| 7589 1 Th 4:13; Acts 7:60; Rev 14:13; Sir 30:17 ; Jub. 23:1; 36:18; 1 En. 89:38; Pss. So1. 2:31; L.A.B. 3:10; 4Ezra7:31–32;2Bar. 11:4;21:25; 36:11; T.Mos. 10:14; L.A.E.48:2; T.Dan 7:1; T. Iss. 7:9; T.Zeh. 10:6; Gen. Rah. 62:2. 7590 E.g., Sophocles Oed. co1. 1578; Callimachus Epigrams 11, 18; Plutarch Apol1. 12, Mor. 107D; Propertius Eleg. 2.28.25; Diogenes Laertius 1.86; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 3.6. See also in unrelated societies (Mbiti, Religions, 204–5). 7592 E.g., Chariton 5.5.5–6; for such an announcement that one was dead, Plutarch Cimon 18.7. An orator sometimes intended an audience to take his words the opposite of the way he put them (Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137), but this was irony, not deliberate obscurity. 7593 Sleep allows respite from pain (Sophocles Track 988–991); conversely, loss of sleep can hasten death (Livy 40.56.9) or illness (Livy 22.2.11); one could be tortured to death by lack of sleep (Aulus Gellius 7.4.4; Cicero Pis. 19.43; Valerius Maximus 9.2.axf.l). Lack of sleep could stem from self-discipline (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.64.2; Livy 23.18.12; Silius Italicus 9.4–5), devotion to Torah ( Ps 119:55, 148 ; 1QS 6.7–8), or repentance (Jos. Asen. 18MSS); sickness (Hippocrates Regimen in Acute Diseases 1–2; Prorrhetic 1.135–136; love-sickness (Achilles Tatius 1.6; PGM 101.5–7), jealousy (Plutarch Themistocles 3.3–4), fear (Publilius Syrus 359; Plutarch Alex. 31.4; Silius Italicus 13.256–257), anxiety caused by vice (Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100F), or other anxiety (Homer Il. 2.2–3; Aristophanes Lys. 27; Livy 40.56.9; Plutarch Cicero 35.3); mourning (Homer Il. 24.4–6); idleness during the day (m. Abot 3:4); or hardships (Arrian Ind. 34.7; Gen 31:40 ; perhaps 2Cor 11:27 ; Chariton 1.2.3). 7594 In 11δοκω (here the aorist δοξαν) signifies misunderstanding, as it always does in John (5:39,45; 13:29; 16:2; 20:15), including in this context (11:31, 56). 7595 Bernard, John, 2:380, suggests that Jesus " joy relates to fulfilling his mission (cf. 4:36; 15:11; 17:13). |
| 6047 Blomberg, «Miracles as Parables,» 343; also Brown, John, 1:254. Dodd, Tradition, 197, contends that Mark tells the story mainly from Jesus» perspective, and John from that of the disciples. 6048 On a recovered Galilean fishing boat, see Peachey, «Building»; Riesner, «Neues»; Andifiach, «Barca»; Wachsmann, «Boat»; Stone, «Boat.» 6051 Boring et a1., Commentary, 99–100, cites Isocrates Paneg. 88–89; Dio Chrysostom Or. 3, On Kingship 3, §30. 6053 Smith, Magician, 120, cites Lucian Philops. 13; also the promise of water-walking ability in PGM 1.121. See the citations in Bultmann, Tradition, 236–37 6054 Smith, Magician, 119. Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 190, cites traditions in which Orpheus, Abaris, Epimenides, and Apollonius as well as Pythagoras and Empedocles controlled the elements; cf. also the ancient (deceased) hero Protesilaos (Philostratus Hrk. 13.2–3; but see Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, lxxix n. 124). 6056 Ibid., «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 192. He also contends that in such traditions the presence of sages like Pythagoras or Apollonius could guarantee a voyagés safety, but such traditions did not describe the sage saving the ship from storm (cf. also Bultmann, Tradition, 237–38, citing as closest Porphyry V.P. 29; Iamblichus V.P. 135). 6057 Cf. Bias in Diogenes Laertes 1.86; Acts 27:22–25; contrast Aristippus in Diogenes Laertes 2.71. 6058 See Theissen, Stories, 101. Prayers for safety at sea were, not surprisingly, common (e.g., Achilles Tatius 3.5). 6059 Theissen, Stories, 65, cites here Jonah 1:14; b. B. Mesi c a 59b; p. Ber. 9(Bultmann, Tradition, 234–35, prefers the latter). In 4Q451 frg. 7, line 3 (in Wise, Scrolls, 259) apparently the Mediterranean Sea would be still because of the eschatological revealer, but his role (like Moses?) and the character of the peace (naturés or humanity " s?) are not yet fully clear. 