| 4938 Plato Crat. 400BC. Even when the specific language is absent, the concept is frequent: Plato Phaedo 80DE; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.8–9; 1.9.11–12,16; 3.13.17; 4.7.15; Arrian Alex. 7.2.4; Plutarch Isis 5, Mor. 353A; Marcus Aurelius 3.7; 4.5,41; 6.28; 9.3; Plotinus Enn. 1.5.3; cf. 4 Ezra 7.96; Diogn. 6.7–8. 4939 Let. Aris. 236; L.A.B. 3:10; T. Ash. 2:6; T. Naph. 2:2–3; T. Job 20:3; Apocr. Ezek. 1–2. Often «soul and body» together signified the whole (e.g., 2Macc 7:37; 14:38; Let. Aris. 139; T. Sim. 2:5; 4:8). 4940 E.g., 1 En. 102:5; t. Sanh. 13:2; b. Ber. 10a; 60b; Yoma 20b, bar.; Lev. Rab. 4:8; 34:3; Deut. Rab. 2:37; Pesiq. Rab. 31:2. See especially the Hellenistic dualistic language in Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; later, Gen. Rab. 14:3; Ecc1. Rab. 6:6–7, §1. 4941 E.g., Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.1; Abraham 258; Josephus Ant. 17.354; 18.14,18; War 1.84; 2.154, 163; 7.341–348; T. Ab. 1:24–25A; 4:9; 9:10B; Jos. Asen. 27:10/8; Apoc. Mos. 13:6; 32:4; 33.2. 4942 E.g., 1 En. 22:7; 4 Ezra 7:78; Gen. Rab. 14:9. Some traditions allowed the destruction of both soul and body for the wicked at the final judgment (t. Sanh. 13:4; cf. 1Macc 2:63); Sadducees reportedly denied immortality (Josephus Ant. 18.16). 4944 Snodgrass, «ΠΝΕΥΜΑ,» 195; see also Talbert, John, 77, 98; Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.4; esp. (though later) Porphyry Marc. 19.314–316; 33.516–517. For John, «nature is determined by its origin» (Vellanickal, Sonship, 197–98, citing John " s frequent εναι εκ); cf. 1 En. 15:9–10: celestial spirits (angels) reside in heaven, whereas terrestrial ones (in this case giants born to the evil Watchers) reside on earth. 1QS 3.15–4.26 attributes all actions to either the spirit of truth or the spirit of leading astray. 4945 Philosophers might read this as divinization (Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Ep. Luci1. 48.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.3; 2.19.26–27; Plutarch Pompey 27.3; Sent. Sext. 7ab; Marcus Aurelius 4.16; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.18,29; 8.5; Plotinus Virt. 1.2.7), or the soul as the divine part (Plato Rep. 10.61 IDE; Cicero Leg. 1.22.58–59; Tusc. 1.22.52; 1.25.56–1.26.65; Div. 1.37.80; Parad. 14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.12; 1.14.6; Marcus Aurelius 2.13,17; 3.5–6,12,18; 5.10.2; 5.27; 12.26; Josephus War 3.372), but in view of God " s Spirit and his peoplés spirit in Ezek 36:25–27 , the issue in John 3is not sameness of spirit (just as flesh begets related but not the same flesh) but likeness and image. |
| 9748 See also Demosthenes Against Meidias 1,80; Euripides Herac1. 219; Plato Apo1. 32E; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.43.2; Sallust Speech of Gaius Cotta 4; Josephus Life 361; Acts 26:4–5,26. 9749 Plato Apo1. 33, in MacGregor, John, 331. Secretive action is hostile (Philodemus frg. 41.2–3). 9751 Brown, Death, 585; for unofficial blows for reviling leaders in another ancient Mediterranean tradition, cf. Homer Il. 2.265; on honor accruing to even a disobedient priest, e.g., Acts 23:5; p. Sanh. 2:1, §2. On the requisite formality with social superiors, see, e.g., Malina, Windows, 37–38. 9752 Even those in authority who struck soldiers for discipline (Xenophon Anab. 5.8.12–13) might afterwards need to justify it (5.8.18). One might interpret «giving» a blow (also 19:3) as a worldly parody of the «giving» motif in John (cf. comment on 3:16), though here it may be simply idiomatic (cf. Gen. Rab. 78:11). For ρπισμα, see Isa 50LXX. 9753 Deut 25:2–3 ; Josephus Ant. 4.238,248; m. Hu1. 5:2; Ki1. 8:3; Mak. passim, e.g., 1:1–3; 3:3–5, 10–11; Naz. 4:3; Pesah. 