| Jeremiah 4:19 I find also the heart and inward parts deemed worthy of honour. David convinces me of this, when he prays that a clean heart may be created in him, and a right spirit renewed in his inward parts; meaning, I think, the mind and its movements or thoughts. XL. And what of the loins, or reins, for we must not pass these over? Let the purification take hold of these also. Let our loins be girded about and kept in check by continence, as the Law bade Israel of old when partaking of the Passover. Exodus 12:11 For none comes out of Egypt purely, or escapes the Destroyer, except he who has disciplined these. And let the reins be changed by that good conversion by which they transfer all the affections to God, so that they can say, Lord, all my desire is before You, and the day of man have I not desired; Job 17:16 for you must be a man of desires, Daniel 10:11 but they must be those of the spirit. For thus you would destroy the dragon that carries the greater part of his strength upon his navel and his loins, Job 39:16 by slaying the power that comes to him from these. Do not be surprised at my giving a more abundant honour to our uncomely parts, 1Corinthians 12:23 mortifying them and making them chaste by my speech, and standing up against the flesh. Let us give to God all our members which are upon the earth; Colossians 3:5 let us consecrate them all; not the lobe of the liver or the kidneys with the fat, nor some part of our bodies now this now that (why should we despise the rest?); but let us bring ourselves entire, let us be reasonable holocausts, Romans 12:1 perfect sacrifices; and let us not make only the shoulder or the breast a portion for the Priest to take away, Leviticus 7:34 for that would be a small thing, but let us give ourselves entire, that we may receive back ourselves entire; for this is to receive entirely, when we give ourselves to God and offer as a sacrifice our own salvation. XLI. Besides all this and before all, keep I pray you the good deposit, by which I live and work, and which I desire to have as the companion of my departure; with which I endure all that is so distressful, and despise all delights; the confession of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost. |
| 1987//BAR. 1988. Vol. 14. N 4. P. 52-55; idem. Merneptah " s Israel and Recent Theories of Israelite Origins//JSOT. 1991. Vol. 49. P. 3-29; Fritz V. The Israelite «Conquest» in the Light of Recent Excavations at Khirbet el-Meshash//BASOR. 1981. Vol. 241. P. 61-73; idem. The Conquest in the Light of Archaeology//Proc. of the VIII World Congr. of Jewish Studies. Jerusalem, 1982. Vol. 1. P. 15-22; Shanks H. The Exodus and the Crossing of the Red Sea: According to Hans Goedicke//BAR. 1981. Vol. 7. N 5. P. 42-50; Miller J. M. Recent Archaeological Developments Relevant to Ancient Moab//Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan/Ed. A. Hadidi. Amman, 1982. Vol. 1. P. 169-173; Yadin Y. Is the Biblical Account on the Israelite Conquest of Canaan Historically Reliable?//BAR. 1982. Vol. 8. N 2. P. 16-23; Isserlin B. S. J. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan: A Comparative Review of the Arguments Applicable//PEQ. 1983. Vol. 115. P. 85-94; Wood B. G. Palestinian Pottery of the Late Bronze Age: Diss. Toronto, 1985; idem. Did the Israelites Conquer Jericho?: A New Look at the Archaeol. Evidence//BAR. 1990. Vol. 16. N 2. P. 44-58; idem. The Rise and Fall of the 13th Cent. Exodus-Conquest Theory//JETS. 2005. Vol. 48. N 3. P. 475-489; idem. The Biblical Date for the Exodus is 1446 BC.: A Response to J. Hoffmeier//Ibid. 2007. Vol. 50. N 2. P. 249-258; Ray P. J. The Duration of the Israelite Sojourn in Egypt//Andrews University Seminary Studies. Berrien Springs (Mich.), 1986. Vol. 24. N 3. P. 231-248; Bimson J. J., Livingston D. Redating the Exodus//BAR. 1987. Vol. 13. N 5. P. 40-53; Halpern B. Radical Exodus Redating Fatally Flawed//Ibid. 1987. N 6. P. 56-61; idem. The Exodus from Egypt: Myth or Reality?