| 5831 See Neyrey, «Shame of Cross,» 126–27. Any honor claim was open to challenge (cf. Pilch, «Lying,» 132). 5832 Apollodorus 1.9.7; Maximus of Tyre Or. 29.4; 35.2; Meeks, «Agent,» 43; cf. Philós complaint about Gaius in Meeks, «Agent,» 55; Boring et a1., Commentary, 267–68, cites Josephus Ant. 19.4; Suetonius Calig. 22. 5833 Pilch, «Ribs»; contrast Matt 11:19/Luke 7:34. McGrath, «Rebellious Son,» argues that Jesus responds here to the charge of being a rebellious son ( Deut 21:18–21 ). 5834 Longenecker, Christology 137 n. 58, also finds Jesus» deity in 5:18; 10:33. 5835 E.g., SB 3924 in Sherk, Empire, 61; Germanicus deflects others» claims of his divinity (reflecting Tiberius " s insecurity that ultimately led to Germanicus " s death). 5836 1Macc 2:24–27, 50; 2Macc 4:2; Josephus Ant. 12.2; 1QS 9.23; Gal 1:14 ; Acts 22:3. See more fully the comment on John 2:17–22 . 5837 Lightfoot, Gospel, 149; esp. Dodd, More Studies, 31; a common analogy (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 84.8); on the imitation of God in ancient literature, see Keener, Matthew, 205; Vermes, Religion, 201–4. It is, however, doubtful that Jesus intends his sonship here generically (pace Dodd, More Studies, 31; Jeremias, Theology, 60). 5838 Dodd, More Studies, 33, 36–38 (also contending that apprenticeship functioned as a sort of adoption). The form of Jesus» claim, a negation followed by an affirmation, appears elsewhere in the Jesus tradition (cf. Dodd, More Studies, 39; Luke 6:40; 8:16; 11:21–22; 12:47–48). The father-son analogy was not the only possible one; followers could also imitate (μιμεσθαι) what they saw a leader do (ερων ποιουντα, as Cyrus commands in Xenophon Cyr. 8.6.10); Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 116, suggest the patron-and-broker analogy for 5:21. 5839 See Odeberg, Gospel, 204–5, though the parallels in the third-century work 3 Enoch (10:4–5; 11:1–3; ch. 16; 48:10, 20 C) are so close that one suspects dependence on Johannine tradition. 5840 Burridge, Gospels, 208. 5841 The LXX employs a term foreign to John " s vocabulary here, but the sense is compatible. |
| 10669 Freyne, Galilee, 195. He attributes the lack of early Roman persecution of Jesus» followers to Galilean-Judean differences (p. 196), but is it not possible that they simply did not view Jesus» disciples as a threat (18:36–38)? 10670 Safrai, «Home,» 734; cf. Aristophanes Wasps 154–155. 10671 Cf. different views on the nature of the resurrection body in early Judaism (Ferguson, Backgrounds, 439–40). 10672 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10673 E.g., Homer Od. 4.795–803, 838–839; Boring et a1., Commentary, 306, cites Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Hermes 145–146. Laurin, John, 258, speculates on «molecular displacement,» an image not likely to have crossed the minds of John " s audience. 10674 Cf. Tholuck, John, 452–53. 10675 Witherington, Wisdom, 342. 10676 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10677 E.g., Jub. 12:29; 18:16; 19:29; 21:25; Gen. Rab. 100:7. It appears commonly in tomb inscriptions as well (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:108). 10678 For situation-appropriate words of «peace,» see, e.g., Tob 12(at an angelophany). On the efficacy of such words, cf. 1QS 2.9 10679 Mbiti, Religions, 85. 10680 So also others, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 335; Haenchen, John, 2:210; Cook, «Exegesis,» 5. 10681 Also Cicero Verr. 2.5.1.3; Seneca Controv. 1.4.2. Likewise, wounds could be displayed in corpses to stir indignation (Ovid Fasti 2.849; Plutarch Caesar 68.1). 10682 E.g., Ovid Metam. 