7:11; Tern. 1:1; Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.3; Sipre Deut. 286.4.1; 5.1; b. B. Mesi c a 115b; Ker. 15a; Ketub. 33b; Pesah. 24ab; p. Besah 5:2, §11; Naz. 4:3, §1; Ter. 7:1; Yoma 77a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:3. 9754 Cf. Brown, John, 2:827; Morris, John, 757 (citing the assault by the attendant in b. Sebu. 30b). 9757 Diogenes the Cynic, once accosted, allegedly complained that he forgot to don his helmet that morning (Diogenes Laertius 6.2.41–42). Jesus» answer with dignity here contravenes an inappropriately literalist reading of Matt 5(Vermes, Religion, 36; cf. idem, Jesus and Judaism, 53). 9759 Blinzler, Trial, 135, suggests that proper public trials required an advocate, which Jesus appears to have lacked; but he also concedes (pp. 142–43) that the Mishnaic rules are late. 9761 Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.191, citing Hecateus of Abdera; 2.218–219,233–235. They also would die rather than disobey their laws (1.212) and wanted to kill those they thought brought harm to the nation (Josephus Life 149). |
| 5738 Jeremias, Sayings, 55. 5739 Perkins, «John,» 959, also noting that, despite its original purpose as a «Sheep Pool,» the pool had been developed elaborately, «probably by Herod the Great.» 5740 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.40; Martial Epigr. 2.42; 12.82; Pausanias 2.3.5; Apuleius Metam. 2.2; Menander Rhetor 1.3, 365.20–21. Although mixed bathing was common in many parts of the empire (see Ward, «Women») and known in early Judaism (though it constituted grounds for divorcing a wife; t. Ketub. 7:6; Num. Rab. 9:12; cf. revelry in Lev. Rab. 5:3), most Jerusalemites probably avoided it (for gender-specific bathhouses, cf. t. Nid. 6:15; for Jewish nudity there, t. B. Qam. 9:12; for preference for those where Jews were clothed, t. Ber. 2:20). Though most accepted bathhouses (Lev. Rab. 34:3), later tradition apparently associated demons with bathhouses (b. Qidd. 39b-40a; Ecc1. Rab. 2:8, §1; Song Rab. 3:7, §5; probably t. Ber. 6:25; as with toilets, b. Ber. 62a; Shab. 67a) and felt them an inappropriate place to discuss Torah (b. c Abod. Zar. 44b; Deut. Rab. 8:6). 5741 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 105. On such porches (στοα), see also 10:23. 5742 E.g., Acts 3:2; perhaps Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.305. 5743 So, e.g., a later portico from Ephesus to the temple of Artemis in Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.23.605. 5744 For Aesculapia, see, e.g., Aristophanes Plutus 410–411, 620–621; Pausanias 2.10.2; 2.26.1; 2.27.6; Herodian 4.8.3; Koester, Introduction, 1:174; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 45–49; cf. Asclepius associated with a pool in Lucian Hippias/The Bath 5. On healings in the Asclepius cult, see, e.g., Kee, «Self-Definition,» 129–33. 5745 Ferguson, Backgrounds, 175. Koester, Symbolism, 172–73, and Boring et a1., Commentary, 266, cite Vitruvius Arch. 1.2.7; Aelius Aristides Or. 39.6,14–15; such cult centers were widespread (Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt, 271; cf. 46–52). Water also appears in other temples (e.g., Polybius 34.9.5). 5746 Cf., e.g., Hammat Tiberias in, e.g., Josephus War 2.614; 4.11; Life 85; Pliny Nat. 5.15.71; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:16; Ecc1. Rab. 10:8, §1; Hammat Gader in Josephus War 1.657; Pliny Nat. 2.95.208; 5.15.72; Hirschfeld and Solar, «Baths.» Elsewhere, e.g., Eunapius Lives 459; Keener, Matthew, 158. |
