| 1247 Sambursky, «Gematria»; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 103, citing Cicero Inv. 2.40.116; Hengel, Hellenism, l:80ff.; Lieberman, Hellenism, 47–82. Some may also reflect Babylonian sources (Cavigneaux, «Sources»). 1248 Judith 16:7; Josephus War 1.353; 2.155–158; Ag. Ap. 1.255; 2.263; Pesiq. Rab. 20(cf. Greek Phlegethon; cf. the Elysian plain and Acherusian lake in Sib. Or. 2.337–338, probably Christian redaction; Apoc. Mos. 37:3). 1249 E.g., Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.3; Sib. Or. 2.15 (Poseidon); 2.19 (Hephaistos); 3.22 (Tethys); 3.110–116, 121–155, 551–554, 588 (euhemeristic; cf. similarly Let. Aris. 136; Sib. Or. 3.723; 8.43–47); 5.334 (personification; cf. also 7.46; 11.104, 147, 187, 205, 219, 278; 12:53, 278; 14.56, 115); T. Job 1.3 (cornucopia); 51:1/2 (perhaps allusion to Nereus, also in Sib. Or. 1.232); cf. (not Greek) Ishtar as an evil spirit in Text 43:6–7, perhaps 53:12, Isbell, 103; cf. art (some of it in Palestinian synagogues) in Goodenough, Symbols, vols. 7–8 (and Dura Europos synagogue, vols. 9–11, and 12:158–183). 1250 The clear examples are few (even Egyptian use may have been more common; cf. «Biblés Psalm»), despite apologetic protestations to the contrary (e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.165; 2.257). 1252 E.g., Martin, Colossians, 18–19; Knox, Gentiles, 149; Wilson, Gnostic Problem, 259. Although an Egyptian provenance for the Testament of Solomon is possible, I would favor an Asian provenance, given its date (cf. also Artemis in 8:11, etc.), and stress the magical-mystical nature of some of Judaism in Asia. 1253 So Kennedy, Epistles, 14, 22; Robinson, Redating, 294. Palestine had its Pharisees and Essenes, but had even more Am Háarets. 1258 Cf. CD 5.6–8; lQpHab 9.6–7. Others also believed that profaning the temple could bring judgment, although not applying it to this time (Pss. So1. 1:8; 2:1–10; Josephus War 5.17–18; cf. the ambiguous evaluation of Tannaitic sources in Goldenberg, «Explanations»). 1263 Grant, Gods, 51; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 121–22; Conzelmann, «Areopagus,» 224; van de Bunt-van den Hoek, «Aristobulos»; cf. Renehan, «Quotations.» Jewish and early Christian texts often followed the Greek practice (instilled in school memorization exercises) of citing or alluding to Homer (e.g., Ps.-Phoc. 195–197; Syr. Men. 78–93; Josephus Ant. 1.222; Sib. Or. 3.401–432, passim; 3.814; 5.9; 2 Bar. 10:8; Tatian 8; cf. Rahmani, «Cameo») or other poets (Acts 17:28; 1Cor 15:33 ; Tit 1:12 ; Justin 1 Apo1. 39; Theophilus 2.37; Athenagoras 5–6; cf. Manns, «Source»), or proverbs originally based on them. |
| 1523 Cf., e.g., Sanders, Figure, 422–23; Kugel and Greer, Interpretation, 66; Cohen, Maccabees, 154–59, 227. Sanders, Judaism, 422–23, rightly points especially to the heritage in the schools of Hillel and Shammai, although the purported physical descent of Gamaliel from Hillel may reflect a later development. 1526 Suspicion of Jewish Christians» disloyalty, on grounds either of their linkage with Gentile Christians or of their flight from Jerusalem, seems less probable, given some degree of client relationship with Rome for the Yavneh elite. 1527 Tannaitic evidence allows that second-century Galilean villages still regulated their own affairs (t. B. Mesi c a 11in Goodman, State, 120). In the first century seven judges (presumably elders) decided cases for each city, assisted by Levites (Josephus Ant. 4.214–215; cf. 4.287; War 2.571). 