6060 E.g.,Mek. Pisha 16.165–168; Bes. 4.52ff.; Sipre Deut. 8.1.1; in later texts, p. Ta c an. 1:1, §8; Gen. Rab. 23:6; 55:8; 74:12; 76:5; 84:5; 87:8; Exod. Rab. 2:4; 15:4, 10; 31:2; Lev. Rab. 34:8, bar.; Num. Rab. 3:6, bar.; 13:20; Deut. Rab. 2:23; Song Rab. 4:4, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10:9. |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 9017 E.g., Polybius 1.62.8; 14.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.28.7; 3.51.1; 5.26.4; 5.50.3; 6.21.2; 6.95.1; 8.9.3; 8.36.3; 15.7.2; Diodorus Siculus 14.30.4; 14.56.2; 17.39.1; 17.54.2; 19.66.6; 19.67.1; 21.12.6; 31.5.3; 32.16.1; 33.28b.4; 40.1.2; Livy 6.2.3; 27.4.6; 43.6.9; 45.12.6; Sallust Jug. 14.17; 102.6; Herodian 4.7.3; 4.15.8; 1Macc 12:1,3,8; 14:40; cf. 1 Kgs 5:1; 2Macc 11:14. For further discussion in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, see Balch, «Friendship.» 9018 Often in Plutarch (e.g., Agesilaus 23.6; Pompey 70.4; Statecraft 13, Mor. 806F-809B; Philosophers and Men in Power 1, Mor. 776AB; O.M.P.A. 6, Mor. 787B); but also elsewhere (e.g., Achilles Tatius 4.6.1–3). Contrast the older Stoic values of Chrysippus in Diogenes Laertius 7.7.189; but cf. Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and Stoics, 74. Even among Greeks, whereas Aristotle notes friendships based on goodness, pleasure, or utility (E.E. 7.2.9–13,1236a; 7.10.10,1242b; N.E. 8.13.1,1162ab), he assigns most to utility (E.E. 7.2.14, 1236a). 9020 Friedländer, Life, 1:225. Cf. Judge, Pattern, 33–34 (in the context of imperial friendships): «not simply a spontaneous relationship of mutual affection. It was a status of intimacy conferred on trusted companions.» 9021 Cf. Stowers, Letter Writing, 29: «It is doubtful that any but those with some wealth and leisure could attain either the Greek or the Roman ideal of friendship.» 9022 Also Cicero Verr. 1.7.18 (one must be careful what one says about friends of rank); on friendship in his letters, see Fiore, «Theory.» 9023 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lit. Comp. 1; Valerius Maximus 7.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 4.3; 10.2; Acts 19:31; cf. AE 1912.171 (in Sherk, Empire, 235). Iamblichus V.P. 22.101; 33.230, admonishes respect for benefactors in a friendship. 9024 Martial Epigr. 3.36.1–3; 3Macc 5:26; probably P.Oxy. 2861 (in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63); cf. Musonius Rufus 15, p. 98.5–6; DeSilva, Honor, 99. See also, e.g., a magician dependent on a spirit (PGM 1.172, 190–191). 9028 |
| 8768 In Jub. 32:25–26, Jacob receives divine help to «remember» an inspired dream (Charles, Jubilees, lxxxiii, also notes the parallel); PGM 4.726–731 likewise promises Mithras " s help to recall a lengthy revelation. 8769 This can be argued on analogy with Matt 28:19, which probably invites the disciple makers to use the teaching blocs in Matthew catechetically. 8770 This is often argued; e.g., Dietzfelbinger, «Paraklet,» 389–408. Franck, Revelation, 96, suggests that the connection between Paraclete and beloved disciple guarantees that disciple as an inspired transmitter of tradition. See introduction, ch. 3, esp. pp. 111–22. 8771 Sasse, «Paraklet,» 260–77; Culpepper, School, 266–69; Boring, Sayings, 49; Kragerund, Lieblingsjünger, 113–29 and passim. Boismard, «Review,» critiques Kragerund " s identification of the beloved disciple with the Paraclete instead of with an idealized disciple figure. Much more cautious is Wilckens, «Paraclete,» 203; they are not identical, but the beloved disciple represents the community that the Paraclete has founded. 8773 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 30. This view is shared by Aune, Eschatology, 101; Boring, Sayings, 8 (on Dibelius), 49 (with a list of other scholars), 76,85,106–7,127; Hays, Vision, 151. Boring sees this as something of a charismatic exegesis of Jesus as well as of the OT (p. 102). 8774 Oracle collections did indeed exist in antiquity, e.g., the Sibylline Oracles. See Collins, Sibylline Oracles, 6–7; Aune, Prophecy, 44. An oracle (χρησμς) was sometimes circulated (e.g., Achilles Tatius 2.14.1) by itself, although the scantiness of the evidence for this suggests that it was not a common practice. 8775 Even though skillful writers knew how to join sayings with narrative (Theon Progym. 