| 7239 L.A.B. 23:12; 30:5; 1 En. 89:16–24; 4Q266 18 5.13; Sipre Deut. 15.1.1; Exod Rab. 24:3; Pesiq. Rab. 9:2; 26:1/2. ( Sir 18:13 ; Philo Agriculture 50–53; and p. Ber. 2:7, §2 appear to be exceptions.) Early Christians applied the image to the church (Minear, Images, 84–87; Ladd, Theology 108); on the shepherd image in early Christianity, see Keener, «Shepherd,» 1091–93. 7240 Robinson, Studies, 71. It is doubtful that the image is one of replacement (as apparently in Pancaro, Law, 301)–rather, one of the faithful covenant remnant (cf. Barrett, John, 369). 7244 E.g., Ps 77:20 ; Isa 63:11; 1 En. 89:35; L.A.B. 19:3, 10; Sipre Deut. 305.3.1; p. Sanh. 10:1, §9; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:8; Exod. Rab. 2:2; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 40 (Moses, Aaron, and Miriam); possibly 1Q34 and 1Q34 bis, 3 2.8 (Wise, Scrolls, 186; fragmentary); see further Meeks, Prophet-King, 311–12 (esp. on Mek. Pisha 1 on Exod 12:1); Glasson, Moses, 95–96; Odeberg, Gospel, 315–17. R. Nehemiah understood Isa 63to mean that all Israelites became shepherds as Moses was (p. Sotah 5:4, §1). Moses» title may relate to his occupation (Exod 3:1), but it is hard to suppose (with Enz, «Exodus,» 213) that the good shepherd of John 10 recalls Exod 3:1. 7250 E.g., the Teacher of Righteousness at Qumran (Painter, John, 42). Derrett, «Shepherd,» 26–28, argues that John uses «shepherd» as teacher; God is their owner, he claims, not their shepherd. 7258 T. B. Qam. 7:2; b. B. Qam. 114b; Gen. Rab. 54:3; Derrett, «Shepherd,» 41; also Rhet. Alex. 11, 1430b. 16–19. The robbers (ληστα, Lat. latrones) generally lived off the countryside and traveled in bands (MacMullen, Enemies, 255). 7261 Thieves and wolves summarized the greatest collective dangers to flocks (Tibullus 1.1.33–34). 7263 Ibid., 123; cf. Ruth 3:7. Cf. the allegedly Jewish robbers (ληισ[ται]) in the Ptolemaic vineyard in CPJ 1:157–58, §21. 7266 Aulus Gellius 11.18; death in Xenophon Mem. 1.2.62 and Hamm. 21; those in collusion with them should receive the same penalty (Lysias Or. 29.11, §182). Even former thieves were permanently barred from speaking to public meetings (Seneca Controv. 10.6.intr.). |
| 6774 For «remaining forever,» cf. 12:34; 1 John 2:17; 2 John 2 (there are only three non-Johannine uses in the NT; cf. 1 Esd 4:37–38). That legal adoption of a son was also μνω (P.Oxy. 1206.9) is probably irrelevant. 6775 E.g., Dio Chrysostom Or. 64.13. 6776 E.g., Sipre Deut. 40.6.1 (parable); b. B. Bat. 10a (about Akiba but probably later); Deut. Rab. 3:2; Pesiq. Rab. 27:3; see further Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 117–18. 6777 See Westcott, John, 134; Sanders, John, 221 ; Evans, John, 93. For background on Hagar " s and Ishmael " s «freeing» as slaves, see Sarna, Genesis, 128–29,155–57. 6778 E.g., Culpepper, Anatomy, 157. 6779 Jos. Asen. 10:4; 17:4; possibly Acts 13:1; Dixon, Mothers, 128. 6780 For people dwelling in shrines, see, e.g., Livy 40.51.8. The gate of John 10 could allude to the prince and his people going in and out through the gate of Ezek 46:9–10 , but the phraseology may be much broader than that: Num 27:17 ; 2Sam 5:2; 1 Kgs 3:7; 1 Chr 11:2. 6781 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Astyphilus 16; Estate of Nicostratus 27–31; Lysias Or. 7.24–33, §110–111; 7.41, §112; 16; 18; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Vat. 1.1–2; Rosc. com. 7.21; Pro Sulla 24.68; 26.72; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isaeus 3, 9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.50.63; Valerius Maximus 8.5.6; Acts 23:1. 6782 E.g., Plutarch Demosthenes 11.4; Cicero 38.2–6; 40.3. Sometimes even the butt of the joke was forced to laugh (Xenophon Cyr. 2.2.16). 6783 Plutarch Cicero 5.4; 27.1; 39.1. Cicero was sometimes intemperate with his vice lists (e.g., Pis. 27.66)! 6784 E.g., Lysias Or. 3.1, §96; Aeschines Against Timarchus passim, esp. (and ironically!) 179; False Embassy 3,14,56,69; Thucydides 3.61.1; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Rosc. Amer. 30.82–45.132; Cae1. 13.31; 24.60; Quinct. 3.11–9.33 (the entire narratio!); Pro Scauro 13.29; Sest. 37.80; Matt 12:24–45; probably Acts 24(implied in the anacoluthon); cf. comments in Anderson, Glossary, 72–73. Occasionally one brought countercharges only afterward (Thucydides 3.70.3–4); such behavior might serve to deter future claimants. |
