| 4430 Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Diogenes Laertius 7.7.184; 10.1.15; Apuleius Metam. 7.12; Plutarch Poetry 1, Mor. 15E; T.T. 1.4.3, Mor. 62ICD; Diodorus Siculus 4.4.6; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.10.588; Athenaeus Deipn. 10.427AB, 432A; cf. Wasson, Hofmann, Ruck, Eleusis, 90. Though one might devote undiluted wine to Dionysus, one might dilute wine dedicated to Zeus (as in Diodorus Siculus 4.3.4). 4431 Plutarch Alex. 70.1; 75.3–4; less disastrously, Alciphron Farmers 30 (Scopiades to Cotion), 3.32; cf. Isa 5:22. 4437 P Ha1. 1.193–195; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Menander maxims 2, 5 in Sei. Pap. 3:260–61; Demosthenes Against Conon 7; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 83.19–20; Plutarch Isis 6, Mor. 353C; Statecraft 3, Mor. 799B; T.T. 3, introduction, Mor. 645A; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.109; Anacharsis Ep. 3.1–3; Crates Ep. 10; Chariton 4.3.8; Phaedrus 4.16; cf. L.A.B. 43:6. For further references, see Keener, Paul, 261–63. 4438 See, e.g., Euripides Cyc1. 488–494,678; Isocrates Demon. 32; Horace Sat. 1.3.90–91; Polybius II. 3; Livy 33.28.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.11.3; Diodorus Siculus 15.74.2; Athenaeus Deipn. 1.10e; cf. 1 Esd 3:17–24; Jdt 13:15; Josephus Life 225, 338. 4440 Alciphron Farmers 15 (Eustachys to Pithacnion), 3.18, par. 2, also emphasizing that they would sing and dance a lot. Cf. Athenaeus Deipn. 9.377AB. 4441 On varieties of wine (including some made without vines), see Pliny Nat. 14.6.53–14.22.118. Egyptian social clubs employed plenty of wine (P.Tebt. 118). 4444 E.g., t. Ber. 3:8; b. B. Qam. 69b (R. Meir); Pesah. 102a, bar.; Šabb. 23b; cf. perhaps Jub. 2:21. For regular blessings of wine at meals, cf. b. Ber. 33a; 51a; in much earlier Qumran texts, cf. firstfruits in 1QS 6.4–5. 4445 In general, see Safrai, «Home,» 747; Let. Arts. 274; among Greeks, see Menander Rhetor 2.7, 408.32–409.1. 4446 Homer Od. 18.304–305; Euripides Herac1. 892–893; Babrius 80.1–2; L.A.B. 51:7; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Ecc1. Rab. 10:19, §1; Luke 15:25. In religious celebrations, see the discussion of dancing at Sukkoth under John 8:12–20 . |
| 3533 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7 (citing 1 Chr 13LXX; m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8); Bowman, Gospel, 69–98, esp. 69–77. «The Name» appears as a title for Christ in Jewish Christian theology (Daniélou, Theology, 147–63; on 150 he finds this even as early as the NT: John 12with 17:5; Jas 2:7; 5:14). 3535 Isa 29:23; Ezek 39:7 ; 1 En. 9:4; Sipra Emor par. 11.234.2.3; b. Pesah. 53b; Šabb. 89b; p. Sanh. 3:5, §2; Num. Rab. 15:12; prayer on Samaritan bill of divorce (Bowman, Documents, 328); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:101–5; the «sacred letters» in Let. Aris. 98; cf. b. Šabb. 115b, bar.; Pesiq. Rab. 22:7; engraved on Israel " s weapons, Song Rab. 5:7, §1; 8:5, §1. One may also compare Matt. 6and its sources in the Kaddish and the third benediction of the Amidah (the latter is called «the sanctification of the name,» m. Roš Haš. 4:5); eschatological sanctification of the Name in Ezek 28:22; 36:23; 38:23; 39:7 ; and see comment on John 17:6, 17, 19 , below. 3536 E.g., Sir 23:9 ; Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sib. Or. 3.17–19 (probably pre-Christian); 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Ecc1. Rab. 3:11, §3; cf. Lev. 24:11,16 ; b. Sanh. 60a, bar.; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69 (for alleged exceptions in the temple service, see m. Sotah 7:6; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2; Marmorstein, Names, 39; Urbach, Sages, 1:127; cf. Lemaire, «Scepter»); among the Samaritans, see Jeremias, Theology, 10 n. 1. The Qumran sectarians often wrote the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew letters (probably to show it special honor, but cf. Siegal, «Characters,» comparing the rabbinic teaching), as did early Greek OT manuscripts (see Howard, «Tetragram»). 3538 E.g., Pr. Jos. 9–12; Lad. Jac. 2:18; Incant. Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69:6–7 (Isbell, Bowls, 150); CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; T. So1. 18:15–16 (the Solomonic tradition recurs in b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 11:3); Smith, Magician, 69; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13; examples in Deissmann, Studies, 321–36; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Knox, Gentiles, 41–42. Cf. the namés power in Pesiq. Rab. 21:7; Urbach, Sages, 1:124–34; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 269; in Jewish mystical experience, see Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. Name invocation was common practice (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29; Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376; Koester, Introduction, 1:380). |