//The Rise of Ancient Israel: Symp. at the Smithsonian Institution, Oct. 26, 1991. Wash., 1992. P. 86-117; idem. Eyewitness Testimony: Parts of Exodus Written within Living Memory of the Event//BAR. 2003. Vol. 29. N 5. P. 50-57; Bietak M. Contra Bimson, Bietak Says Late Bronze Age Cannot Begin as Late as 1400 B. |
| Following up on the link I posted yesterday, I thought it might be a good idea to introduce folks to the entire concept of chronological revisionism, why it matters, and what it means for the Bible. Most of us assume that we know precisely when historical events occurred in ancient history- after all, encyclopedias and textbooks list, year by year, the reigns of various kings and the dates of various battles. In reality, however, the situation is far murkier than this. In fact, the entire edifice of ancient chronology is built upon the reconstructed chronology of Egyptian civilization. All other civilizations are “keyed” into Egyptian history. I won’t go into the exact problems with Egyptian chronology at this moment, but mainstream Egyptologists have referred to it as “rags and tatters.” It maintains weight by force of simple consensus. More importantly, though, what relevance does this have to the Bible? Well, in the conventional chronology, there is little more than circumstantial evidence for the exodus. James Hoffmeier and Kenneth Kitchen have argued for an exodus during the reign of Rameses II (13th century according to mainstream chronology). There are enormous problems with this identification. For example, it contradicts the biblical figure of 480 years between the exodus and the building of the Temple. Furthermore, we have Rameses’ mummy- he clearly didn’t pursue Israel into the Red Sea. Most importantly, however, we have these words from Pharaoh’s counselors: (Exodus 10:7) Then Pharaoh’s servants said to him, “How long shall this man be a snare to us? Let the men go, that they may serve the Lord their God. Do you not yet understand that Egypt is ruined?” The exodus and the plagues of Egypt were not minor events in the ancient world. If they occurred, they brought about the ruin of Egypt, probably for an extensive period of time. The backbone of any revisionist chronology must be the destruction of Egypt. The basic outline of Egyptian history by mainstream historians is as follows: |
| -- (1967b) «Sermon grec inédit de s. Éphrem sur le bon larron», AB, 85, 429439 ----- (1967c) «L’Ephrem slave et sa tradition manuscrite», F. Zagiba (ed.), Geschichte der Ost- und Westkirche in ihren wechselseitigen Beziehungen, Wiesbaden. Hindo B„ Saleh C. (1996) Chants pour la Nativité, de saint Ephrem le Syrien, Paris. Karukarampil G. (1995) «Enjoy the Lord in Creation. The mystical world view of St Ephrem», Tuvaik, Kottayam, 195199. -- (1995/96) «Experience of pneumatological eschatology in Ephrem», Harp, 8/9,161165. Iliadu S. (1973) «Les citations évangéliques de l’Éphrem grec», Byzantina, 5,315393 -- (1974) Interpretatio Syriaca. Die Kommentare des hl. Ephräm des Syrers zu Genesis und Exodus, Lund. -- (1975/76) «Ephrem: versions grecque, latine et slave. Addenda et corrigenda», Epeteris Hetairaias Buzantinon Spoudon, 42, 320373. ---- (1985) Efraim Syriern. Hymnerna от Paradiset, Skellefteâ. Jansma T. (1971) «Ephraems Beschreibung des ersten Tags der Schöpfung. Bemerkungen über den Charakter seines Kommentars zur Genesis», OOP, 37, 295316. -- (1972a) «The provenance of the