| 983 Boring, Sayings, 49, citing also Jeremias, Michaels, Gaston, Wilkens, and Leroy. The poetic patterns of the Johannine discourses may be paralleled by early Christian prophecy (Boring, Sayings, 127), but they are also paralleled by much of Jesus» teaching in the Synoptics, as Jeremias has shown. While we cannot here investigate the question of the prophetic character of Q, it should be pointed out that Jesus» teaching may have prophetic rhythms because he was himself a prophet as well as a teacher. 986 Bürge, Community, 218. One may compare Paul " s distinction between the Lord " s words ( 1Cor. 7:10 ) and his own words (7:12), though he believes the latter to be inspired by the Spirit (7:40; cf. 14:37). Even if some prophetic words from Jesus slipped into the tradition, our few accounts of these (e.g., 2Cor. 12:9 ) are clearly enough postresurrection as to imply that this must have been a rare phenomenon. 994 Artemidorus Onir. 4.pref. (describing his dream handbook as inspired by a daimon); Grant, Gods, 38–39. Less relevantly, the OT preserves many oracles in narrative frameworks, especially in Samuel-Kings and Chronicles (Aune, Prophecy, 87–88). 995 Hill, Prophecy, 27; Braun, «Prophet»; Mason, Josephus and NT, 20–21; though cf. Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.41. Silius Italicus 1.19 spoke, with the retrospective of history, of revealing divine purposes in history; but unlike Josephus he approaches history as an epic poet. 998 Hall, «History,» 13–46. For revealed history, see further his more developed discussion in Revealed Histories. 999 Ibid., 296. John might not agree, however, that newer history is written on a lesser level (Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.41). 1001 For a full categorization (e.g., 44 staging asides) of the estimated 191 asides in the Gospel, see Thatcher, «Asides»; see also Tenney, «Footnotes.» On indirect characterization, see Stanton, Jesus, 122; on digression as a literary device, see Aune, Environment, 93–95,102. 1002 E.g., Chariton 1.12.2–4; Achilles Tatius 6.17; cf. especially where the readers know more than the characters (e.g., the irony in Chariton 8.8.4–6, where neither Mithridates nor Plagon is suspected); or narrative foreshadowings through pictoral scenes of myths (Achilles Tatius 5.3); or Homer " s private scenes, not only in Troy and the Achaian camp, but on Olympus (I1. passim). |
| Рубрики Коллекции Татьянин день 11 мин., 24.01.2023 Поделиться Имя Татьяна Татьяна: день ангела, именины 25 января — день памяти св. мученицы Татьяны — покровительницы российских студентов. Наши имена, их значения и святые, в честь которых мы крещены в проекте «Фомы» — «Именины» . Значение имени Татьяна Большинство распространенных в России имен имеют греческое происхождение. Поэтому имя Татьяна часто толкуют как греческое, производное от глагола «τττω», что значит «ставить в порядке», «выстраивать», «назначать». Отсюда и толкование имени Татьяна как «учредительница» и «устроительница». Однако лингвистам эта версия кажется сомнительной. Ведь имя Татьяна в Греции не просто непопулярно, а и вовсе малоизвестно. Другое дело Италия, где имя Татьяна куда более знакомо. Этимологически имя Татьяна восходит к имени легендарного сабинского царя Тита Татия (Titus Tatius). Того самого Татия, который вызволяя из плена женщин, коварно похищенных Ромулом, захватил Капитолийский холм. По одной из легенд Татий даже правил Римом совместно с Ромулом, что привело к объединению римлян с сабинянами в единый народ квиритов, но это уже другая история. Одним словом, имя Татьяна происходит от латинского Tatius. Это имя носила мученица Татьяна Римская, память которой совершается 25 января. С легкой руки императрицы Елизаветы Петровны святая Татьяна стала не только хорошо известной в России святой, но и покровительницей Московского Университета, а день памяти мученицы Татьяны — 25 января — стал считаться днем студентов. Что касается имени, то в Европе Татьяну считают сугубо русским именем. А вот знакомую нам уменьшительную форму Таня, как самостоятельное имя можно встретить в скандинавских странах, Германии и США. Житие святой Татьяны Святая Татьяна родилась в Риме в конце второго века в семье знатного вельможи, трижды бывшего консулом Рима. Он тайно исповедовал Христа, поэтому воспитал дочь в богобоязненности и преданности Богу. Татьяна хорошо знала Священное Писание и, повзрослев, решила посвятить себя Христу. Она стала диаконисой, то есть женщиной, которая несла в церкви социальное служение. В ее обязанности входила как забота и уход за больными женщинами и беременными, так и подготовка их к крещению и совершению самого крещения. |