1529 E.g., Groh, «Jews and Christians,» 87–89, including synagogues next to cemeteries and with paintings of uncircumcised nudes; cf. Meyers and Kraabel, «Iconography,» 189–90; Cohen, Maccabees, 223–24; Sanders, Judaism, 246; Horsley, Galilee, 98, 103–4. For synagogue zodiacs, often with Helios at the center, cf., e.g., Goodenough, Symbols, 1:266–67; 8:167–218; May, «Synagogues,» 9; Shanks, «Zodiac»; Hachlili, «Zodiac»; Meyers, «Setting.» 1535 For the history, see Urbach, Sages, 1:5–9; McNamara, Judaism, 161; Doeve, Hermeneutic, 197; Fisher, «Polemic»; and esp. Sanders, Paul, 33–59; Tyson, Approaches, 1–11; Heschel, «Anti-Semitism.» W. D. Davies has contended that the spirit of Pharisaism might be better captured in Pirke Aboth than in the halakic collections («Aboth,» 127). 1540 E.g., the frequent rabbinic discussion of the hermaphrodite, e.g., Sipra VDDen. pq. 18.31.2.1. 1541 Cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 128. Neusner, New Testament, 115–17, questions Sanders " s appeal beyond the specific legal sources, but Sanders " s case makes sense of the broader available data if one does not follow Neusner " s methodology of historical minimalism. |
| 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. 4078 4 Ezra 5:26; LA.B. 39(23:7); b. Šabb. 49a, 130a; Exod. Rab. 20:6; Song Rab. 2:14, §§1–2. Johnston, Parables, 595, cites Mek. BeS. 3:86ff.; 7:27ff. but notes that it is not frequent enough to constitute a standard metaphor. Although Augustine applied it to the Spirit (Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.13.1), he noted some applied it to the church (6.11.2). 4079 B. Ber. 3a; cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:47. One may compare the prophetic doves of Dodona (alluded to in Sib. Or. 1.242–252; the term is different from here). 4080 Abrahams, Studies, 1:48–49 (followed by Barrett, Spirit, 38; cf. Taylor, Mark, 160–61), cites only Gen. Rab. 2 and Ya1. Gen. 1(where the interpretation seems dominated more by exegetical principles than by standard tradition); Lachs, Commentary, 47, adds b. Hag. 15a (or the Spirit as an eagle in t. Hag. 2:5). A link with the Spirit naturally became common in early post-Synoptic Christian tradition, however (Odes So1. 24:1; 28:1; and the interpolation in T. Levi 18). The Hebrew Bible does sometimes portray God as a bird (e.g., Ps 91:3–4 ). 4081 E.g., Lane, Mark, 57. 4082 Against the arguments of Odeberg, Gospel, 33–36; Lightfoot, Gospel, 104; Dahl, «History,» 136, which effectively assume that the Johannine community would more readily read the Jacob narrative through late rabbinic tradition on the Hebrew than through the LXX. 4083 Gen 8:8–12 ; cf. 4 Bar. 7(which develops from Gen 8 the image of messenger-birds); Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.19.2–4; pace Bürge, Community, 57. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 20, suggests a combination of Gen 8:8–9 and Isa 11:1–2. Writing on Mark 1:10 , Garnet, «Baptism,» connects the dove with Noah, Noah with Enoch, and Enoch with the Son of Man; but this scheme of associations is too complex, and the last two links are particularly tenuous. In early Christian literature, see 1Pet 3:20–21 ; cf. 2Pet 3:6 ; Matt 24:38. For a connection with Gen 1and its eschatological interpretation in the DSS, see Allison, «Baptism.» |
