| 1590 Feldman, «Antiquities,» also suggests that some of L.A.R " s traditions sound closer to those later preserved in the rabbis than to Josephus. 1591 Martin Abegg in Wise, Scrolls, 355, on 4Q389 frg. 3 (though the text is fragmentary, making the parallel less clear). 1592 Cf. also, e.g., the story told by Judah ha-Nasi in b. Sank 9lab (cf. Mek. Sir. 2), which appears in more elaborate form in Apocr. Ezek. 1–2, a document which may have been in circulation by the late first century c.E. (assuming that the Clement quote represents this document; cf. comparisons in OTP 1:492,494). 1593 Jub. 4:30; Gen. Rab. 19:8; Pesiq. Rab. 40:2. These were the results of an unpublished study in Essene and Pharisaic haggadic (with some halakic) trajectories from common Judaism. 1596 Jub. 7:20–25; Finkelstein, Making, 223–27; Schultz, «Patriarchs,» 44–45, 48–49, 55–56; Mek. Bah. 5; b. c Abod. Zar. 64b; Sanh. 56a; 59a; 74b; Yebam. 48b; Gen. Rab. 26:1; 34:14; Exod. Rab. 30:9; Deut. Rab. 1:21. 1598 Jub. 4:17–23; 10:17; Gen. Apoc. 2.19; 1–3 Enoch; T. Ab. 11:3–10B; contrast Gen. Rab. 25:1; on Jubilees special Enoch traditions, cf. VanderKam, «Traditions,» 245. Cf. perhaps also Noah haggadah (Jub. 10:17; Gen. Rab. 26:6; 28:8; 29:1, 3; 36:3; more positive in b. Sanh. 108a), especially his birth (Gen. Apoc. co1. 2; extraordinary birth narratives apply especially to Moses in b. Sanh. 101a; Sotah 12a; Exod. Rab. 1:20,23,26: Lev. Rab. 20:1; Pesiq. Rab. 43:4; also in Philo Moses 1.3, §9; Josephus Ant. 2.217–37, but not in Jub. 47:1–8). 1599 Jub. 4:22; 5:1; 7:21; 2 Bar. 56:10–15; T. Reu. 5:5–6; CD 2.16–18: Philo Unchangeable 1; rare in rabbis except perhaps Gen. Rab. 31:13. 1601 Jubilees» and Qumran " s continuance of the old solar calendar (see Morgenstern, «Calendar»; Marcus, «Scrolls,» 12), possibly influential in the second century B.c.E. (Wirgin, Jubilees, 12–17, 42–43; for a consequent pre-Hasmonean dating, see Zeitlin, ««Jubilees,»» 224), naturally created a rift with the lunar-based temple service and Pharisaism (Noack, «Pentecost,» 88–89; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32; Baumgarten, «Beginning»; cf. Jub. 2:9–10; 6:17, 32–38). Rivkin, «Jubilees,» even argues that Jubilees was written against the Pharisee-scribes because they had created their own calendar. This may also indicate why the sun is extolled (Jub. 2:12; 4:21; cf. 1QS 10.1–5; CD 10.15–16; cf. Smith, «Staircase,» who may go too far, given synagogue zodiacs and Josephus " s astrological interpretations of temple imagery). |
| 10087 Crosses also became a natural metaphor for sufferings (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 7.16, cruciatibus; 10.9; cf. Seneca Dia1. 7.19.3) or the pain of grief (Apuleius Metam. 9.31) or anxiety (9.23); for other nonliteral usages, cf. Epictetus Diatr. 3.26.22. John employs βαστζω in a fairly common figurative sense in 16:12, albeit more literally in 10:31; 12:6; 20:15. 10088 Drury, Design, 113. The different term may simply represent literary variation, though αρων may better connote complete remova1. 10090 Tomb architecture changed radically after Jerusalem " s fall (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:84–89; Brown, Death, 938–39). 10091 On the latter, see Brown, John, 2:899; idem, Death, 1279–83; cf. Blinzler, Trial, 251–52; Smith, «Tomb»; Ross, «Church»; Riesner, «Golgotha.» 10094 See, e.g., Brown, Death, 1281–82; cf. Blinzler, Trial, 251–52; for archaeological data, see the notes in Cornfeld, Josephus, 338–40, on Josephus War 5.148–155. 