| 10526 See also Byrne, «Faith»; Talbert, John, 250; cf. 1Pet 1:8 . Faith here refers to faith in the resurrection (20:25, 27, 29; Hoskyns, Gospel, 540). 10527 The need to understand Scripture after the resurrection also fits the gospel tradition in Luke 24:25–27, 32,44–47 (Beasley-Murray, John, 373). 10528 Westcott, John, 290, favors Ps 16:10 , but no clues allow us to narrow down the range of possible verses. John 2could refer to Ps 69in John 2:17 , but that is likely only if the entire psalm is in view. 10529 See, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; 329.2.1; b. Pesah. 68a; Sanh. 90b; Gen. Rab. 20:10. 10530 A frequent rabbinic interpretive method, e.g., Mek. Nez. 10.15–16,26,38; 17.17; Pisha 5.103; b. Ber. 9a; 35a; B. Qam. 25b; Git. 49a; Ker. 5a; Qidd. 15a; 35b; Menah. 76a; Naz. 48a; Nid. 22b-23a; Roš Haš. 3b; 34a; Sanh. 40b; 51b; 52a; Sabb. 64a; Tem. 16a; Zebah. 18a; 49b-50b; Exod. Rab. 1:20; cf. CD 7.15–20; Chernick, «Application.» 10531 Typical in Jewish sources (e.g., t. c Ed. 3:4; Sipre Num. 1.4.1; see much fuller documentation in comment on 7:23). 10532 Throughout this Gospel, δε usually stands for divine necessity (e.g., 3:14, 30; 10:16). 10533 E.g., Euripides Medea 928; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; losephus Ant. 4.320. 10534 Their going out in 20may be simply «to them» (cf. 7:50) rather than to their homes (NRSV; NASB); in 20they are all together. 10535 Cf. Schneiders, «Encounter,» who argues that lohn presents Mary as the official witness of the resurrection, symbolic for the Johannine community (though her allusions to Song of Songs may be more dubious). 10536 Okure, «Commission.» Mary " s testimony may or may not (cf. Maccini, Testimony, 240–52) teach specifically about women " s testimony, but it prefigures Christian testimony in general, which implies the participation of women in that witness. 10537 Sanders, Figure, 280. 10538 Dio Cassius 58.4.5–6; 63.11.2–12.1. Josephus cites Jews» willingness to die for the law (Ag. Ap. 1.42–43). |
| 5602 See Witherington, Women, 61; for her as «a type of the Christian herald,» see Collins, Written, 16–19 (esp. 19). 5604 With Beck, Paradigm, 76. By believing for themselves, they move from secondhand signs-faith to a higher level of discipleship (Smith, John 121). 5606 Keener, Paul, 82–85,143–46, although the case there may be overstated (see Ilan, Women, passim; cf. Levine, «Women»; Van der Horst, «Beobachtungen»; Keener, «Woman»; idem, «Man»). Jewish teachers rejected most testimony from both Samaritans (e.g., m. Git. 1:5) and women (Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Yebam. 15:1,8–10; 16:7; Ketub. 1:6–9; t. Yebam. 14:10; Sipra VDDeho.pq. 7.45.1.1). 5608 E.g., Grassi, «Leadership Roles»; Hays, Vision, 155; Ingram, «Women»; Seckel, «Mere»; Scott, Sophia, 250–51; Trudinger, «Women»; Thiessen, «Women»; Bernabe Ubieta, «Mujer»; Fletcher, «Women»; Cheung, «Women»; Karris, Marginalized, 73–95; Chennattu, «Women in Mission»; cf. Ukachukwu Manus, «Woman» (applied to nation-building). Schneiders, «Testimony,» even suggests that her witness is central to the composite testimony standing behind this Gospel " s beloved disciple. 5610 ÓDay, Revelation, 77, suggests that this dialogue, like 4:7–15 and 4:16–26, opens with an imperative. 5612 Cf. Ovid Metam. 6.366, where Latona loses hunger, but because anger postponed it, not because of her divinity. 