last sections in the Roman edition of Ephraems Commentary on Exodus», LM, 85,155169. -- (1972b) «Ephraems Commentary on Exodus: some Remarks on the Syriac text and the Latin translation», JSS, 17, 203212. -- (1972c) «Beiträge zur Berichtigung einzelner Stellen in Ephraems Genesiskommentar», ОС, 56, 5979. ---- (1973a) «Ephraem on Genesis XLIX, 10 », PdO, 4, 247256. -- (1973b) «Ephraem on Exodus 11, 5: reflections on the interplay of human freewill and divine providence», OCP, 39, 528. -- (1974) Weitere Beiträge zur Berichtigung einzelner Stellen in Ephraems Kommentare zu Genesis und Exodus, ОС, 58,121131. Kim A. Y. (2000) «Signs of Ephrem’s Exegetical Techniques in his Homily on Our Lord», Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, 3/1 (http://syrcom. cua.edu/Hugoye/V0l3N01/HV3N1Kim.html). Kirchmeyer J. (1960) «Autres versions d’Éphrem», DSpir, 4, 819822. Kodjanian P. (1967) «Tatians Diatessaron and its commentary by Ephrem», Handes Amsorya, 81, 345354; 481484. |
| 2008. Bd. 25. N 1. S. 99-116; MacDonald N. Not Bread Alone: The Uses of Food in the OT. Oxf., 2008; Seebass H. In M. Noths Gefolge: Der Rechtsfall von Num 9, 1-14//Kontexte: Biografische und forschungsgeschichtliche Schnittpunkte der alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft: FS H. J. Boecker zum 80. Geburtstag/Hrsg. T. Wagner e. a. Neukirchen-Vluyn, 2008. S. 253-262; Stroumsa G. G. The End of Sacrifice: Religious Transformations in Late Antiquity. Chicago; L., 2009; Siggelkow-Berner B. Die jüdischen Feste im Bellum Judaicum des Flavius Josephus. Tüb., 2011; Beyerle S. Kult - Opfer - Erinnerung: Zur Geschichte von Pesach und Mahlgemeinschaften im alten Israel und antiken Judentum//Abendmahl/Hrsg. H. Löhr. Tüb., 2012. S. 5-50; Edelman D. V. Exodus and Pesach-Massot as Evolving Social Memory//Remembering and Forgetting in Early Second Temple Judah. Tüb., 2012. P. 161-193; Gesundhait S. Three Times a Year: Stud. on Festival Legislation in the Pentateuch. Tüb., 2012; Siegert F. Das Passa der Johanneschristen//Judäo-Christentum: Die gemeinsame Wurzel von rabbinischem Judentum und früher Kirche. Paderborn, 2012. S. 85-104; Matthew M. B. Supersession or Subsession?: Exodus Typology, the Christian Eucharist and the Jewish Passover Meal//Scottish J. of Theology. Edinb., 2013. Vol. 66. N 1. P. 18-29; Davies G. I. The Passover as the New Year Festival in P (Ex 12,1-2)//Nichts Neues unter der Sonne?: Zeitvorstellungen im AT: FS. F. E.-J. Waschke zum 65. Geburtstag. B., 2014. S. 157-170; Daise M. A. «Christ Our Passover» (1 Cor 5:6-8): The Death of Jesus and the Quartodeciman Pascha//Neotestamentica. Pretoria, 2016. Vol. 50. N 2. P. 507-526; Granerød G. Dimensions of Yahwism in the Persian Period: Stud. in the Religion and Society of the Judaean Community at Elephantine. B., 2016; Gruber M. Pascha - Imagination - der österliche Blick: Die Tempelreinigung als johanneisches Paradigma//Der Spürsinn des Gottesvolkes. Freiburg, 2016. S. 121-136; Hieke T. Das Pessach des Joschija in 2 Chr 35 (35, 13) als Rezeption scheinbar widersprüchlicher Vorschriften in den Büchern Exodus (Ex 12, 8-9) und Deuteronomium (Dtn 16, 7)//Exodus: Interpr. |
