary: Traditions on Priestly Martyrdom.» JJS 46 (1995): 10–29. Goodenough, Church Goodenough, Erwin R. The Church in the Roman Empire. New York: Cooper Square, 1970. Goodenough, Philo Goodenough, Erwin R. An Introduction to Philo Judaeus. 2d ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1962. Goodenough, «Stamp» Goodenough, Erwin R. «An Early Christian Bread Stamp.» HTR 57 (1964): 133–37. Goodenough, Symbols Goodenough, Erwin R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. 13 vols. Bollingen Series 37. Vols. 1–12: New York: Pantheon Books, for Bollingen Foundation, 1953–1965. Vo1. 13: Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, for Bollingen Foundation, 1968. Goodman, Demons Goodman, Felicitas D. How about Demons? Possession and Exorcism in the Modern World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988. Goodman, «Essenes» Goodman, Martin. «A Note on the Qumran Sectarians, the Essenes, and Josephus.» JJS 46 (1995): 161–66. |
| 10341 Unlike the immortals» ambrosia in Greek myth (Homer 17. 19.37–39; 23.184–187; another temporary expedient in 23.188–191). 10342 Spices would diminish the stench and could be sprinkled on the bier or burned during the funeral procession (Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 97–98), but were not used as preservatives. For the use of spices at funerals, see Josephus Ant. 17.199; War 1.673; m. Ber. 8:6; Safrai, «Home,» 776. 10343 Cf. m. Sanh. 6:6; m. Pesah. 8:8; Móed Qat. 1:5; Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 28. For a possible contrast between ossuaries and Christian reliquaries, see McCane, «Bones.» 10352 Pace ibid., 1252. To bury Jesus in his own tomb fits the situation of haste and location but also suggests a special love normally reserved for family members or those equally esteemed (1 Kgs 13:30–31; cf. Gen 23 ). 10355 For rabbinic regulations for new tombs, see b. Sanh. 47b. Καινς can often indicate «unused» (Barclay, «Man,» 76). 10356 Brown, Death, 1268–70. See also Josephus Ant. 9.227; 10.46, following 2 Kgs 21:18, 26 (κπος). 10360 Reicke, Era, 187; Yamauchi, Stones, 112; Anderson, Mark, 351; cf. m. c Erub. 1:7; Naz. 7:3; " Oha1. 2:4. So commonly did Judeans use caves that Jewish immigrants in Rome probably adapted this idea in carving their subterranean catacombs (Leon, Jews, 54–55). That John can mention the stone in 20without prior introduction may suggest his audiencés familiarity with the resurrection story (Blomberg, Reliability, 260); but it was also common on at least Judean tombs, though it might be less familiar in urban Asia Minor. 10363 Some later rabbis opined that this decomposition effected atonement (b. Sanh. 47b). The «year» period for mourning also appears in some probably unrelated cultures (Mbiti, Religions, 197–98). 10364 Hachlili, «Necropolis,» 239; idem, «Art and Architecture,» 127; Hachlili and Killebrew, «Customs,» suggest a window perhaps as narrow as 10–70 C.E. (cf. this older custom mentioned in p. Mo " ed Qat. 1:5, §§4–5). It is rare outside the Herodian and, irrelevant here, Chalcolithic periods (Silberman, «Ossuary»; Carmon, Inscriptions, 121); a major change occurred after the fall of Jerusalem (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:84–89; Safrai, «Home,» 780). But some evidence suggests a less significant use for more than a century later (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:114; cf. Rahmani, «Customs»; idem, «Remarks»). Palestinian Judaism in the Hasmonean period may have already borrowed the custom of ossuaries from Roman secondary burial (of ashes in urns or boxes; Levine, Hellenism, 67; McCane, «Burial Practices,» 174). For Jewish loculi in Rome, cf. Leon, Jews, 59; for a broader sweep of archaeological data on Jewish burial customs, cf. Puech, «Nécropoles»; Goodenough, Symbols, 12:22–39. |