| For the victories of their husbands, involving the destruction of fellow-townsmen, relatives, brothers, fathers, caused either pious agony or cruel exultation. Moreover, as the fortune of war is capricious, some of them lost their husbands by the sword of their parents, while others lost husband and father together in mutual destruction. For the Romans by no means escaped with impunity, but they were driven back within their walls, and defended themselves behind closed gates; and when the gates were opened by guile, and the enemy admitted into the town, the Forum itself was the field of a hateful and fierce engagement of fathers-in-law and sons-in-law. The ravishers were indeed quite defeated, and, flying on all sides to their houses, sullied with new shame their original shameful and lamentable triumph. It was at this juncture that Romulus, hoping no more from the valor of his citizens, prayed Jupiter that they might stand their ground; and from this occasion the god gained the name of Stator. But not even thus would the mischief have been finished, had not the ravished womenthemselves flashed out with dishevelled hair, and cast themselves before their parents, and thus disarmed their just rage, not with the arms of victory, but with the supplications of filial affection. Then Romulus, who could not brook his own brother as a colleague, was compelled to accept Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines, as his partner on the throne. But how long would he who misliked the fellowship of his own twin-brother endure a stranger? So, Tatius being slain, Romulus remained sole king, that he might be the greater god. See what rights of marriage these were that fomented unnatural wars. These were the Roman leagues of kindred, relationship, alliance, religion. This was the life of the city so abundantly protected by the gods. You see how many severe things might be said on this theme; but our purpose carries us past them, and requires our discourse for other matters. Chapter 14.– Of the Wickedness of the War Waged by the Romans Against the Albans, and of the Victories Won by the Lust of Power. |
| It was in part possessed by him, I say, for he possessed it in writing, but not in living. For in that book which he wrote against superstition, he more copiously and vehemently censured that civil and urban theology than Varro the theatrical and fabulous. For, when speaking concerning images, he says, They dedicate images of the sacred and inviolable immortals in most worthless and motionless matter. They give them the appearance of man, beasts, and fishes, and some make them of mixed sex, and heterogeneous bodies. They call them deities, when they are such that if they should get breath and should suddenly meet them, they would be held to be monsters. Then, a while afterwards, when extolling the natural theology, he had expounded the sentiments of certain philosophers, he opposes to himself a question, and says, Here some one says, Shall I believe that the heavens and the earth are gods, and that some are above the moon and some below it? Shall I bring forward either Plato or the peripatetic Strato, one of whom made God to be without a body, the other without a mind? In answer to which he says, And, really, what truer do the dreams of Titus Tatius, or Romulus, or Tullus Hostilius appear to you? Tatius declared the divinity of the goddess Cloacina; Romulus that of Picus and Tiberinus; Tullus Hostilius that of Pavor and Pallor, the most disagreeable affections of men, the one of which is the agitation of the mind under fright, the other that of the body, not a disease, indeed, but a change of color. Will you rather believe that these are deities, and receive them into heaven? But with what freedom he has written concerning the rites themselves, cruel and shameful! One, he says, castrates himself, another cuts his arms. Where will they find room for the fear of these gods when angry, who use such means of gaining their favor when propitious? But gods who wish to be worshipped in this fashion should be worshipped in none. So great is the frenzy of the mind when perturbed and driven from its seat, that the gods are propitiated by men in a manner in which not even men of the greatest ferocity and fable-renowned cruelty vent their rage. |