13.262–267; Fasti 2.696–699 (in this case deceptively); Plutarch Alex. 50.6; Arrian Alex. 7.10.1–3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.62.3; Livy 45.39.17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.1; cf. Sallust Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 1–2; Caesar C.W. 1.72; Silius Italicus 9.350–351; Valerius Maximus 3.2.24; or citing dangers one had faced, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 168–169; Cicero Cat. 4.1.2; 1Cor 15:30 . Cf. also bruises as marks of athletic exertion (Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.4). 10683 E.g., Homer Od. 19.467–473; P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31; Philostratus Hrk. 12.4. 10684 E.g., 2 Bar. 50:2–4; Gen. Rab. 95:1; Ecc1. Rab. 1:4, §2; for very literalistic understandings of the resurrection, Osborne, «Resurrection,» 933, cites 2Macc 7:10–11; 14:46; Sib. Or. 4.176–82. This idea probably is assumed in Matt 5but appears less probable in 1Cor 15:35–44, 50 . |
| 2447 Cf., e.g., Villiers, «Messiah»; Horsley, «Groups»; Evans, «Messianism,» 700; in the Diaspora, see Goldstein, «Composition,» according to whose interpretation messianic imagery is prominent. Glasson, Advent, 8–13, notes that Judaism diverged even on the messiah " s origin from heaven or from earth, though pre-Christian Judaism mainly held to the earthly view (cf. 15–23 on 1 Enoch). For wisdom associations with the messiah, see Witherington, Christology, 180. 2448 Wächter, «Messianismus,» stresses this political aspect of Jewish expectations, distinguishing them from the early Christian view defined by Jesus» mission. That Jesus did not inaugurate an earthly kingdom is one of the primary objections to his followers» messianic claim for him in contemporary Jewish scholarship; cf. Berger and Wyschogrod, «Jewish Christianity,» 18–19; Klausner, Jesus, 414; Borowitz, Christologies, 21. 2449 Sib. Or. 3.652–656; cf. the Potter " s Oracle and Collins " s note on Sib. Or. 3 in Sibylline Oracles, 356; Egyptian expectation in Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt, 244. Cf. the oracle about a coming ruler in Josephus War 6.312, perhaps followed by Tacitus Hist. 5.13 (Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 110). 2450 Black, «Messiah» (cf. similarly Jeremias, Theology, 50), against Charles (who is followed by Barrett, Spirit, 43–44). 2451 Evans, «Messianism,» 701–2, finds thirty Qumran texts describing «anointed» individuals, with the royal Messiah probably in CD 12.23–13.1; 14.19 (=4Q266 frg. 18, 3.12); 19.10–11; 20.1; 1QS 9.11; lQSa 2.11–12,14–15, 20–21; 4Q252 frg. 1 5. 3–4; 4Q381 frg. 15.7; 4Q382 frg. 16.2; 4Q458 frg. 2, 2.6; 4Q521 frg. 2 4, 2.1; 4Q521 frg. 7.3. 2452 E.g., 1Macc 14:41–42, with the functions of ruler, priest, commander, and possibly prophet sought for Simon Maccabeus. 2453 See the Wicked Priest of lQpHab 8.8–10; 9.4–7; 11.5–6; 12.5; and the role of Zadokites in the community. The view that the Teacher of Righteousness is modeled after Judas Maccabee (Eisenman, Maccabees, 35) has not garnered much support. |
| 6967 See Brown, John, 1:360, citing also Ps 90:2 . 6968 Dodd, Interpretation, 95; Freed, «Samaritans Converts,» 252. 6969 See evidence in Odeberg, Gospel, 308–10. 6970 See Harner, I Am, 15–17; Bell, I Am, 195–98 (who sees it also in 8:18,24,28, on pp. 185–94). 6971 Stauffer, Jesus, 176–78; Harner, I Am, 57; Bauckham, God Crucified, 55. For a summary of views, see Kysar, Evangelist, 119–20; for a thorough collection of Jewish sources, see Williams, I Am He (unfortunately too recent for me to treat as fully as it deserves). 