| 6479 E.g., m. Mid. 2:7; Sukkah 4:9; t. Sukkah 3:14; b. Sukkah 48ab; Ta c an. 2b-3a. Libations were employed regularly in the temple, including other festivals (cf., e.g., Lev 23:18, 37 ; Num 28:7–10 ; p. Ter. 9:8), as also in other cultures (Egyptian cults in Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 135; cf. Wild, Water). If our Tannaitic sources are accurate, the people expected the water to be poured out as a libation in the temple during the day " s lamb sacrifice (t. Sukkah 3:16); cf. 19:34. Some rabbis contended that the pits under the altar derived from the time of creation (t. Sukkah 3:15; b. Sukkah 49a; p. Sukkah 4:6, §1). 6480 It may have been a Pharisaic innovation in that period (Charles, Jubilees, lxv; Bowman, Gospel, 35); compare Josephus Ant. 13.372 with 13.292. 6481 " Abot R. Nat. 27, §55B. With characteristic anachronism, Amoraim claimed it stemmed from Moses (b. Móed Qat. 3b; cf. Zebah. 110b; p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §43; Sukkah 4:6, §1) and was practiced in the time of Ruth (Ruth Rab. 4:8). 6482 Against scholarly consensus, the Sadducees may not have rejected the water libation even in early rabbinic texts (see Rubenstein, «Libation»). 6483 See Engle, «Amphorisk,» 117. For second-century Diaspora Jews, cf., e.g., CP] 3:5–6, §452. 6484 See, e.g., St. Clair, «Shrine.» For widespread evidence concerning the festivals lulab and ethrog, see Leon, Jews, 198; Goodenough, Symbols, 4:145–66, 12:86–88 (only the menorah appears more frequently in Jewish artwork). Daniélou, «Symbolisme,» seeks to trace messianic interpretation of this festival from biblical times to fourth-century C.E. Jewish sources. Belkin, Philo, 192–218, finds many parallels between Philo and Tannaitic views on festivals, but for differences on Tabernacles, see p. 217. 6485 Sipre Deut. 142.3.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 2:8. See further Safrai, «Temple,» 894–95. Greek festivals also included celebrative dancing and could include bearing a sacred vessel (e.g., Eleusis " s Lesser Mysteries at initiation, Mylonas, Eleusis, 241) and libation processions (Philostratus Hrk. 53.9). |
| 6123 So also Stegner, «Homily,» 66, though critiquing (p. 67) Borgen " s dependence on the later proem form, which NT scholars usually have misread. Blomberg, Reliability, 127, argues for a similar midrashic form in the Synoptic tradition, albeit much more briefly ( Mark 12:1–12 ; Luke 10:25–37). 6124 Borgen, Bread, 7–8, presents the six relevant texts, of which the three most weighty by today " s scholarship would be two from Philo (Moses 1.201–202; 2.267) and one from the Mekilta (on Exod 16:4). Less thoroughly, others had cited these connections earlier; e.g., Smith, Parallels, 158, cited Mek. on Exod 16and Philo; many also followed Billerbeck on bread as a term for Torah (e.g., Glasson, Moses, 47). 6125 E.g., Smalley, John, 64; Culpepper, Anatomy, 196; Whitacre, Polemic, 53; Beasley-Murray, John, 91. 6128 Barrett, John, 290, following Borgen, Bread, 61–67, notes the similarity with the Al-tiqri exegetical method: «Do not read [Moses] but [God]»; do not read («has given») but («is giving»); cf. further Keener, Matthew, 182. 6130 On metaphor in ancient rhetoric, see Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.34.45; Rowe, «Style,» 124–26; Anderson, Glossary, 73–77; in early Christian texts, cf., e.g., Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 578; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 85. Perhaps even more appropriate here is the consistent metaphor of the ανιγμα, or «riddle» (see Anderson, Glossary, 13). 6132 In Judaism, paganism, and Christianity, see Goodenough, Symbols, 5:62–95; farther east as well, see Légasse, «Pain.» 6133 A purportedly late-first-century tradition observes that bringing bread from heaven and dew from earth reversed the natural order (Exod. Rab. 38:4). 6134 Also Rabbi Akiba in b. Yoma 75b; for manna as heavenly food, see other sources in Odeberg, Gospel, 240–45. This tradition stems from Ps 78:25 . L.A.E. 4 claims that before the fall people ate angels» food; 4Q513 frg. 2, co1. 2, line 4 may apply this to the priests» portions. 6135 Burchard, «Supper,» thinks this document affected early Christian understandings of the Lord " s Supper, but if influence exists, it is more likely in the other direction. |