| The vine image could thus imply a sense of community 8878 the Jewish believers inherited from early Judaism in genera1. Whereas the Eleusinian cult of Demeter, for example, met only annually and did not lead initiates to associate with one another, early Judaism and Christianity were exclusivistic and carried a strong sense of community. 8879 Nevertheless, early Christian literature provides no examples of early Christian communities with the sort of rigid hierarchical structure expected of Qumran Covenanters (e.g., 1QS 5.23–24; 6.2). Most early Jews and Christians associated for common worship and need; formal structures were less rigid than Qumran, but sufficient. If the vine alludes to Israel, the designation «true» (15:1) may forcefully contrast Jesus with Israe1. 8880 One should not overstate the contrast; whereas «true» can exclude any others (17:3), it can also simply contrast with «mere.» «True bread» does not contrast Jesus with Torah but does contrast him with mere manna (6:32, 55); «true light» contrasts him with an inferior though accurate witness (1:9). Such passages may respond to opponents of the Johannine community " s witness who claim that Jesus» way is not «true» (cf. 5:31–32; 7:18; 8:13–17; 19:35; 21:24). John " s «vine» image may function in the same way that Paul " s «olive tree» image does; in both cases, disobedient branches are broken off ( John 15:2, 6 ; Rom 11:17 ), though John, most of whose audience probably already regards itself as Jewish, does not emphasize any grafting on of foreign branches. Here as elsewhere (cf. comment on 3:3–5), for John, «becoming a true Jew and becoming a Christian are one and the same thing.» 8881 2. The Vinedresser " s Pruning (15:1–3) The figure of God as the vinedresser (15:1) is not completely unexpected. Gardeners often belonged to the poorest class (Apuleius Metam. 9.31), such as those who might lease rather than own a vineyard (P.Oxy. 1631.9–13). 8882 Yet not all farmers (γεωργο) were poor, 8883 and in any case, this fact is less significant than other backgrounds for the image; Jesus himself appears as a sort of gardener in 20:15. 8884 Naturally, Greek texts could sometimes portray Dionysus as the ultimate vinedresser (Achilles Tatius 2.3.2). 8885 Far more important, OT images of Israel as God " s vine imply God or his workers as tenders of that vine; Paul speaks of God " s church as his field, his γεργιον ( 1Cor 3:9 ). 2A. A Vinedresser " s Attention |
| 62 E.g., Phaedrus 4.pro1.l7–19. The wealthy might also have their own readers (Cicero Fam. 7.1.3). 63 On public literacy, see, e.g., Lewis, Life, 61–62, 81–82. It is usually estimated around 10 percent (Meeks, Moral World, " 62; Botha, «Literacy»), but for a higher estimate (especially relevant for urban settings), see Curchin, «Literacy.» 67 Cornelius Nepos 15 (Epamindondas), 4.6, claims that he had to stop his account of Epaminondas " s integrity to provide enough space for his other biographies. 69 Burridge, Gospels, 118,199. John falls in the center of this range, the approximate length of Cato Minor (ibid., 225–26). 72 Shuler, Genre, 15–20; cf. Talbert, Gospel, 12–13. A proposal of aretalogical biographies (Wills, Quest) would be more reasonable. 73 Burridge, Gospels, 18–19. Talbert, Gospel, 43, cites biographies of immortals (mainly from the second and third centuries), but, as he admits, the religious or mythical dimension does not affect genre (cf. Shuler, Genre, 21); his evidence for specific cultic biographies (Gospel, 91–113) is mainly inferential (Aune, «Problem,» 37–42). 75 Although writers like Apuleius and Achilles Tatius are a century or more after our period, the nineteenth-century view of Greek novels as late (fifth or sixth centuries) is no longer tenable (Aune, Environment, 150). Thus elements in Chariton Chaereas and Callirhoe, (Pseudo-) Plutarch Love Stories (Mor. 771E-775E, five brief stories; the heroine of 774E-775B is named Callirhoë, but apart from the suitors the story bears little resemblance to Chariton " s work), Petronius Satyricon, Joseph and Aseneth, Judith, and other works suggest that the general genre was already established in the NT period. 76 Cf., e.g., Lindenberger, «Ahiqar.» Yet even historical novels from the Hellenistic era often exhibited some measure of historical accuracy (cf. Anderson, «3Maccabees»; Miller, «Introduction,» viii), though it varied considerably (e.g., Tobit exhibits anachronisms, but none as serious as Jdt 4:3). Even a pure novel like Apuleius " s Metamorphoses may include some autobiographical hints (e.g., 11.30). |