10095 Cf. the kind of cup traditionally called a κρανον, or skull, perhaps due to its shape (Athenaeus Deipn. 11.479–480). 10096 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 11. We have borrowed much of the material from Keener, Matthew, 678–79. 10098 Hengel, Crucifixion, 25. Thus, e.g., one man is bound to a fig tree and anointed with honey so that the ants devour him, but this, too, is called a cross (cruciatum); Apuleius Metam. 8.22; cf. Prometheus " s fetters (Martial Epigr. 7; Lucian Prometheus 2). Positions varied, but for evidence for one probably common position, see Tzaferis, «Crucifixion,» 52–53. Before the Roman conquest, following Hellenistic (e.g., Josephus Ant. 12.256) and Persian (Esth 9:25; De Vaux, Israel, 159) practice, Jewish executions had also adopted hanging by crucifixion (e.g., Josephus War 1.97; Ant. 13.380; 4QpNah 1.7–8; Sipre Deut. 221.1.1; p. Sanh. 6:6, §2; cf. 11QT 64); though read back into earlier times (L.A.B. 55:3), Israelites originally hanged corpses posthumously (cf. Gen 40:19 ) only till nightfall, limiting the shame ( Deut 21:23 ; m. Sanh. 6:4). |
| 9490 Beasley-Murray, John, 302. 9491 Ibid., 307. 9492 Pamment, «17:20–23.» Contrast the oneness (unum) of Stoic writers, who tended toward pantheism (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.52). 9493 Cf. Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 100. 9494 See esp. Epp, «Wisdom,» 144. 9495 The Father " s love for the Son before the «foundation of the world» (17:24) is equivalent to «in the beginning» (1:1–2; cf. 9:32; καταβολ in Matt 13:35; Luke 11:50; Heb 4:3; 9:26; it often appears in the NT in predestinarian contexts, such as Rev 13:8; 17:8; Matt 25:34; Eph 1:4 ; 1Pet 1:20 ); they shared glory before the world began (17:5). 9496 Sipre Deut. 97.2 , on Deut 14:2 . 9497 With Beck, Paradigm, 132 (following Kurz, «Disciple,» 102), which he rightly takes (pp. 133–36) as evidence for reader identification with the beloved disciple. 9498 This refers to the experience of the Spirit, not merely to heaven after death (pace, e.g., Witherington, Wisdom, 271). 9499 Even Glasson " s moderately worded connection with Moses» préexistent mission in As. Mos. 1(Moses, 77; cf. Bernard, John, 2:580, based on a few words) is too far from the mark; the preexistence here is divine (Barrett, John, 514), the sort of préexistent glory attributed to Wisdom and Torah (see comment on 1:1–2). 9500 The long discourse of chs. 13–17 concludes with a note that Jesus had «said these things» (18:1), a familiar way for a narrator to close a discourse (Jub. 32:20; 50:13; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 66.26; Acts 20:36; it becomes standard in Matthew–7:28; 11:1; 13:53; 19:1; 26:1; cf. Keener, Matthew, 256). 9501 Cf. 1 En. 90(«Lord of righteousness,» which could be rendered «righteous Lord»). This was appropriate for a ruler (cf. Prov 20:28; 25:5 ); cf. the address to Ptolemy (βασιλε δκαιε) in Let. Arts. 46. 9502 See Painter, John, 61. Cf. Isa 1:27; 56:1; 58:8; 1QS 10.11; 11.2, 5, 9, 12–14; 1QH 4.29–32, 36–37; Przybylski, Righteousness, 37–38; in the LXX and elsewhere, see Stendahl, Paul, 31; Dahl, Paul, 99; Piper, Justification, 90–96; in the rabbis, e.g., Gen. Rab. 33:1; Ruth Rab. proem 1. |