| Церковная традиция вслед за евангелистом Лукой связывает образование ИПЦ с явлениями Воскресшего Спасителя в Иерусалиме и Его наставлением ученикам не покидать Св. град, ожидая начала эсхатологических событий (Лк 24. 36-53; Деян 1. 4, 8, 12). Однако др. евангелисты говорят о явлениях Христа в соответствии с Его пророчеством в Галилее (Мф 28. 16; Мк 16. 7). В Евангелии от Иоанна хотя и описывается явление Христа ученикам в Иерусалиме (Ин 20. 11-29), но затем повествование переносится в Галилею (Ин 21). Также обращает на себя внимание тот факт, что в греко-рим. традиции христиане долгое время (начиная с Эпиктета во II в. и заканчивая имп. Юлианом Отступником в IV в.) были известны под именем «галилеяне». Управление и структура общины Согласно кн. Деяния св. апостолов, управление ИПЦ изначально осуществлялось группой из Двенадцати (Деян 2. 42-43; 4. 33, 35, 37; 5. 1, 18, 29, 40; 6. 6; 8. 1, 14; 9. 27; 11. 1), среди к-рых особо выделялись ап. Петр, чаще всего выступавший от лица всей Церкви (Деян 1. 15; 5. 1-11, 15, 29), а также Иаков и Иоанн Зеведеевы. По словам автора Деяний, даже во время гонений эти апостолы оставались в Иерусалиме (Деян 8. 1). Кроме того, особую роль в общине играли «братья Господни», и прежде всего Иаков Праведный (в зап. традиции, к-рая следует за блж. Иеронимом, Иаков считается принадлежащим к 12, поскольку отождествляется с ап. Иаковом Алфеевым, тогда как вост. традиция относит его к числу апостолов от 70 либо ставит отдельно от апостолов). По словам ап. Павла, во главе ИПЦ стояли «столпы» Иаков, Петр и Иоанн (Гал 2. 9) (вероятно, за этим образом кроется представление о христ. общине как об эсхатологическом храме (ср.: Притч 9. 1); в кумран. текстах лидеры общины также называются «основаниями» и «столпами» - 1QS 7. 17; 1QSa 1. 12; 4QpPsa 1-10/3. 15-16). После убийства в 44 г. по Р. Х. ап. Иакова Зеведеева (Деян 12. 1-2) Иаков, брат Господень, становится главой ИПЦ (поэтому в более поздней традиции именуется 1-м епископом Иерусалима). Вокруг него формируется совет из «пресвитеров» (Деян 11. 30; 15. 2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16. 4; 21. 18; ср.: Иак 5. 14), к-рых нельзя полностью отождествлять со священным чином последующей эпохи. Вероятно, пресвитеры были старейшинами, поскольку в результате смены поколений внутри общины наряду с группой тех, кто раньше обратились ко Христу и обладали большим опытом духовной жизни, появились и более молодые участники. Подобная модель управления постепенно упрочилась и в др. Церквах, так что наименование Иакова Праведного «епископом» допустимо, если учитывать и дохрист. аналоги этого служения (в т. ч. в кумран. текстах; подробнее см. ст. Епископ ). |
| 3622 B. Šabb. 33a; Gen. Rab. 97 (NV); Exod. Rab. 2:2; for similar association of glory with the temple, see Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; 32:1. For the Spirit dwelling in God " s temple, see Isaacs, Spirit, 25 (citing Josephus Ant. 8.114 as a Spirit-parallel to rabbinic Judaism " s Shekinah). Sievers, «Shekhinah,» thinks that the Shekinah may have been more universalized after the templés destruction in 70. Naturally God " s glory was also portrayed as dwelling in heaven (1QS 10.3). 3624 Exod 13:21; 40:36–38; Neh 9:12; Ps 78:14 ; Mek. Šir. 3.67 ff.; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 5:1; cf. Ps 80:1 ; Isa 63:14; Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Num. 80, 84). Glory, of course, had always been associated with that event (e.g., 2Macc 2:7–8; Pss. So1. 11:2–6). From at least the second century, however, rabbinic tradition indicated that the Shekinah also participated in Israel " s captivity in Egypt and Babylonia (Mek. Pisha 14.87ff.; Mek. Bes. 3.82–83; Sipra Behuq. pq. 6.267.2.6; Sipre Num. 84.4.1; p. Ta c an. 1:1, §10, citing a Tanna; Exod. Rab. 15:16; Num. Rab. 7:10; Lam. Rab. 1:5, §32; cf. Cohen, «Shekhinta»; as late as the Zohar, cited in Siegal, «Israel,» 106). 