| Параллели между «Сказанием...» и романом «Левкиппа и Клитофонт» Ахилла Татия обнаруживаются гл. обр. в тех разделах, в к-рых описываются образ жизни кочевых варваров и их обряды жертвоприношения. Лексические соответствия 2 романов незначительны и сами по себе недостаточны для того, чтобы доказать прямую зависимость «Сказания...» от романа Ахилла Татия, однако автор «Сказания...» вполне мог использовать какой-то христианизированный вариант романа. Найденные многочисленные фрагменты греч. папирусов V-VI вв. романа «Левкиппа и Клитофонт» свидетельствуют о большой популярности этого произведения в визант. период именно в среде христиан ( Plepelits K. Achilles Tatius//The Novel in the Ancient World/Ed. G. Schmeling. Boston; Leiden, 1996. P. 387-416; в синайском мон-ре вмч. Екатерины сохранилась рукопись романа - Sinait. gr. 1197). Сходство между «Сказанием...» и романом Татия наблюдается и на уровне сюжета: влюбленные Левкиппа и Клитофонт также разлучаются во время набега егип. разбойников, к-рые решают принести девственницу Левкиппу в жертву. Кроме того, автор «Сказания...» подражает характерному приему Ахилла Татия - разбивать рассказ подробными отступлениями этического и психологического содержания. Каждый случай подобных отступлений в «Сказании...» (напр., Nil. Narrat. I 6; III 2; VI 2) имеет соответствующую параллель в 1-й половине 3-й книги романа Татия (см.: Conca. Le Narrationes. 1983). Одним из источников «Сказания...» предположительно является Четвертая Маккавейская книга (см. Маккавейские книги ), написанная по-гречески, вероятно, в кон. I в. по Р. Х. и представляющая собой памятник эллинизированной иудейской лит-ры с характерными чертами античного романа. Известная история о смерти свящ. Елеазара и семи братьев Маккавеев изложена в этом памятнике как философская новелла или даже философский трактат, в к-ром основной сюжет перемежается рассуждениями о добродетелях терпения, мужества и самообладания в духе стоической философии. В «Сказании...» Н. С. использует сходные выражения для того, чтобы проиллюстрировать стоический героизм синайских монахов, который они проявили в борьбе со страстями, а также при столкновении с насилием варваров. По мнению ряда исследователей, рассказ Н. С. о смерти пресв. Феодула и неск. неназванных монахов (почти все они юноши) очень напоминает историю смерти свящ. Елеазара и семи братьев Маккавеев (History and Hagiography. 2010. P. 78-79). Пример благодушия женщины, матери одного из убитых монахов ( Nil. Narrat. VI 3-7), сопоставляется с примером матери мучеников Маккавеев (4 Макк 14. 11 - 17. 1). При этом автор «Сказания...» противопоставляет благородное поведение женщины безудержному сокрушению «плотских матерей» (σαρκν μητρας), к-рые предаются плачу на похоронах своих сыновей ( Nil. Narrat. VI 5). Такое же сопоставление и то же выражение используются свт. Григорием Богословом в «Слове о Маккавеях и их матери» ( Greg. Nazianz. Or. 15. 9//PG. 35. Col. 925-928), к-рое автор «Сказания...», вероятно, читал. |
| For from this we may be able, he says, to knowwhat god we ought to call to, and invoke for any cause; lest we should do as too many are wont to do, and desire water from Liber, and wine from Lymphs. Very useful, forsooth! Who would not give this man thanks if he could show truethings, and if he could teach that the one true God, from whom all good things are, is to be worshipped by men? Chapter 23.– Concerning Felicity, Whom the Romans, Who Venerate Many Gods, for a Long Time Did Not Worship with Divine Honor, Though She Alone Would Have Sufficed Instead of All. But how does it happen, if their books and rituals are true, and Felicity is a goddess, that she herself is not appointed as the only one to be worshipped, since she could confer all things, and all at once make men happy? For who wishes anything for any other reason than that he may become happy? Why was it left to Lucullus to dedicate a temple to so great a goddess at so late a date, and after so many Roman rulers? Why did Romulus himself, ambitious as he was of founding a fortunate city, not erect a temple to this goddess before all others? Why did he supplicate the other gods for anything, since he would have lacked nothing had she been with him? For even he himself would neither have been first a king, then afterwards, as they think, a god, if this goddess had not been propitious to him. Why, therefore, did he appoint as gods for the Romans, Janus, Jove, Mars, Picus, Faunus, Tibernus, Hercules, and others, if there were more of them? Why did Titus Tatius add Saturn, Ops, Sun, Moon, Vulcan, Light, and whatever others he added, among whom was even the goddess Cloacina, while Felicity was neglected? Why did Numa appoint so many gods and so many goddesses without this one? Was it perhaps because he could not see her among so great a crowd? Certainly king Hostilius would not have introduced the new gods Fear and Dread to be propitiated, if he could have known or might have worshipped this goddess. For, in presence of Felicity, Fear and Dread would have disappeared – I do not say propitiated, but put to flight. |
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