5.388–425; cf. 4.73–79; 5.427–441) and both premeditation (Quintilian 10.6.1–2, 5) and a rough draft (Aune, Environment, 128) would permit the writer to prepare and relate material carefully. Arrian seems to impose more of his own grid on the Epictetus material in his more highly organized Enchiridion than in his Diatribai, but writers had a greater degree of freedom then than we would normally permit in biography today (Theon Progym. 1.93–171), as attested by tradition variants (cf. the tortures in 2 and 4 Macc [OTP2:555; but probably 4 Maccabees diverged more from its antecedents]; Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.23–25 vs. Plato Apo1. 29C, 28E), although some of these could have arisen from conflation of similar sayings or events (e.g., p. B. Qam. 2:6, §3). |
| 3255 E.g., Sophocles Searchers 212–215 (Sei. Pap. 3:44–45); Euripides Antiope 69–71; Pirithous 22–24 (Sei. Pap. 3:124–125); Virgil Aen. 1.28; Ovid Metam. 2.714–747; 3.1–2, 260–261; 4.234–244; 5.391–408; 10.155–219; 14.765–771; Achilles Tatius 1.5.5–7; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Apollodorus 3.8.2. On very rare occasions a mortal escaped, outwitting the deity (Apollonius of Rhodes 2.946–954). 3257 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.244–246,275; Athenagoras 20–22; Theophilus 1.9; Ps.-Clem. 15.1–19.3. 3258 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 94–98; Appian R.H 12.15.101; Ovid Metam. 3.261–272, 280–309; 4.416–530. 3259 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 1–28,1400–1403 (because deities desire honor, Hipp. 8); Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64–65. 3263 E.g., Ovid Tristia 1.2.4–5. Even if Homer authored both the Iliad and the Odyssey, it remains noteworthy that the former portrays a much less harmonious pantheon; later Roman sources (e.g., the Aeneid) also portray their deities more favorably than the Iliad. 3264 Odysseus in Euripides Cyc1. 606–607. In prayer, pagans often piled up as many names of the deity they were entreating as possible (e.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38, 451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190) and reminded a deity of favors owed, seeking an answer on contractual grounds, as many ancient texts attest (e.g., Homer Il. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62,66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778). 3265 E.g., Pliny Nat. 2.5.17; Seneca Dia1. 7.26.6; Nat. 2.44.1–2.45.1; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.1; 35.1. 3268 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134, 148; Seneca Nat. 1.pref.13. Pantheism was also more widespread (cf. Virgil Georg. 4.221–222, 225; Aeschylus frg. 34, from Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.14, p. 718; Aeschylus LCL 2adds Philodemus On Piety 22). 3270 Frequently, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.25; cf. the identification also in Ps-Aristotle De mundo (according to Grant, Gods, 78). 3271 E.g., Chariton 3.3.16; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351DE; T. T. 8.2.4, Mor. 720A. Cf. Plato Alcib. 1.124C: Socrates spoke of his guardian (επτροπος) as θες. |
| IV.2. Термин μυστριον обрел в античности еще одно техническое значение – «профессиональный секрет» (лучше всего этот смысл выражен в названии алхимического трактата νοματοποια το ο· ατ γρ στιν τ μυστριον τς τχνης 25 ), а у врачей – «рецепт, лекарство» (Galenus. De compositione 13. 96). V. Тайна вообще Позднее, в римскую эпоху, мы находим μυστριον и в логично образовавшемся значении «тайна вообще» (Soranus. Gynaeciorum 1. 3. 3). V.1. Тогда же в папирусе SB 16. 12496 слово μυστρια обретает и еще одно, вполне конкретное значение, связанное с письмом: не совсем ясно только, идет ли здесь речь о тайном письме или о письме с клятвенными призывами (ср. ниже, пункт IV.1 раздела о христианской литературе). V.2. В ту же эпоху развитие значения «тайна вообще» μυστρια обретает смысл «всё скрытое», в том числе и, например, «внутренности живота» (Achilles Tatius. Leucippe et Clitophon 3. 16. 