6972 See m. Sukkah 4:5; b. Sukkah 45a; 53a, bar. (also Hillel in m. " Abot 1:14, but not clearly at Sukkoth); Marmorstein, Names, 73. Sanders, Judaism, 143,180, says that the divine name was mentioned on the Day of Atonement. 6973 Dodd, Interpretation, 94, 350; Stauffer, Jesus, 91, 179; Harner, I Am, 18, 61; Davies, Land, 295. That Scripture proclaimed God " s character at the festivals (Stauffer, Jesus, 174) may also prove relevant here. 6974 If the Tetragrammaton was uttered with its vowels by priests in the temple (Hayward, Name, 99; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2), this may have been more widely known (cf. Acts 19:13–14). Normally, however, it was forbidden (Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sir 23:9–10 ; 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Sent. Sext. 28; cf. the special writing of the Tetragrammaton at Qumran noted in Siegel, «Characters»). 6975 Thus many doubt that the claim stems from Jesus in these particular words (Harner, J Am, 65). 6976 Motyer, Father the Devil, 209; Blomberg, Reliability, 149, 162, suggesting that Jesus merely claims to bear the divine name like some exalted angels or humans. These examples, while real, come from mystical fringes and would not likely have come to the minds of the average hearer of Jesus even in the story world. 6977 Reim, Studien, 260–61. 6978 Stauffer, Jesus, 124, finds Ani Hu from Isa 43 in Mark 14:62 , but that text does not support his claim (cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 55). 6979 See Keener, Matthew, 66–67,130–31,346–48; Witherington, Christology, 221–28; see our introduction, ch. 7, on Johannine Christology. |
| ч. на мн. ч.- «чада» (5. 2c). В эпилоге же вновь фигурирует ед. число (6. 1-3). В литургическом разделе сначала идет речь о правилах совершения крещения, к-рые завершаются предписанием о предкрещальном посте (7. 1-4). Далее подробнее говорится о посте и молитве и приводится текст молитвы «Отче наш» (8. 1-3). Затем следуют евхаристические молитвы о чаше и о хлебе (9. 1-5) и благодарение «по насыщении» (10. 1-7). В разделе о церковных чинах и дисциплине сначала дается общее наставление о церковном учении (11. 1-2). Далее приводятся правила о принятии странствующих апостолов и пророков (11. 3-12) и о том, как принимать и проверять новопришедших (12. 1), как относиться к путешествующим (12. 2) и желающим остаться (12. 3-5). В 13-й гл. сообщается об обязанности содержать пророков, к-рые желают остаться в общине, и об обязанностях в отношении учителей (13. 1-7), а в 14-й и 15-й главах речь идет об исповеди и примирении перед воскресной Евхаристией (14. 1-3), об избрании епископов и диаконов (15. 1-2) и о порядках в общине - отношении к грешникам, совместной молитве и милостыне (15. 3-4). Эсхатологический эпилог начинается с призыва бодрствовать (16. 1-2). В апокалипсисе упоминается о появлении лжепророков (16. 3-4a) и антихриста (16. 4b-d), о всеобщей апостасии и о тех, кто спасутся (16. 5). В финале сохранившегося текста приводятся 3 знамения Второго пришествия Христова (16. 6-8). Цель написания и жанр Большинство ученых 2-й пол. XX в. признают «Д.» компиляцией, вобравшей тексты разного происхождения и разных жанров. Если рассматривать «Д.» в законченном виде как целостный памятник, то наиболее близким аналогом в предшествующей традиции оказывается «Устав общины», обнаруженный в Кумране (особенно 1QS 3. 18-4. 26). В греко-рим. мире также известны произведения подобного жанра (напр., стела из Филадельфии - SIG. 3. 985). По мнению Шёльгена, «Д.» нельзя отождествлять с литургико-каноническими памятниками последующих эпох, поскольку оно не охватывает всех аспектов церковной жизни ( Sch ö llgen. |