| 1380 Cf. Safrai, «Education,» 960; Scholem, Trends, 42. Contrast the metaphoric use of the chariot in Gen. Rab. 47:6; 69:3; 82(Resh Lakish, early Amoraic). 1382 Abelson, Immanence, 340–56; cf. Scholem, Trends, 11–12, who argues that the mystics were near rabbinic Judaism " s center, not its fringes. 1383 Jewish mystical texts vary in the degree to which they emphasize the mystic " s responsibility to his community; see Chernus, «Individua1.» 1385 Halperin, «Midrash»; Goodenough, Symbols, 1:221, 8:17; cf. 12:198.4QS140 maybe significant here; cf. Patte, Hermeneutic, 290; Gaster, Scriptures, 285–88; Vermes, Scrolls, 210–11; Dupont-Sommer, Writings, 333–34; Alexander, «3 Enoch,» 235. Cf. the chariot in 1.A.E. 25.2–3; 28:4; cf. Apoc. Mos. 22:3; 33:2; similar language is used of Job " s throne in T. Job 33 (cf. 33:9). 1386 Alexander, «3 Enoch,» 232; Scholem, Trends, 8; on the development, cf. Neusner, «Development»; idem, Legend, 5–6. 1388 Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 149–51. Gaster, Studies, l:369ff., more accurately finds gnosticism in the Zohar. 1391 E.g., Conzelmann, Theology, 11; Jonas, Religion, 32–33; Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 187, 245. For a survey of the view " s development, see Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 21–24; Ridderbos, Paul, 27–28. 1394 Compare gnosticism with descriptions of neoplatonists in Dillon, Platonists, 7, 385; cf. Plotinus Enn. 2:9. 1395 Koester, Introduction, 1:194; Jonas, Religion, 38; Bultmann, Christianity, 161; but contrast Hengel, Son, 28. 1397 For gnosticism " s debt to earlier Christianity, see Wilson, Gnostic Problem, 68,256; Yamauchi. Gnosticism, 20; Burkitt, Gnosis, viii; Grant, Gnosticism, 13–14. 1398 See Albright, Stone Age, 282, 306; Munck, «Gnosticism,» 236; Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 16–18; Smalley, John, 51; Wilson, Gnosis and NT, 30, 142; idem, Gnostic Problem, 97; Arrington, Theology, 186; Ladd, Criticism, 204–5. 1401 Robinson, «Trajectory,» 263; Schnackenburg, John, 1:543–57, allows for some assimilation to this myth but places John " s roots instead in Wisdom speculation (556). |
| 1883 Cf. Mark 1:23; 12:38–40 . Both biblical prophets (Isa 1:10–15; Amos 5:18–27) and Juvenal (Stewart, «Domitian») satirized religious hypocrisy. Cicero approved the use of humor in attacking opponents if it was witty (De or. 2.58.236; 2.61.251; cf. Tertullian Apo1. 40.2). 1885 One should keep in mind John " s use of geography; his vertical dualism also figures into his «geography.» 1886 Many commentators cite the «hidden Messiah» tradition in this context (e.g., Cadman, Heaven, 356), but the idea is somewhat different in John from what it was in Judaism (see Thompson, Humanity, 19–22), and the idea is, unless I am mistaken, not clear in Judaism before the time of John. At any rate, the conflicting opinions of Jesus» opponents sound more like a «heads I win, tails you lose» argument, and this is characteristic of the dishonest ideological inconsistencies John portrays as characterizing ]esus» opponents. 1887 This is not to deny the historical plausibility of such an explanation for official hostility towards Jesus; compare the sensitivity of the Jewish officials in Josephus War 2.237 and Life 104 (not merely reflecting Josephus " s apologetic Tendenz). On the irony, see Barrett, John, 405, followed by Culpepper, Anatomy, 169–70. 