| Jesus» new exodus miracle, providing bread in the wilderness, may have influenced some subsequent expectations, 2349 but itself fitted into a new exodus expectation as old as the biblical prophets 2350 and amplified in Jewish themes of a future deliverance modeled after the first Passover (as in the Hallel) and exodus, 2351 as well as a new Moses. 2352 Signs and wonders were often associated with Moses, 2353 who used «wonders and signs» to withstand kings. 2354 Israel longed for the day when God would confound the oppressive nations by showing again his «signs and wonders.» 2355 The Fourth Gospel explicitly connects some of its signs with a new exodus (see comments on 2:1–11; 6:1–14), and portrays Jesus as one greater than Moses (3:14; 5:45–47; 6:32; 9:28). 2356 The earliest tradition suggests that Jesus, like the Baptist before him, was an eschatological prophet. 2357 Although some scholars have distinguished «charismatic prophets» from «eschatological prophets,» the distinction in this case appears artificial; prophets offering signs of deliverance would probably be understood as harbingers of eschatological deliverance. Most of Jesus» recorded miracles are healings and exorcisms, fitting better Vermes " s «charismatic healer» typology than a typology of a «charismatic prophet»; yet at least some people apparently viewed this miracle worker in an eschatological context (cf., e.g., Mark 8:28 ), 2358 and his disciples eventually unanimously viewed the miracles in a specifically messianic context, followed by the whole movement that quickly became early Jewish Christianity. 2359 Indeed, it is intrinsically likely that the enormous crowds following any Jewish teacher who could perform healings and exorcisms would lead some to entertain the possibility of a revolution. The Romans and priestly aristocracy were both uncomfortable with the potential of leaders with large followings. 2360 Many Jewish people expected not only significant signs before the final deliverance and special miracles at the end 2361 but pondered the promised signs of the messianic era offered by Isaiah, Ezekiel, and other biblical prophets. |
| РУКОПИСИ: Vatican. syr. 110 (VI saec.). СОВРЕМЕННЫЙ ПЕРЕВОД: Mathews – Amar 1994. P. 57–213. ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ: Hidal 1974; Jansma T. Ephraems Beschreibung der ersten Tages der Schöpfung. Bemerkungun über den Charakter seines Kommentars zur Genesis//OCP. 37. 1971. P. 295–316; Idem. Ephrem on Genesis XLIX, 10 : An enquiry into the Syriac text forms as presented in his Commentary on Genesis//ParOr. 4. 1973. P. 247–256; Jansma 1974; Kofsky A., Ruzer S. Justice, Free Will, and Divine Mercy in Ephrem’s Commentary on Genesis//Le Muséon. 113. 2000. P. 315–332; Kronholm T. Motifs from Genesis 1–11 in the Genuine Hymns of Ephrem the Syrian. Lund, 1978. ПРИМЕЧАНИЯ: в случае толкования на Быт. (и Дух Божий ношашеся верху воды) перевод сделан не с оригинального (аутентичного) сирийского текста, а заимствован из «Катен Севера». Замена подлинного текста на фрагмент из западносирийского (монофизитского) экзегетического трактата может быть объяснена как попытка «исправить» мнение прп. Ефрема, утверждавшего, что в данном стихе подразумевается ветер, а не Святой Дух (сир. rh. может иметь оба значения) 23 . АУТЕНТИЧНОСТЬ: определенно аутентичный. 46 . ТЕКСТ: Толкование на книгу Исход. НОМЕР РОСПИСИ: 656. РУССКИЙ ПЕРЕВОД: ТСО 22. Кн. 4. С. 403–459 (VI, 338–386). ИСТОЧНИК: Editio Romana Syr. I. P. 194–235. БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ: § 123 (Commentary on Exodus). СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ИЗДАНИЕ: Tonneau 1955. P. 122–155. РУКОПИСИ: Vatican. syr. 103 (IX-X saec.), syr. 110 (VI saec.). СОВРЕМЕННЫЙ ПЕРЕВОД: Mathews – Amar 1994. P. 215–265. ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ: Hidal 1974; Jansma T. The provenance of the last sections in the Roman Edition of Ephrem’s commentary on Exodus//Le Muséon. 85. 1972. P. 155–169; Idem. Ephrem’s Commentary on Exodus: some remarks on the Syriac text and the Latin translation//Journal of Semitic Studies 17. 1972. P. 203–212; Jansma 1974. ПРИМЕЧАНИЯ: оригинальный текст толкования не сохранился полностью и обрывается на Исх. 32 ; следующие главы (33–34, 37, 36, 27–30, 34, 40) были заимствованы из «Катен Севера». |