3 – впрочем, в данном случае такое словоупотребление может быть вызвано мистериальным контекстом всей сцены). V.3. Опять же в римское время словом μυστρια начинают обозначать и «тайны природы вообще» (Apollonius Tyanensis. Apotelesmata 1; это общее значение не следует смешивать с частным – действительно таинственными природными явлениями, см. выше, пункт I.1.c). VI. Мышиная нора Наконец, чуть ли не в качестве первого примера уже отмеченного нами процесса снижения смысла, у слова μυστριον довольно рано появилось еще одно, весьма экзотическое значение: сиракузский тиран Дионисий обозначал этим словом нору, где может схорониться мышь, наделяя слово шуточной этимологией μς ++ τηρεν (Athaenaeus. Deipnosophistae 3. 54). Интересно, что в несохранившемся романе Ямвлиха (Photius. Bibliotheca 94) слово μυστρια производилось от мышей 26 . Вообще, несмотря на прозрачность происхождения этого слова, в античности ему иногда давались ошибочные этимологии: от μυσιν «насыщаться» (Cornutus. De natura deorum 57) или от μυθρια (Etymologicum magnum, s.v.). Подводя итог под разбором античного употребления слова μυστριον/μυστρια, следует отметить два аспекта. |
| «Шестоднев» Г. П. сыграл важную роль и в истории древнерус. лит-ры. В 1385 г. сочинение было переведено Димитрием Зографом на слав. язык («на русский язык», как сказано в примечании переводчика), по-видимому в одном из балканских книжных центров. В переводе поэма «премудраго Георгия Писида» была озаглавлена «Похвала к Богу о сотворении всеа твари», в ней рассказывалось о космосе, пребывающем в движении и покое одновременно («стоя же, бегает и, ходя, пребывает»), об ангелах, к-рые, как и само небо, «стояще, летают и, утверждени, текут», о «всепитательном огне» - солнце. Поэма о божественном мироздании, переведенная ритмической прозой, пронизана дидактическими сентенциями в духе христ. этики («Кто нашего детородного семени, изгнившаго, на угощение костяное съплетаеть? Аще бо не изгниеть и наше семя, яко тело мрътво погребено в чреве, не въплощается на рождение младенец, и на кожу и на жилы не претворяется»). В XVI в. «Шестоднев» Г. П. был включен в ВМЧ. В историю визант. стиха Г. П. вошел как разработчик классического двенадцатисложника, представлявшего собой переход от античной квантитативной метрики к средневек. акцентированной. Правда, нек-рые стихи Г. П. содержат не только 12, но и 13-15 слогов, однако именно с его именем связывается окончательное утверждение в визант. поэзии средневек. просодических норм. Нек-рые произведения Г. П. сохранились в рукописной традиции и изданы под именами др. авторов (напр., Мануила Фила). Михаил Пселл в XI в. приравнивал лучшие из произведений Г. П. к шедеврам Еврипида. Соч.: «Шестоднев» Георгия Писида в славяно-рус. переводе 1385 г./Изд. И. А. Шляпкин. СПб., 1882 [др.-рус. пер.]; Carmina inedita/Hrsg. L. Sternbach//Wiener Studien. 1891. Bd. 13. S. 1-63; 1892. Bd. 14. S. 51-68; Studia philologica in Georgium Pisidam/Ed. L. Sternbach. Warsz., 1900; L " encomio di S. Anastasio martire persiano/Ed. A. Pertusi//AnBoll. 1958. Vol. 76. P. 5-63; Poemi. 1. Panegirici epici/Ed. A. Pertusi//Studia Patristica et Byzantina. 1959. Vol. 7. Лит.: Георгий Писидийский и его поэма о миротворении в славяно-русском переводе 1385 г. СПб., 1890; Bianchi G. Sulla cultura astronomica di Giorgio di Pisidia//Aevum. Mil., 1966. Vol. 40. P. 35-52; Speck P. Zufälliges zum Bellum Avaricum. Münch., 1980; Frendo J. D. C. The Poetic Achievement of George of Pisidia//Maistor. L., 1984. P. 159-188; Van Dieten J. -L. Zum Bellum Avaricum des Georgios Pisides//ByzF. 1985. Bd. 9. S. 149-178; Romano R. Teoria e prassi d. versificazione: il dodecasillabo nei Panegirici epici di Giorgio Pisidia//BZ. 1985. Bd. 78. S. 1-22; Dyck A. R. Michael Psellus: the Essays on Euripides and George of Pisidia and on Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius. Vienna, 1986. |