| 3382 As Smith, John (1999), 48, notes, it is appropriate there. But such patterns appear elsewhere, e.g., Demosthenes Against Conon 19; Sipre Deut. 161.1.3; b. c Abod. Zar. 20b; p. Šeqa1. 3:3; Ber. 61a; Rom 5:3–5 ; Jas 1:14–15; 2Pet 1:5–7 (similar to Wis 6:17–20). For similar kinds of repetition, see, e.g., Demetrius 5.268 (for anaphora), 270; Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.25.34–35. 3383 Jonas, Religion, 57–58; Bultmann, Epistles, 16 (stressing gnosticism but also mentioning OT, Judaism, and other Hellenistic sources). Dodd, Interpretation, 36, points out that the divine is both life and light in the Hermetica, especially Poimandres; Lee, Thought, 37, stresses Poimandres as well (Corp. herm. 1.5,6,12,21; 13.7–9,18; also Ginza, R. 5.2,179, 22–27 in Mandean literature). 3384 Minear, Images, 129, contends that the NT image of light draws from all streams of ancient thought (OT, rabbinic, apocalyptic, Essene, hermetic, and gnostic literature), and lists many references in the NT itself (Images, 128; cf. Manson, Paul and John, 118–19). 3385 E.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 48.8 (lumen); Plutarch Lect. 17, Mor. 47C (πολ φως); cf. Philo Creation 53; Porphyry Marc. 13.224; 20.329–330; 26.403,406,415; darkness as ignorance in Valerius Maximus 7.2.ext.la; Maximus of Tyre Or. 29.5; Porphyry Marc. 13.223–225; Acts 17:27; 26:18; Eph 4:18 . 3387 E.g., Maximus of Tyre Or. 34.1; see comment on 20:12. Orators also praised the brilliance of deities (e.g., Menander Rhetor 2.17,438.12–13, 20–24); writers also used light to symbolize the divine nature or care (Iamblichus Myst. 1.9,13). 3388 See on this theme pp. 247–51, above; cf. Platós parable of the shadows in the cave and the necessity of facing the light. 3389 Enz, «Dualism,» thinks the dualism originates ultimately from the good-evil dualism of Israel " s history. 3391 E.g., 1QS 3.3 and passim; 1Q27 1.5–6; 4Q183 2.4–8 (and perhaps 4Q185 1–2 2.6–8); Γ. Job 43:6/4; Sib. Or. frg. 1.26–27 (in Charles, Pseudepigrapha, 2:377); cf. 1 En. 108:12–14. 3393 E.g., 1QS 3.19–22; 1QM 13.5–6, 14–15. The DSS added dualism to the OT images (Brown, John, 1:340; cf. Charlesworth, «Comparison»); these are now often used as Johannine background here (e.g., Ellis, World, 27–28). Treves, «War,» 421, acknowledges OT influence on the Scrolls» «light» imagery, but thinks the imagery is «ultimately of Iranian origin.» Hebrew emphasis on contrasting opposites (like «day» and «night») to represent a whole (cf. Gordon, East, 35 n. 3), and poetic use of metaphoric language, suggest to us that the imagés Jewish roots lay in the OT, though probably accentuated under Persian influence during the exile (cf. similarly Manson, Paul and John, 118–19). |
| 2565 Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha and NT, 82. 2566 E.g., T. Mos. 4:2. Cf. also Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A, who applies this title to the universal God. 2567 Sipre Deut. 26.5.1; Gen. Rab. 12:15; 33:3; 73:3; Exod. Rab. 3:7; 6:1, 3; Num. Rab. 9:18. 2568 See Schweizer, Jesus, 72. 2569 Applied even to a relative of higher rank, e.g., P.Oxy. 1231,26; Select Papyri 1:338–39, lines 1, 24; P.Giess. bib1. 21.11. 2570 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 114–15; he notes evidence for the title applied to teachers on 114–20. For the vocative, see also Γ. Job 3:5; for the title of a legal guardian (or perhaps a freedwoman " s patron), CP/2:20–22, §148 (Egypt, 10 b.C.e.). 2571 Fee, Corinthians, 839. 2572 Ladd, Theology, 416–17. See further Longenecker, Christology, 136. 