| 3587 Boismard, Prologue, 135–45, esp. 136–39; Enz, «Exodus,» 212; Borgen, Bread, 150–51 (concurring with «recent scholarship,» which «has shown [this] convincingly»); Hanson, «Exodus» (including rabbinic material); Harrison, « John 1:14 ,» 29; Mowvley, «Exodus.» Schnackenburg " s recognition of mere echoes (John, 1:281) is too weak. 3588 E.g., Ellis envisions a Greek contrast between matter and spirit (World, 19) that John is refuting (World, 35). Contrast Betz and Smith, «De Ε,» 95, who compare Plutarch Mor. 388F, noting, «That God could be perceived in the world is typical of Greek thinking.» The thought of incarnation, however, is hardly Greek (Barrett, John and Judaism, 25; cf. Haenchen, John, 1:119). 3589 On which see comment on 19:34. Greek thought allowed for mortals to become immortal, but not the reverse (Talbert, Gospel, 77–78; cf., e.g., Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.38). Cf. Goodenough, Church, 10: Mysteries «led the initiate up to the deity» but, unlike Christianity, did not bring the deity down. Hellenistic Christians apparently soon viewed the incarnation as a means of divinization for humanity (cf. Odes So1. 7:3). 3590 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.147 (LCL 2:250–51); cf. Alexander son of Numenius, who declares God «unbegotten and always indestructible» (Rhetores graeci 3.4–6 in Grant, Religions, 166). Barclay, «Themes,» 115, appeals here to the Orphic «body-as-a-tomb» idea. 3591 Epictetus Diatr. 2.8.2. Augustinés comments on his pre-Christian Platonic understanding may be used to highlight the unintelligibility of divine enfleshment for a Platonist (see Hays, Vision, 142). Later neoplatonists could detest the body as evil (Eunapius Lives 456); see comments on the gnostic view of matter as evil on 1:3. 3592 Such a God, being incorporeal, lacked even the lower aspect of the soul, being pure reason (Maximus of Tyre Or. 27.8). 3593 Some Platonists had to answer the objections this raised to traditional religious rites (e.g., Iamblichus Myst. 1.8). 3594 In a philosophic system where the true person is formless, bodiless, and apprehended only by intellect (Porphyry Marc. 8.147–150), genuine incarnation would be impossible. (Such philosophical qualms stood behind some of the church " s fourth-century christological debates.) |
| 231.). Особенно много писал, хотя не в экзегетическом, а в догматико-полемическом духе, бл. Августин. Таковы: Вопросы на Семикнижие; О Бытии по букве 12 книг; О Бытии по букве против Манихеев; О граде Божием (3–6 части по рус. переводу. М. 32 и 34 tt.). Нужно, впрочем, заметить, что кроме вопросов на Семикнижие, труды Августина касаются лишь начальных глав Бытия, и несмотря на их заглавия, никакого буквального изъяснения не заключают. Творение «О граде Божием» имеет библейско-исторический характер. Дальнейший период западной литературы, средневековой и новой, не имеет для православного богослова особого значения. На востоке за то же время не появлялось экзегетических трудов на Пятикнижие, кроме толкований катэнарного характера Прокопия Газского (М. 87 t.). Лучшее и более ценное, из западных толкований указанного периода, выбрано и помещено в позднейших толковательных католических и протестантских трудах. Позднейшие, с конца XIX века, наиболее ценные католические толковательные труды на Пятикнижие следующие: Lamy. Commentarius in lib. Geneseos. Mechliniae. 1883 г. Crellier. et Levitique. Paris. 1886 г. Hummelauer. L. Genesis. Par. 1895 г. Exodus-Leviticus. 1897 г. Numeri-Devteronomium. 1899–1901 гг. Протестантские труды: Keil. Com. üb. die Вьснег Moses (Genes.-Deuteron.). Leipz. 1861, 66, 78 гг. Strack. Genes.-Numer. 