| 6007 B. Ber. 34b; p. Ter. 1:6; Safrai, «Religion,» 802; cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 128; Tröster, «Quest»; esp., Finkelstein, Making, 333–84. Amoraim debated the later blessings under some circumstances (b. Ber. 41b). 6009 Some consider the feeding of the four thousand a doublet (e.g., Burkill, Light, 48–70), which is, not surprisingly, missing in John " s independent tradition. But this interpretation is disputable (Knackstedt, «Brotvermekrungen»; cf. Travis, «Criticism,» 160; English, «Miracle»). 6011 Longenecker, «Messiah,» thinks the lack of brokenness prefigures 19:33, 36; but such a connection demands much of the reader unless the omission appears very jarring. 6018 E.g., Ps.-Phoc. 138; Sipre Deut. 11.1.2; Luke 15:13. Johnston, «Version,» 154, cites b. Hu1. 105b and other texts. 6019 E.g., Sallust Cati1. 5.8; 52.7; Jug. 6.1; 16.4; Cato Dist. 3.21; Horace Sat. 1.1.101–107; 1.2.62; Ep. 1.15.26–27; Epodes 1.34; Cicero Sest. 52.111; Cat. 2.4.7; 2.5.10; Valerius Maximus 9.1.2; Musonius Rufus 19, p. 122.12–32; Aeschines Timarchus 30, 42, 53, 170; Lysias Or. 14.27, §142; 19.10, §152; Alciphron Farmers 32 (Gnathon to Callicomides), 3.34, par. 1; Plutarch Ale. 16.1; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.610; Athenaeus Deipn. 8.344b; Lucan C.W. 2.352–391; Juvenal Sat. 1.58–60; Musonius Rufus frg. 8 («That Kings Also Should Study Philosophy,» in Malherbe, Exhortation, 31); Diodorus Siculus 17.108.4; Arrian Alex. 7.28.3; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades) 1.4. There were some philosophical exceptions (Publilius Syrus 223), but indulgence was more characteristic of aristocrats like Tigellinus or Petronius. 6022 The view that the gathering of fragments symbolizes the gathering of God " s scattered children (11:52; Meeks, Prophet-King, 94, 98) is probably fanciful, as is Daubés proposed allusion to rabbinic traditions surrounding Ruth (Daube, «Gospels,» 342; see Ruth 2:17–18). 6027 For Moses as prophet, see Meeks, Prophet-King, 125–29, 137–38, 147–50, 173, 198–200, 220–26. Probably the Mosaic prophet is assumed in 1QS 9.11. 1Macc 4does not refer explicitly to a Mosaic eschatological prophet but could refer generically to the rising of any adequate prophet. |
| 1803 Theology, 42–62. Whitacre, Polemic, 6–10, accepts it only as probable. For an extensive study of the curse itself, see esp. Jocz, People, 52–57, particularly his conclusions on 57, with which I am in basic agreement. 1805 Cf. likewise Davies and Allison, Matthew, 1:136; Overman, Gospel and Judaism, 54–55; Stanton, New People, 281. 1807 Kimelman, «Evidence,» 234; Cohen, Maccabees, 227, believe that the problems the Johannine community encountered were purely loca1. Many Johannine scholars allow this possibility (e.g., Rensberger, Faith, 26). 1808 This is widely agreed; see Katz, «Separation,» 50; Sandmel, Judaism, 391; Whitacre, Polemic, 8. Cf. Young, «Cult,» 331–33; Justin Dia1. 17 and other early Christian sources; compare the view of Rost, Einleitung, 97, on the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch. Sonne, «Use» 163–68, disagrees with Lieberman " s view of rabbinic sources» sympathy for Christian martyrs. 1809 Cf. Segal, «Ruler,» 252. One may adduce a later parallel in the pain experienced by the Karaites after the rabbinic herem against them; cf. Wieder, «Exegesis,» 93–94. 1810 See above; even in the Martyrdom of Polycarp, Jewish involvement in the execution is limited to their role as delatores, or accusers. Cf. Brown, Community, 43. 1811 Meyers, «State,» 134–35; Meyers and White, «Jews and Christians»; Kinzig, «Non-separation»; Hoppe, «Synagogue»; cf. Mancini, Discoveries; Saldarini, Community, 18–26. 