2573 Dibelius, Tradition, 96, emphasizes the gradual «disappearance of the boundaries between God and the God-sent man» in Hellenistic religious history in genera1. Arguing against this, Croy, «Neo-Pythagoreanism,» 741, thinks that hellenized Judaism resisted the blending of human and divine; yet this too may overstate the case (see below). 2574 By the second century Jesus» deity was widely affirmed by Christians (see Ign. Rom. 3; Eph. 7; Justin Dia1. 68:9; Athenagoras 24; perhaps 1 En. 48:5; etc.). Contrast «Ebionites,» Irenaeus Haer. 3.19; 5.1.3; cf. Kaye, Apology, 54; Chadwick, «Defence,» 287. 2575 E.g., Heracles (Cicero Tusc. 1.12.28; 2.7.17; cf. Nat. d. 2.24.62; 3.15.39); Apollonius (probably third- or fourth-century inscription; see Jones, «Epigram»; a demigod in Eunapius Lives 454). This also applied to divine lawgivers like Lycurgus (Herodotus Hist. 1.65–66; Plutarch Lycurgus 5.3) and occasional other mortals (Pausanias 8.9.6–8; 9.22.7). On the deification of heroes, cf. Nock, Paul, 96 (Heracles, the Dioscurai, Dionysus, and Asclepius); Hadas and Smith, Heroes. One may compare esp. the popular Asclepius, a former mortal who now cures diseases (cf. Pausanias 6 [Elis 2].l 1.9). 2576 E.g., Democritus (Diogenes Laertius 9.7.39); Pythagoras (Diogenes Laertius 8.1.11); «the divine Plato» (Cicero Opt. gen. 6.17; Leg. 3.1.1; Nat. d. 2.12.32; Plutarch Profit by Enemies 8, Mor. 90C; Apol1. 36, Mor. 120D; Philostostratus Epistulae 73, §13; cf. patristic sources in Grant, Gods, 63–64); Theodorus (Diogenes Laertius 2.100). People could be divinized by philosophy (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 48.11; Marcus Aurelius 4.16); philosophy " s goal, virtue (Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.26–28; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.18,29; 8.5; Plotinus On Virtues 1.2.7; cf. also Koester, Introduction, 1:353); proper knowledge of onés humanity (Plutarch Pompey 27.3); faithfulness (Sent. Sext. 7ab, a Hellenistic Christian source); or, in some systems, death (Cicero Leg. 2.9.22; 2.22.55). See Alexander, «Ipse dixit,» 109–10. |
| 2340 Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 3. Cf., e.g., Vermes, Religion, 5,73–74; Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 257. 2342 For Elijah and Elisha as examples of healing miracles in Josephus, see Betz, «Miracles,» 219–20. 2346 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 171; Meeks, Prophet-King, 163–64; Horsley, «Prophets»; see Josephus Ant. 20.97–99, 168–172; War 2.259, 261–263; 6.283ff. For a Greco-Roman context for signs-prophets, consult Kolenkow, «Miracle» (her Jewish examples are actually less convincing). 2348 See further Betz, «Miracles,» 222–30, on the «signs» (smeia) of the messianic prophets; their signs invited faith, but some responded with unbelief (pp. 224–25). 2350 E.g., Isa 12:2; 35:1, 8–10; 40:3; 51:11; Hos 2:14–15; 11:1–5, 10–11 ; Zech 10:10. In Isaiah, see Glasson, Moses, 15–19. Daube, Pattern, addresses exodus typology through the OT; he notes that no other OT patterns of deliverance are comparable to the exodus motif (11–12). 2351 E.g., t. Ber. 1:10; b. Ber. 12b (attributed to Ben Zoma); Exod. Rab. 2:6; Lev. Rab. 27:4; Deut. Rab. 9:9; Pesiq. Rab. 31:10; Teeple, Prophet, 51; in Matthew, see Davies, Setting, 25–93. Note the exodus as «Israel " s first salvation» (CD 5.19) and «first visitation» (CD 7.21). 