1888 The irony is pointed out by a number of scholars, for instance Meeks, «Agent,» 58; Strachan, Gospel ,216; Dahl, «Church and History,» 135. 1893 Shepherd, «Jews» 108–10, argues that those who «claim to be Jews but are not» were actually Christians flirting with gnostic speculation, but this view has little to commend it. A syncretistic Judaism is possible (Ford, Revelation, 393), but not particularly suggested by the text; the wording probably simply suggests a hostile community of non-Christian Jews; see Fiorenza, Revelation, 118; cf. Goodenough, Symbols, 2:79–81; Yamauchi, Cities, 61–62; Stern, «Diaspora,» 151. 1896 Culpepper, «Problem for Interpreters,» 91; cf. Bieringer, Pollefeyt, and Vandecasteele-Vanneuville, «Framework,» 43–44. 1898 |
| 4369 The matter is disputed; cf. Smith, «Begetting,» 224. It is understandable that the eschatological triumph would include meals patterned after the meals of the community; this does not need to imply, however, that the regular meals of the community were patterned after the far more rarely mentioned eschatological banquet. 4372 Joel 3:18 ; Hos 2:22 ; Amos 9:13–14; 1 En. 10:19; 2 Bar. 29:5; Sib. Or. 3.622; Papias frg.; Gen. Rab. 51:8; Tg. Qoh. 9:7. In Sib. Or. 3.622 (probably second century B.C.E.) good wine is one of the blessings of the new age, but along with honey, milk, and (623) wheat; see Jeremias, Theology, 106, for other eschatological references. In addition to OT passages about eschatological abundance, Greek beliefs about an everlasting banquet in the Elysian fields may have influenced this idea; cf. Koester, Introduction, 1:161. 4375 Sipre Deuteronomy as cited in Patte, Hermeneutic, 26; Ecc1. Rab. 2:3, §1; Song Rab. 6:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:5; Pesiq. Rab. 51(though none of these references except Sipre Deuteronomy is Tannaitic). For wine symbolism in antiquity, see Goodenough, Symbols, 12:107–22. Ridderbos, John, 111–12, notes that alleged Sinai allusions in this passage based on the Targumim are dubious. 4376 Blomberg, «Miracles as Parables,» 334, suggests that this was an acted parable with roots in historical tradition (though more scholars think the parable generated the miracle story–Dodd, Lindars–or the reverse–Smalley; citations from ibid.). 4377 Otto, Dionysus, 97–98; Grant, Gods, 65; Broneer, «Corinth,» 86; Boring et a1., Commentary, 248. For acidic waters (wrongly) thought intoxicating, cf. Valerius Maximus 1.8.ext. 18. 4378 Smith, Magician, 25,120; Theissen, Stories, 277; Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 102–3; Grant, Gods, 96; Bultmann, Tradition, 238; idem, John, 118; Martin, Religions, 95 (following Bultmann); Jeremias, Theology, 88; cf. Broer, «Einmal»; contrast Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 192; Blomberg, «Miracles as Parables,» 335; Batey, Imagery, 51–52; Hoskyns, Gospel, 191–92; Derrett, Law, 243–44; Ridderbos, John, 110–11; cf. Lee, Thought, 17; Smith, John (1999), 86–87. |
| 3238 Wis 8:3. Cf. the close relationship between Isis and Osiris, Isis being mediator (Plutarch Mor. 352A in Betz and Smith, «De Iside,» 41). 3239 Gen. Rab. 1:1, using language from Prov. 8:30 . Freedman and Simon observe (Midrash Rabbah 1n. 1) that here «the Torah was with God as with a tutor, reared, as it were, by the Almighty.» Cf. Burkitt, Gnosis, 95, who suggests that John here echoes Genesis, which pictures God «producing the creation by consulting with Himself.» 3240 Pollard, «Relationships,» 364–65 (all six instances outside John connote «active relationship or intercourse «with»»); cf. Carson, Discourse, 92. The construction here represents neither movement toward God (Ellis, John, 21; Stevens, Theology, 90; cf. Morris, John, 76) nor an Aramaism; by this period, prepositions were becoming more ambiguous (cf., e.g., μετ» αλλλων in 6and προς αλλλους in 6:52). 