1812 E.g., Carson, Moo, and Morris, Introduction, 171; Carson, John, 8,87–95; Milne, Message, 24–25. 1816 This is often noted. See Michaels, «Anti-Semitism,» 12; Baum, Jews, 98; Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 56; Yamauchi, «Concord,» 161; Parkes, Conflict, ix; Smith, Theology, 169–70. 1817 Lowe, «ΙΟΥΔΑΙΟΙ,» 130; cf. Gager, Anti-Semitism, 151. Winter, Trial, 115, thinks that John develops the theme of Jewish enmity beyond Mark. The Johannine «trajectory» later becomes outrightly anti-Jewish (Acts of John 94 ). 1822 On the community of Belial, see 1QH 2.22–23; cf. 1QS 1.22–23; against the priesthood, see, e.g., lQpHab 9.4–5; 2 Bar. 10:18; further support in Keener, Matthew, 536, 561, 613–14. |
| 6380 " Abot R.Nat. 40 A. 6381 E.g., Hesiod Op. 719–721; Pindar Pyth. 2.76; Horace Sat. 1.4.81–82; Martial Epigr. 3.28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 37.32–33; Marcus Aurelius 6.30.2; Josephus Ant. 13.294–295; 16.81; War 1.77,443; Philo Abraham 20; Spec. Laws 4.59–60; Sib. Or. 1.178; T. Ab. 12:6–7 Β; 1QS 7.15–16; 4Q525 frg. 2, co1. 2.1; Sipre Deut. 1.8.2–3; 275.1.1; " Abot R. Nat. 9,40A; 16, §36 B; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:2; b. c Abod. Zar. 3b; c Arak. 15a; 16a; Pesah. 118a; Sanh. 103a; Ta c an. 7b; p. Péah 1:1; Tg. Ps.-Jon. on Gen 1:16 ; Tg. Neof. 1 on Lev 19:18 ; Tg. Qoh. on 10:11. 6382 The term παρρησα used here and in 7can also apply to boldness in witness (Acts 4:13,29, 31; 28:31; 2Cor 3:12 ; Eph 6:19 ). 6383 In general, see our introduction; on this passage, cf., e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:7–8. 6384 Brown, John, 1:307. 6385 Meeks, Prophet-King, 45–46, following Glasson. 6386 " Abot R. Nat. 38A; b. Pesah. 26a; cf. Matt 21:23; 24:1; Acts 2:46; more sources in Liefeld, «Preacher,» 191; Safrai, «Temple,» 905. Later tradition that apostates were unwelcome to bring offerings (Tg. Ps.-J. on Lev 1:2 ), however, may reflect the sort of antipathy some would feel if Jesus was «leading astray» the people (7:12). 6387 An uneducated peasant might be a more credible prophet on the popular level (Aune, Prophecy, 136, on Joshua ben Anania, Josephus War 6.301), but not for the elite (elites might even wrongly think someone unlearned on the basis of unkempt appearance; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.24.529). An honest commoner was of course better than a dishonest rhetor (Aeschines Timarchus 31); but because encomium biography often praised education, this deficiency would be viewed as unusual (Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 152–53, citing Menander Rhetor Treatise 2.371.17–372.2). Although some rhetoricians refused to speak extemporaneously (Plutarch Demosthenes 8.3–4; 9.3), extemporaneous speaking was common (see, e.g., Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric, 103), so this is not the basis for the crowd " s surprise. |
| Иустина Мученика, сказавшего на эту тему чрезвычайно выразительные слова, и, скажем, до преп. Серафима Саровского, говорившего: «He c такою силой, как в народе Божием, но проявление Духа Божиего действовало и в язычниках, не ведавших Бога Истиннаго, потому что и из их среды Бог находил избранных Себе людей..». (Беседа преп. Серафима Саровского о цели христианской жизни, Клин, 2001, с. 32). К сожалению, испуг перед синкретизмом, столь характерным для оккультистских групп и вообще для постромантических веяний, вытеснил из сознания многих ревнителей Православия эту компоненту наследия Предания. Между тем, только на фоне вселенской панорамы человеческих чаяний, в средоточии которой как исполнение всех этих чаяний, стоит образ Христа, христианское прочтение Ветхого Завета перестает быть простой данью двухтысячелетней конвенции и получаег шанс настоящей внутренней серьезности, а постольку и убедительности. 