2352 Deut 18:18 ; Gen. Rab. 100:10; Deut. Rab. 9:9; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; see further Meeks, Prophet-King, 246–54; Longenecker, Christology, 34–37,72–73; Mauser, Wilderness, 55–56; Patte, Hermeneutic, 173 (on Pss. Sol); and on the «hidden Messiah» tradition some commentators find in John 7 ; in the DSS, see Aune, Prophecy, 126 (who cites 1QS 9.10–11; 4QTest 1–20). Many scholars appeal to the new Moses picture in NT interpretation (e.g., Georgi, Opponents, 174; Hengel, Mark, 56), although its prominence in Judaism increased in the later period. 2353 Jub. 48:4; L.A.B. 9:7; Sipre Deut. 9.2.1; 4Q422 frg. 10 line 5; see further Meeks, Prophet-King, 162–63. 2356 Cf., e.g., Smith, «Typology,» 334–39; Meeks, Prophet-King, passim; Schnackenburg, John, 1:527. The ten plagues of Exodus (cf. the ten miracles for Israel at the sea in Mek. Bes. 5.1, Lauterbach 1:223) are paralleled in the seven plagues of Revelation, but probably also in the Fourth Gospel " s seven signs; compare the water turned to blood with water turned to wine as the first sign in each (Smith, «Typology,» 334–35, on John 2:1–11 and Exod 7:14–24). The seven signs may follow the midrash on Exodus implied in Wis 11–19 (Clark, «Signs»); the seven miracles of Pirqe R. E1. 52 are probably irrelevant (the document probably dates to the ninth century; see Strack, Introduction, 225–26). |
| 6908 Hesiod Op. 719–721; Livy 44.34.4–5; Horace Sat. 1.4.81–82; Martial Epigr. 3.28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 37.32–33; Lucian A True Story 1; Slander passim; Marcus Aurelius 6.30.2. 6909 1QS 7.15–16; Sib. Or. 1.178; Josephus Ant. 13.294–295; 16.81; Ag. Ap. 2.89; War 1.77, 443, 532, 564; Philo Abraham 20; Spec. Laws 4.59–60; T. Ab. 12:6–7B; Rom 1:30 ; Sipre Deut. 1.8.2–3; 275.1.1; " Abot R. Nat. 9, 40A; 41, §116B; b. c Arak. 15a-16a; B. Bat. 39ab; Pesah. 118a; Sanh. 103a; Ta c an. 7b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:2; Gen. Rab. 79:1; 98:19; Exod. Rab. 3:13; Lev. Rab. 16:6; 26:2; 37:1; Num. Rab. 16:6; Deut. Rab. 5:10; 6:8,14; Ecc1. Rab. 3§1. 6910 Kraeling, John, 11–12. 6911 E.g., Justin Dia1. 69:7; b. Sanh. 43a; 107b. For more detailed discussion, see Klausner, Jesus, 27–28, 49–51, 293; Dalman, Jesus in Talmud, 45–50; Herford, Christianity 50–62; Gero, «Polemic»; Horbury, «Brigand,» 183–95; Stanton, Gospel Truth, 156–58. 6912 E.g., Homer Od. 18.15,406; 19.71; see more detailed comment on John 7:20 . 6913 Stanton, Gospel Truth, 161–62, suggesting that Mark 3and Q attest it independently. (But Mark may follow Q here.) 6914 Deut 4:2; 33:9; 1 Chr 10:13; esp. Ps 119:9, 17, 67, 101, 158 ; John 17:6; 1 John 2:5 ; Jub. 2:28; CD 6.18; 10.14,16; 20.17; 1QS 5.9; 8.3; 10.21; Sib. Or. 1.52–53. See Pancaro, Law, 403–30. 6915 Also, e.g., T.Ab. 11:5B. 6916 E.g., 4 Bar. 5:28. Cf. John 3:3 , where only the righteous will «see» the kingdom. 6917 E.g., Mark 9:1 ; Heb 2:9; Sib. Or. 1.82 (of Adam); Gen. Rab. 21:5; Lev. Rab. 18:1; Pesiq. Rab. 48:2; «taste death " s cup» in Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 40:23 ; and on Deut 32:1 ; cf. Homer Od. 21.98. A newborn infant who died had merely «tasted life» (IG 14 1607 2171, in Horsley, Documents, 4:40, §12); cf. Longus 1.19; Musonius Rufus 19, p. 122.1. 6918 E.g., Gen 42:2; 43:8; 47:19 ; Num 4:19 ; Deut 33:6; 2 Kgs 18:32; Ps 118:17 ; Ezek 18:17, 21, 28; 33:15 ; L.A.B. 23:10. 6919 Cf. Philo Abraham 51–55; 4 Macc 16:25; Ecc1. Rab. 9:5, §1. In other Jewish traditions, the prophets died (cf. also T. Mos. 1:14–15) but their words endure (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 13:3; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2). Of course, the observation that all great people have died and no one will escape this is a natural one (e.g., Lucretius Nat. 3.1024–1052). |