5615 Sipre Deut. 317.3.1–7; see more fully comment on John 6:32–51 . Enoch " s Similitudes may identify creation " s food with its thanksgiving (1 En. 69:24, MSS Β and C), but the reading is difficult. Moses on the mountain feasted on the Shekinah rather than food (Exod. Rab. 3:1). 5617 E.g., 1Macc 3:59–60; T. Iss. 4:3; «Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B. On doing God " s will, see also 1QS 5:9; m. »Abot 2:4; 3:7; «Abot 5MSS; Sipre Deut. 40.4.1; 40.6.1; 305.2.1; 306.28.2; »Abot R. Nat. 34A. «Fulfillment» can refer to God completing creation (Sib. Or. 1.21) or fulfilling his purposes in history (Sib. Or. 3.570–572); in the Fourth Gospel it always refers to God " s mission (5:36; 17:4, 23; 19:28, 30). |
| 4926 The conjoining of antonyms resembles some forms of rhetorical antithesis (on which see Rhet. Alex. 26,1435b.25–39; Rowe, «Style,» 142; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22). 4927 Bürge, Community, 157,170. Baptism without the Spirit is worthless (White, Initiation, 254, 262; Culpepper, Anatomy, 193; cf. Ellis, World, 64; Ladd, Theology, 285). 4931 E.g., Sent. Sext. 139a-139b. Contrast the evil of matter in some forms of gnostic and later Hellenistic philosophic systems (Plotinus Enn. 1.8), and in tamer systems the worthlessness (Plotinus Enn. 2.4; cf. Marcus Aurelius 2.2) or lesser reality (Plotinus Enn. 3.6) of matter; cf. Flusser, Judaism, 62. 4933 Gentiles could relate the body to passions (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.52.6; Seneca Dia1. 2.16.1; Plutarch Reply to Colotes 27, Mor. 1122D), or contrast flesh with soul (e.g., Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F; Pleas. L. 14, Mor. 1096E), or note its weakness (Plutarch Pleas. L. 6, Mor. 1090EF). 4934 For the body and passions, see, e.g., T. Jud. 14:3; for contrast with the soul, see, e.g., Philo Giants 29–31; for the earthly body vs. the heavenly soul, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.2. Cf. later rabbinic comments on bodily members and the evil impulse (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2). 4935 E.g., Aristotle N.E. 1.12.6,1102a; Lucretius Nat. 3.370–395; Marcus Aurelius 5.13; 6.32; Diogenes Laertius 3.63; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Diogenes Ep. 39; Plutarch Plat. Q. 3.1, Mor. 1002B; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.79; Greek Anth. 7.109. Some allowed the distinction only for humans (Sallust Cati1. 1.2, 7), others also for animals (Aristotle Po1. 1.2.10, 1254a; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.28). 4936 Plato Laws 8.828D; Phaedo 64CE; Phaedrus 245C; Rep. 10.611BC; Aristotle Soul 1.4, 408b; Herodotus Hist. 2.123; Cicero Sen. 20.78; Tusc. 1.14.31; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.62.1; Seneca Dia1. 12.11.7; Ep. Luci1. 57.9; Plutarch D.V. 17, Mor. 560B; Diogenes Laertius 8.5.83; Plotinus Enn. 4.7–8; Philo Virtues 67. 4937 Most notably, Epicureans viewed the soul as mortal (Lucretius Nat. 3.417–829; Diogenes Laertius 10.124–125); Stoics also came to accommodate their view of the soul to their view of the cosmic conflaguration (Seneca Dia1. 6.26.7). Popular thought drew also from the «shades» of earlier myth (Homer Od. 11.204–224, 487–491). |
| For uses of the term, see 1:32, 33, 38–39; 3:36; 4:40; 5:38; 6:56; 7:9; 8:31, 35; 9:41; 10(cf. v. 38); (11:10); 11:54; 12:24,46; (14:10, 11 [εν]); 14:17, (20 [ν]), 23, 25; (15[ν]); 15:4, 5,6, 7, 9,10,16; (17:21,23,26 [ν]); 21:22, 23. The idea of the new covenant ( Jer 31:31–34 ; Ezek 36:24–28 ) and OT imagery for God " s indwelling (though, more commonly, his resting upon) are probably also relevant; for a complete discussion, see Malatesta, Inferiority, 42–77. 8411 The shift between God being their dwelling place and them being his is not particularly significant, since both communicate the idea of presence and relationship (though cf. also Pesiq. Rab. 21:10). 