17. Отметим интересную попытку интеллигентной защиты традиционных поисков «преобразования»: G. W. Н. Lampe, The Reasonableness of Typology, in: Studiea in Biblical Theology No.l1, Oxford, 1957, p. 9-38. 19. Известная аббревиатура (евр. ???), составленная из первых букв слов «Тора», «Пророки» (Невиим) и «Писания» (Кетувим), является нормальным обозначением Библии в еврейском обиходе. 20. «Мессия от Аарона» и «Мессия от Израиля», см. 1QS 9, 10-11. Стоит вспомнить, с какой эмфазой Мк 1:1-5 начинает отсчет мессианского времени от выхода на проповедь Иоанна Крестителя, а Лк 1:5 подчеркивает ааронидское происхождение обоих его родителей. 21. Лев 8:12: «И возлил [Моисей] елей помазания на голову Аарона, и помазал его, чтобы освятить его». 22. Κ понятию диглоссии см. G. Huttl-Folter, Диглоссия в Древней Руси, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch, Bd. XXIV, 1978; Alexander Issatschenko, Geschichte der russischen Sprache. I. Band. Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts, Heidelberg, 1980; Б. A. Успенский. Κ вопросу о семантических взаимоотношениях системно противопоставленных церковнославянских и русских форм в истории русского языка. |
| 8969 Cf. 1QS 4.13–14; Gen. Rab. 6:6; most sinners in t. Sanh. 13:3, 4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 11:5; cf. 2Macc 12:43–45. 8970 Num. Rab. 18:20. Other texts are unclear, e.g., Sir 7:16 ; Sipre Num. 40.1.9; Sipre Deut. 311.3.1; 357.6.7; " Abot R. Nat. 16 A; 32, §69B; 37, §95B. Twelve months is a familiar duration (b. Sabb. 33b; Lam. Rab. 1:11–12, §40). 8971 Also Jude 7; Mart. Po1. 11.2. Although Luke does not reject future eschatology in his effort to contextualize for Greek readers (Acts 17:31–32; 23:6; 24:15), as do some Jewish sources (e.g.. Josephus Ant. 18.14, 18; War 2.163; Philo Sacrifices 5, 8), Matthew " s emphases retain more of their original Jewish flavor (cf. Milikowsky, «Gehenna»). 8975 A disciple would normally follow a teacher " s wisdom (e.g., Xenophon Anab. 3.1.5–7), but in view of his Christology, John would undoubtedly expect his informed audience to think of more than this (cf. comment on John 1:27 ). 8977 Because μνω predominates in 13:31–15(thirteen of its fourteen occurrences in the discourse), Boyle («Discourse,» 211) makes 15the pivotal verse, with 15:12–16treating exterior relations (p. 213). But love (concerning God and one another) unites 15:1–17, so the new section (focusing on hate and relations with the world) begins with 15:18. 8978 See Grayston, Epistles, 67. Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 77, finds in the καθς of 13and 15a parallel with Pentateuchal commands to imitate God " s ways. 8979 In the Gospels, λελληκα, the first-person perfect active indicative of λαλω, appears only in Jesus» speech in John (6:63; 8:40; 14:25; 15:3,11; 16:1,4,6,25,33; 18:20), underlining the significance of his words. 8980 Aristotle N.E. 8–9 (a fifth of the work) addresses friendship, relating it to the goal of a happy life (Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and Stoics, 74; cf. 77). On enjoying friendship, see Seneca Ep. Luci1. 63. 8981 E.g., b. Yoma 4b; Lev. Rab. 16(purportedly from Ben Azzai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 51:4; Urbach, Sages, 1:390–92; Bonsirven, Judaism, 95; see especially the Tannaitic sources in Urbach, Sages, 1:390; most fully, Anderson, «Joy.» In Song Rab. 4:11, §1, public teaching of Torah should generate as much joy as wedding guests experience from beholding a bride (cf. lohn 3:29). |
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