| 2216 Gager, Anti-Semitism, 107–10; Arnold, Ephesians, 31–32; Goodenough, Symbols, 12:58–63; Hengel, Judaism, 1:241; Gaster, Studies, 1:356–60; even Moses came to be associated with magic (Apuleius Apologia in Stern, Authors, 2:201–5; Gager, Moses, 134–61). Jewish magic influenced Greco-Roman magic (cf. Deissmann, Studies, 277–300,321–36; Knox, Gentiles, 208–11; Koester, Introduction, 1:380–81). Among modern Yemenite Jews, cf. Hes, «Mon,» passim. 2217 Cf., e.g., Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69.6–7 (150); Pr. Jos. 9–12; T. Sol 18:15–16; b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 16:24; Isbell, «Story,» 13; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Tiede, Figure, 170. The name of Israel " s God (in various permutations) outnumbers any other deity in the papyri «by more than three to one» (Smith, Magician, 69); cf. also, e.g., CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168. 2218 On name invocation in general (some references including secret names), see Apuleius Metam. 2.28; Theissen, Stories, 64 (citing Lucian Menippus 9; Philops. 12; Plin. Nat. 28.4.6; PGM 4.1609–1611; 8.20–21); Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376. 2219 M. Sanh. 7:11; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš. 3:8, §1; Sanh. 7:13, §2; Urbach, Sages, 1:97–100, 572: Bietenhard, «νομα,» 270. Note also Wis 17:7; Ps.-Phoc. 149; 1 En. 65(Sim.); Asc. Isa. 2:5; 2 Βαr. 60:2; 66:2; T. Reu. 4:9; cf. Sib. Or. 1.96. The rabbis recognized that not all sorcery was genuine (m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 67b), although Amoraim stressed the dangers more (e.g., b. Hor. 10a; Sanh. 67b; Šabb. 66b; p. Ketub. 1:1, §2; cf. the amulets and charms in Goodenough. Symbols, 2:153–295), but even when genuine, rabbis stressed its limits (e.g., Gen. Rab. 11:5; Pesiq. Rab. 23:8; 43:6). 2220 See Goldin, «Magic»; Neusner, Sat, 80–81; b. Sanh. 65b; 67b; cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25 A (on R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus); Basser, «Interpretations.» Such syncretism was not intentional; apparently even Jacob employed pagan fertility rituals in Gen. 30:37–42 , though he trusted that God was the one working through them (31:8–9, 12; cf. 28:15). Cf. also some Jewish polemic in b. Git. 56b-57a which may be rooted in earlier magical tradition (Gero, «Polemic»). Many societies believe that magic can be used either for good or for evil (e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 258–59). |
| 6408 Duke, Irony, 73. 6409 Sophocles Ajax 185; Ant. 955–965; similarly being detained by a deity, P.Lond. 23.5–35; 42.9–13; Nilsson, Piety, 172. Cross-cultural anthropological studies indicate hyperarousal and changes in brain activity during possession trances (Goodman, Demons, 20, 126; cf. further examples in Goodman, Henney and Pressel, Trance). 6410 E.g., Homer Od. 18.15,406; 19.71; much less seriously, cf. 23.166,174,264. Crowds were not always as respectful as teachers would like (e.g., Eunapius Lives 460; Acts 2:13); here some are degrading though not yet fully hostile. 6411 Aune, Environment, 56. Boring et a1., Commentary, 283, cites Porphyry De abstinentia 2.42, although this may betray the influence of Christian ideas. 6412 E.g., PGM 1.80–81, 88–90, 164–166, 181–185, 252–253; 2.52–54; 1 En. 65:6; LA.B. 34:2–3; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; b. Sanh. 67b; cf. CD 12.2–3 (false prophets); T. Jud. 23:1; Irenaeus Haer. 1.13.3–4; Aune, Prophecy, 45. Some pagans felt that particular deities enabled magic (cf. Graf, «Initiation»); the use of angels became dominant in medieval Jewish «good» magic (Fass, «Angels»). 6413 See PGM 5.107–109; 13.345; Gager, «Magician»; idem, Moses, 134–61; on God as magician in some late Jewish sources, see Hayman, «Magician.» 6414 Much Jewish teaching condemned magic, e.g., Exod 22:18; Deut 18:10, 14 ; Wis 17:7; Jub. 48:9; 1 En. 65:6; L.A.B. 34; Ps.-Phoc. 149; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; 2 Bar. 60:2; 66:2; m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 65b-66a, bar.; 67b; Sebu. 15b; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš 3:8, §1. 6415 E.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.5; Smith, Magician, 75–76; Theissen, Stories, 239–42 (though some regard them as charlatans, e.g., Plato Rep. 2.364BC; Plutarch Bride 48, Mor. 145C). 6416 Nevertheless, in late antiquity many Jews increasingly practiced magic or used amulets to defuse it (e.g., PGM 4.1222, 3040–3041; 13.815–818; CIJ 2:62–65, §819; 2:90f, §849; for more detail, see Jacobson, «Vision»; Isbell, «Story»; Kotansky, «Amulet»; Schäfer, «Magic Literature»; Goodenough, Symbols, 2:153–295; 12:58–63; in the rabbis, cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Sanh. 65b; Goldin, «Magic»), as did many Christians in a later period (Gitler, «Amulets»). Pagans also incorporated Jewish elements (e.g., PGM 1.298–305; 4.2355–2356; Deissmann, Studies, 321–36). |
|
|