1892–94, 97 гг. На Бытие: Delitzsch. 1852, 72, 87 гг. Dods. 1888 г. Tappehorn. 1888 г. Tiersch. 1870 г. На книгу Левит: Ginsburg. 1884 г. Driver. 1894 г. На Числ: Buchanan. 1901 г. На Второзаконие: Schulz. 1859 г. Oettli. 1893 г. Резко-критического направления: Martï Genesis. Exodus-Numeri. 1898–1903 гг. Gunkel. Genesis. 1900 и 1902 гг. Steuernagel. Deuteronomium. 1898 г. Bertholet. Leviticus. 1901 г. – Deuteronomium. 1899 г. Baentzch. Exodus-Leviticus. 1900 г. – Numeri. 1903 г. Русские экзегетические труды: Митр. Филарет. Записки, руководствующие к основательному разумению книги Бытия. М. 1867 г. Пластов. Священная летопись первых времен мира и человечества, как путеводная нить при научных изысканиях. 1–3 т. Спб. 1875–1878 гг. Прот. В. Нечаев (он же еп. Виссарион). Толкование на паремии из книг Моисеевых. М. 1876 и 1894 гг. На русский язык переведены вышеупомянутые толковательные труды Василия Великого , Григория Нисского , Ефрема Сирина , Кирилла Александрийского , Иоанна Златоуста , Феодорита, Августина. Читать далее Источник: Введение в Ветхий Завет/Проф. П. А. Юнгеров. (в 2 т.) - Москва : Православный Свято-Тихоновский Богословский Институт, 2003. - (ОАО Можайский полигр. комб.)./Кн. 1: Общее историко-критическое введение в Священные Ветхозаветные книги. - 442 с. ISBN 5-7429-0188-7; Кн. 2: Частное историко-критическое введение в Священные Ветхозаветные книги. - 476 с. ISBN 5-7429-0189-5. Вам может быть интересно: |
| 3613 1B. The Word Tabernacled among Us (1:14) Just as God «tabernacled» with his people in the wilderness, God " s Word tabernacled among the witnesses of the new exodus accomplished in Jesus (see the introductory comment on the new exodus under 6:32–51). 3614 Some suggest that the LXX translators may have favored this particular Greek term for «tabernacle» because its consonants correspond to the Hebrew consonants for the Shekinah, God " s presence. 3615 That the image of the Word tabernacling among his people would have found a home among John " s readers is suggested by the declaration of Sirach, which would have been well-known: The one who created wisdom caused her tabernacle (σκηνν) to rest; thus she was to dwell (κατασκνωσον) in Jacob. 3616 Not long after this passage Sirach identifies Wisdom with Torah. The allusion would make sense to John s audience, who would recognize the contrast; 3617 this Gospels later imagery from the feast of σκηνοπηγα, Tabernacles (7:2), would reinforce the wilderness background of the image, hence God " s glory dwelling among his people. 3618 The Johannine community probably understood this as the ideal, eschatological state as well (Rev 7:15; 21:3; cf. Heb 8:2). Most Jewish thinkers viewed God " s Spirit as immanent. Wisdom of Solomon mimics Stoic thought, declaring that God " s «incorruptible Spirit is in all things (ν πσι).» 3619 Nevertheless, God " s Shekinah or act of dwelling was sometimes linked with Torah, 3620 and especially localized in some sense in the tabernacle 3621 or temple; 3622 it was uniquely connected with Israel among all nations, 3623 especially in the exodus event when God " s glory led his people forth. 3624 Whether or not John " s «tabernacled» implies any Jewish concepts surrounding the Shekinah (above), «glory» may invite such associations. 3625 In light of these various associations, John may emphasize that Jesus, rather than the temple or tabernacle, is the true locus of God " s activity among humanity (cf. 4120–24). 3626 Especially after 70, when Diaspora Judaism no longer had a central temple to look to, this claim could constitute a powerful challenge to competing versions of Jewish faith. 3627 1C. We Beheld His Glory (1:14) |
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