| 6136 Dschulnigg, «Überlegungen,» connects «bread of life» in this document with Passover; more persuasively, Sänger, «Missionsliteratur» connects the bread and honeycomb with wisdom and life. 6137 Angels eat from a honeycomb made by the bees of paradise, which provide eternal life, in Jos. Asen. 16:14/16:8; this appears as the «bread of life» in Jos. Asen. 19:5, some MSS. 6138 Philo Heir 191; Creation 158; Flight 138; Names 259–60. The emphasis on «knowledge» (γνσις) remains even in the eucharistie Christian interpretation in Did. 9.3 (cf. 10.3). 6139 Philo Worse 118 (λγον θεον); Alleg. ïnterp. 3.162, 169; Flight 137. Scholars have long noted Philós identification of the Logos and manna (e.g., Howard, Gospel, 161). 6140 Whitacre, John, 159. In context, Deut 8means that God " s decree brought manna even when Israel could not toil for its bread. 6141 E.g., Pesiq Rab Kah. Sup. 3(School of R. Ishmael); Gen. Rab. 43:6; 54:1; 70:5; Exod. Rab. 47:5; Lev. Rab. 30:1; exegesis in Sipre Deut. 48.5b.2; though all eating and drinking could represent Torah (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:1; Ecc1. Rab. 2:24, §1; 5:17, §1; 8:15, §1), and eating at Sinai could represent feasting on the Shekinah (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 26:9; Lev. Rab. 20:10). Literal bread could also derive from keeping Torah (Sipre Deut. 40.7.1). 6142 In addition to Borgen and some others listed above, e.g., Turner, Spirit, 64; Manns, «Sagesse»; Ellis, World, 26; Longenecker, Christology, 40; for Wisdom motifs, esp. Feuillet, Studies, 76–83. The most thorough study in the Targumim is Malina, Manna Tradition, though this study from the 1960s may be too optimistic about recovering the earliest form of the tradition (cf. Lebram, «Review»). 6143 E.g., Sib. Or. 3.256. Cf. also the tradition of Moses bringing the Torah down from heaven (see comment on John 3:11,13 ). Köstenberger, John, 102–4, relevantly cites God " s own descent (Isa 64:1) at Sinai (64:3). Because God would provide for them, the sixth race of humans was called ορανη (Sib. Or. 1.286; contrast the five races in Hesiod Op. 110–201). |
| 10713 Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.31–32; more relevant for 1Cor 15:45–49 . For Philonic exegesis of Gen. 2:7 , applying it especially to the soul " s immortality, see esp. Pearson, Terminology (he addresses the gnostic exegesis in pp. 51–81); for later rabbinic exegesis with the two impulses, see, e.g., Hirsch, Pentateuch, 1:56–57. 10714 Gen. Rab. 14:8; Grassi, «Ezekiel,» 164. Wojciechowski, «Don,» also notes that God " s breath in the Targumim on Gen 2brings the word, enabling Adam to speak, suggesting relevance for John 20and Acts 2:4; cf. perhaps also 1 En. 84:1. 10715 E.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; p. Seqa1. 3:3; Exod. Rab. 48:4. Rabbis also assumed that the Spirit implied resurrection in some other texts (e.g., p. Sanh. 10:3, §1; Gen. Rab. 26:6; cf. 1 En. 71:11). Philonenko, «Qoumrân,» parallels 4Q385 and the Dura Europos mural of Ezek 37:1–14 . 10716 If the traditions they preserve are early enough (which is uncertain), it may be relevant that Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 2and Tg. Neof. on Gen 2both attribute Adam " s gift of speech to divine insufflation. 10717 See my discussion in Keener, Questions, 46–61; idem, Giver, 157–68. 10718 See Hawthorne, Presence, 236. 10719 Cf. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 49–50; Ezek 36:27 ; though cf. 1Pet 1:11 ; Gen 41:38 ; Num, 27:38; Dan 4:8–9, 18; 5:11–14 ; corporately, Isa 63:11; Hag 2:5 . 10720 In 4QNab 1.4 an exorcist «forgives» sins; but this may only mean that he pronounced forgiveness, a prerogative Sanders, Judaism, 240, associates with the priesthood in the pre-70 period; the idea of being mediators of God " s forgiveness appears with regard to conversion and disciple making in rabbinic texts (e.g., b. Sanh. 107b; cf. b. Yoma 86b-87a). Here it is associated with the bearers of the divine word. 10721 Quast, Reading, 137. 10722 With, e.g., Cook, «Exegesis,» 7–8. 10723 Cf. Isaacs, «Spirit,» 405. Differently, Tholuck thinks the Spirit provides discernment of who is truly repentant (John, 454–55). 10724 Most commentators acknowledge that all believers are in view from the standpoint of John " s theology (e.g., Beare, «Spirit»; Smith, « John 16 ,» 60; Lenski, John, 1389; Wheldon, Spirit, 283–84). «Disciples» (20:19) certainly includes the Twelve (20:24–25), but its Johannine usage is broader; cf. also Morris, John, 844. |
| 7.9; " Abot R. Nat. 8A; cf. Justinian Codex 9.20, 29). 5317 See, e.g., OGIS 674=IGRR I 1183; McGinn, «Taxation»; Lewis, Life, 141, 145, 171–72. Pay varied according to appearance and skill (e.g., CIL 4.1679). 5320 Cf. Diogenes Ep. 44; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.61, 66; Musonius Rufus frg. 12; Artemidorus Onir. 1.78; Sallust Cati1. 14.6; Livy 23.18.12; Aulus Gellius 9.5.8. Some philosophers did not regard it as an ethical matter (Diogenes Laertius 2.69, 74; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 3.201). 5324 E.g., Plutarch Bride 42, 46, Mor. 144B, EF; Dio Cassius 77.16.5; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.167e. For the gender-based double standard, see, e.g., Euripides Pirithous frg. 1–13; Justinian Codex 9.1; but cf. also Isocrates Nic. 40, Or. 3.35; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.21. Only a few philosophers did not condemn all adultery (Diogenes Laertius 2.99). 5325 Probably with rhetorical overstatement, Seneca Benef. 1.9.4; 3.16.3; Dia1. 12.16.3; Juvenal Sat. 4.1–20. On actual conditions, see Richlin, «Adultery.» 5326 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 403–418; Horace Sat 1.2.38, 49, 64–100; Ep. 1.2.25–26; Carm. 1.15.19–20; Juvenal Sat. 6.231–241; Epictetus Diatr. 2.4; 2.10.18; 2.18.15; Alexander 3 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 179E; Cornelius Nepos 15 (Epaminondas), 5.5. 5327 Artemidorus Onir. 3.11; Sib. Or. 1.178; 3.38,204; 5.430; Ps.-Phoc. 3; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 3.3.12. 5328 E.g., Sallust Cati1. 25.3–4; Ps.-Cicero Invective against Sallust 5.15–6.16; Appian R.H. 7.9.56; Martial Epigr. 2.47,49; 3.26.6; 6.45.4; 6.91; 9.2. 5330 Cf. Jos. Asen. 21:1, although definite cases of temporary premarital cohabitation are known (see Ilan, «Cohabitation»). 5333 Also Ps 154:14 ; m. «Abot 3:2; »Abot R. Nat. 26, 29A; 32, §68B; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; 2:2, §5; Ta c an. 3:11, §4. See especially the Essenes (cf., e.g., CD 11.4; Josephus War 2.128,132–133; Philo Good Person 76,81–82). 5334 Also Let. Aris. 130; m. «Abot 1:6–7; 2:9; Sipre Deut. 286.11.4; »Abot R. Nat. 16, §36B; Ps.-Phoc. 134; 1Cor 15:33 ). For the warning in Greco-Roman tradition, see, e.g., Gnomologium vaticanum 460 in Malherbe, Exhortation, 110; Crates Ep. |
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