| 6372 Homer Od. 18.196; Euripides Medea 300, 923; Virgil Aen. 12.67–69; Ovid Metam. 1.743; 2.607; 13.789; Plutarch Theseus 23.2; Longus 1.18; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3; Chariton 2.2.2. They also preferred thick, dark eyebrows (Artemidorus Onir. 1.25; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3) and full cheeks (Artemidorus Onir. 1.28). 6373 Virgil Aen. 10.137; Ovid Metam. 2.852; 3.423; 4.354–355; Longus 1.16; Babrius 141.7. For exceptions, see Snowden, Blacks, 105,154,178–79. 6374 See Stauffer, Jesus, 59. 6375 Cf. Lev. 19:27 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:3. Evidence for the Diaspora suggests that Jews, like most of their contemporaries, were usually clean-shaven or short-bearded before Hadrian (Sanders, Judaism, 123–24); but coins from 54 and 37 B.C.E. and 70 C.E. all present Jewish captives with «shoulder-length hair and full beards» (Stauffer, Jesus, 60; significant unless their hair simply grew out in captivity on all these occasions). 6376 Stauffer, Jesus, 59. Black hair was common (see Matt 5and sources cited in Keener, Matthew, 194–95). 6377 See, e.g., Luke, «Society»; see comments in our introduction, ch. 5. On «murmuring» in 7:12, see the verb cognate in 6:41–42 (with comment), 61; 7:32. 6378 Jurors in politically sensitive situations had been known to avoid publishing their opinions (Plutarch Caesar 10.7). Rhetoricians practiced presenting various sides of a debate, and historians developed this skill in seeking to detail what each side in a conflict would have felt; the negative characters here tend to be flatter, however, serving John " s overall purpose (see our introduction, pp. 216–17). Cf. the use of λλοωσις described in Rutilius Lupus 2.2; Quintilian 9.3.93 (Anderson, Glossary, 16–17), undoubtedly related to σγκρισις and perhaps to διαρεσις (in the sense of distributio in Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.47; Anderson, Glossary, 32–33); also επνοδος in Anderson, Glossary, 49–50; for an example of presenting various views about a person, see Iamblichus V.P. 6.30. 6379 Meeks, Prophet-King, 47–52, 56; Stauffer, Jesus, 206; Hill, «Sanhédrin:» Cf. 1Q29 frg. 1 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 178–79, using 4Q376) for discerning false prophets; and more clearly from Deut 18 , 4Q375 1 1.1–4 (a true prophet) vs. 4–5 (a false one), on which see further Brin, «Prophets.» |
| For the victories of their husbands, involving the destruction of fellow-townsmen, relatives, brothers, fathers, caused either pious agony or cruel exultation. Moreover, as the fortune of war is capricious, some of them lost their husbands by the sword of their parents, while others lost husband and father together in mutual destruction. For the Romans by no means escaped with impunity, but they were driven back within their walls, and defended themselves behind closed gates; and when the gates were opened by guile, and the enemy admitted into the town, the Forum itself was the field of a hateful and fierce engagement of fathers-in-law and sons-in-law. The ravishers were indeed quite defeated, and, flying on all sides to their houses, sullied with new shame their original shameful and lamentable triumph. It was at this juncture that Romulus, hoping no more from the valor of his citizens, prayed Jupiter that they might stand their ground; and from this occasion the god gained the name of Stator. But not even thus would the mischief have been finished, had not the ravished womenthemselves flashed out with dishevelled hair, and cast themselves before their parents, and thus disarmed their just rage, not with the arms of victory, but with the supplications of filial affection. Then Romulus, who could not brook his own brother as a colleague, was compelled to accept Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines, as his partner on the throne. But how long would he who misliked the fellowship of his own twin-brother endure a stranger? So, Tatius being slain, Romulus remained sole king, that he might be the greater god. See what rights of marriage these were that fomented unnatural wars. These were the Roman leagues of kindred, relationship, alliance, religion. This was the life of the city so abundantly protected by the gods. You see how many severe things might be said on this theme; but our purpose carries us past them, and requires our discourse for other matters. Chapter 14.– Of the Wickedness of the War Waged by the Romans Against the Albans, and of the Victories Won by the Lust of Power. |
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