3241 E.g., Pereira, «Word,» 182, citing 7:29. On relations among Father, Son, and Spirit in this Gospel, see more fully Harner, Analysis, 1–43; cf. also Gruenler, Trinity. 3249 E.g., Euripides E1. 1298–1300; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.245; cf. Homer Il. 18.94–96; Ovid Metam. 4.234–244. Most deities could not restore life once it was gone (Ovid Metam. 2.612–613). 3250 E.g., Homer Od. 4.459–461; Apollodorus 2.5.11 (cf. magical papyri for the manipulation of demons). 3251 E.g., 2Macc 6:26; 3Macc 5:7; Wis 7:25; Let. Arts. 185; Sib. Or. 1.66; T. Ab. 8:3; 15:12A; b. Šabb. 88b; Yebam. 105b; Yoma 12a; cf. Goodenough, Symbols, 2:179. 3252 E.g., Virgil Aen. 1.60; 3.251; 4.25, 206, 220; 6.592; 7.141, 770; 8.398; 9.625; 10.100, 668; 12.178,791; Georg. 2.325; Ovid Metam. 1.154; 2.304,401,505; 3.336; 9.271; 14.816; Valerius Flaccus 3.249; Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 232, also cites Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21. But Juno might be omnipotens (Virgil Aen. 7.428) yet prove unable to prevail against Fate (7.314); other deities appear as omnipotent, e.g., Pluto in Orphic Hymns 18.17 (but perhaps as the «chthonic Zeus,» 18.3). In unrelated religious traditions, see, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 40–41. |
| 10087 Crosses also became a natural metaphor for sufferings (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 7.16, cruciatibus; 10.9; cf. Seneca Dia1. 7.19.3) or the pain of grief (Apuleius Metam. 9.31) or anxiety (9.23); for other nonliteral usages, cf. Epictetus Diatr. 3.26.22. John employs βαστζω in a fairly common figurative sense in 16:12, albeit more literally in 10:31; 12:6; 20:15. 10088 Drury, Design, 113. The different term may simply represent literary variation, though αρων may better connote complete remova1. 10090 Tomb architecture changed radically after Jerusalem " s fall (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:84–89; Brown, Death, 938–39). 10091 On the latter, see Brown, John, 2:899; idem, Death, 1279–83; cf. Blinzler, Trial, 251–52; Smith, «Tomb»; Ross, «Church»; Riesner, «Golgotha.» 10094 See, e.g., Brown, Death, 1281–82; cf. Blinzler, Trial, 251–52; for archaeological data, see the notes in Cornfeld, Josephus, 338–40, on Josephus War 5.148–155. 10095 Cf. the kind of cup traditionally called a κρανον, or skull, perhaps due to its shape (Athenaeus Deipn. 11.479–480). 10096 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 11. We have borrowed much of the material from Keener, Matthew, 678–79. 10098 Hengel, Crucifixion, 25. Thus, e.g., one man is bound to a fig tree and anointed with honey so that the ants devour him, but this, too, is called a cross (cruciatum); Apuleius Metam. 8.22; cf. Prometheus " s fetters (Martial Epigr. 7; Lucian Prometheus 2). Positions varied, but for evidence for one probably common position, see Tzaferis, «Crucifixion,» 52–53. Before the Roman conquest, following Hellenistic (e.g., Josephus Ant. 12.256) and Persian (Esth 9:25; De Vaux, Israel, 159) practice, Jewish executions had also adopted hanging by crucifixion (e.g., Josephus War 1.97; Ant. 13.380; 4QpNah 1.7–8; Sipre Deut. 221.1.1; p. Sanh. 6:6, §2; cf. 11QT 64); though read back into earlier times (L.A.B. 55:3), Israelites originally hanged corpses posthumously (cf. Gen 40:19 ) only till nightfall, limiting the shame ( Deut 21:23 ; m. Sanh. 6:4). |
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