8412 B. Sank. 22a, attributed to Simon the Pious, says that this is the proper attitude for prayer (in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 345, §907). See Abelson, Immanence, 377–79, for connections between the Holy Spirit and the Shekinah in rabbinic literature. 8414 McNamara, «Resting-Place»; cf. idem, Targum, 142–43. Glasson, Moses, 75, comments reservedly on the view that a paschal tradition is in view (Exod 23has a «place prepared,» but Oesterley " s connections to the paschal liturgy are not particularly convincing); but the woman in the «place prepared» in Rev 12 evokes more of the imagery of Sukkoth. 8415 Cf. the common use of makom, «place,» as a divine title in later rabbinic circles, signifying God " s omnipresence (3 En. 18:24; m. " Abot 2:9,13; 3:14; Sipra VDDen. pq. 2.2.4.2; 4.6.4.1; Sipra Sav M.Dpar. 98.7.7; Sh. M.D. 99.1.4, 5, 7; 99.2.2, 3; 99.3.9, 11; 99.5.13; Sipra Qed. par. 1.195.2.3; pq. 7.204.1.4; Sipra Emorpq. 9.227.1.5; Behuq. pq. 5.266.1.1; Sipre Deut. 1.8.3; 1.9.2; 1.10.4; 2.1.1; 11.1.1; 21.1.1; 24.3.1; 26.4.1; 28.1.1; 32.3.2; 32.5.8; 33.1.1; 37.1.1, 3; 38.1.1, 3; Keener, Marries, 150 n. 27). Patte, Hermeneutic, 25, points out that Torah is a «place» of God " s dwelling, a surrogate for God " s presence in the temple; but this view may have arisen only gradually after 70 C.E. and is less common than the more common use as a title for God. |
| 7082 E.g., Plato Cratylus 41 ID and passim; Livy 1.43.13; Aulus Gellius 1.25; 2.21; 3.18; 5.7; Apollodorus 1.7.2; 2.5.10; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.15, 31. This continued despite the recognition that words changed in meaning over time (Aulus Gellius 4.9). For plays on peoplés names, see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.62; 5.340, 423; 16.145–147; 19.275, 407–409; Aelian Farmers 7 (Dercyllus to Opora) and 8 (Opora to Dercyllus); Alciphron Fishermen passim; Athenaeus Deipn. 9.380b; Phlm 10–11 . Philós use (sometimes indicating weak knowledge of Hebrew; Hanson, «Etymologies») differed considerably from rabbinic etymologies (Grabbe, Etymology). 7083 E.g., Demosthenes Ep. 3.28; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.55; 6.2.68; for discussion in the rhetorical handbooks, see Anderson, Glossary, 59–60 (cf. also 81–82). Some were intended for amusement (Suetonius Gaius 27). 7086 E.g., lQpHab 12.1–10; see Lim, «Alteration.» Revocalizing the consonants was common (Sipre Deut. 357.5.11; see Jub. 26:30; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32); for later rabbis, multiple meanings for single referents were certainly not problematic (b. Ber. 55b; Pesiq. Rab. 14:6; 21:6). 7090 Homer Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58. For charity among Gentiles, see, e.g., Publilius Syrus 274; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 4.1–2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.7; cf. Hesiod Op. 354 (give to the generous); giving to beggars in Seneca Controv. 10.4.intro. 7092 Hom. Od. 17.347, 578. Few, however, took this practice as far as the Cynics (see, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.10; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.46, 56, 59; 10.119; cf. 2.82), often to others» disdain (Diogenes Laertius 10.119); for priests of Isis or Cybele, see, e.g., Babrius 141.1–6; Phaedrus 4.1.4–5; Valerius Maximus 7.3.8 (also often to others» disdain, Syr. Men. 262–277). 7095 Cf. perhaps also the implied disgrace in Musonius Rufus 11, p. 80.19, 21. Merely pretending to be in need leads to judgment in Abot R. Nat. 3 A. 7096 E.g., the same epideictic function in Chariton 5.4.1–2 (emphasizing Callirhoés beauty); Xenophon Eph. 1.2. |
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