3625 Abelson, Immanence, 380–82, notes that although kabod («glory») sometimes is identified with Shekinah, they are not always the same; but he feels that δξα in the NT covers the semantic range of both terms (380). Burney, Origin, 36, imports the Aramaic yekara («glory») alongside Shekinah (presence) here. 3627 See Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 11, and passim. Coloe also points to other Johannine passages pregnant with temple symbolism. 3628 E.g., Num. Rab. 20:10; see Kadushin, Mind, 223–26 (against medieval philosophers); cf. Abelson, Immanence, 98–134, followed also by Isaacs, Spirit, 25–26. In one late personification, the departing Shekinah kissed the walls of the temple (Lam. Rab. proem 25). 3629 Kadushin, Mind, 226–29; cf. Abelson, Immanence, on the Shekinah as the «immanent God» (pp. 117–34). 3632 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 38 A; Sipra Qed. pq. 8.205.2.1; par. 4.206.2.6; Sipre Deut. 258.2.3; 320.2.1; b. Ber. 5b; Roš Haš. 31a; Šabb. 33a, 139a; Yebam. 64a, bar.; Yoma 21b;p. Sanh. 8:8, §1; Deut. Rab. 5:10; 6:14; Ruth Rab. 1:2; cf. Sipre Num. 1.10.3; Urbach, Sages, 1:286–87 (citing Mek. Pisha 5); pagan deities in Ovid Fasti 1.247–250; Plutarch Them. 10.1; so with Wisdom (Wis 1:4; 6:12–25, esp. 6:23; cf. Wis 7:25–26; Babrius 126). The Shekinah was progressively banished from, and then reinvited to, earth CAbotR. Nat. 34 A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:1; Gen. Rab. 19:7; Song Rab. 5:1, §1); because of sin, his tabernacle or temple was necessary to bring his presence (Pesiq. Rab 7:4). For the Shekinah continuing with Israel even when they sin, see Abelson, Immanence, 135–42. |
| 9108 Lightfoot, Gospel, 292; Brown, John, 2:664–65. Barrett, John, 478, suggests a Semitizing construction. 9112 Dowd, «Theology,» 325, believes that both 15and 15equate fruit bearing «with receiving answers to petitionary prayer.» 9113 Becker, «Abschiedsreden,» 236–41, esp. 239, noting that it emphasizes ecclesiology more than Christology. 9115 One may compare the sectarian fundamentalism of some early-twentieth-century groups in the United States (some amillennial, but largely dispensational) who felt cut off from previous access to society and hence felt the need to form an alternative and defensive subculture (see briefly Noll, History, 373–86; Marsden, Fundamentalism; Gaustad, History, 395–99), or pockets of marginalized minority religious subcultures in various parts of the world today. Early Christian literature provides not a single unified model of Christian relations to society but divergent models representing divergent social settings. 9116 Among fully sectarian groups, see, e.g., 1QS 1.18; 2.19; 3.22; 4.20; 1QM 1.6; 14.9; CD 1.5; 6.10; lQpHab 5.7–8; among others, e.g., t. Ta c an. 3:14; Gen. Rab. 98:7; probably also those represented in Ferch, «Aeons»; Bowman, Documents, ii. Even philosophers distinguished themselves (not for apocalyptic reasons) from the masses (e.g., Philo Abraham 38). 9125 Blomberg, Reliability, 209, points out that the sense in 15is very similar to its use in Synoptic contexts (Matt 10:24; Luke 6:40). 9126 Hanson, Gospel, 185–86, finds an allusion to Isa 66in 15:18–19; although this is plausible (especially if connected with John 16:2 ), it is by itself unclear, especially since John " s explicit citation (15:25) points elsewhere. 9128 E.g., (Ps.-)Lysias Or. 9.13, §115; this could lead to prosecution in a court (9.10, §115) or at least denunciation (e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 193–195; Cicero Pro Scauro 17.38); see further Marshall, Enmity, 67–69. Cf. the contrast between political rivalry and friendship in Valerius Maximus 2.9.6a (though friends could also be rivals, Philostratus Hrk. 27.4). |
| That the parents had allowed their son to subsist by begging may imply that the parents themselves were poor; to be put outside the synagogue community might have reduced whatever other income the father was able to procure. 7119 We know something of the rabbinic tradition of excommunication by the second century C.E. (e.g., m. Móed Qat. 3:1–2) 7120 and probably earlier (m. Ta c an. 3:8); the practice as a community discipline must be pre-Christian (Ezra 10:8; various levels in 1QS 6.24–7.25). 7121 Indisputably community disciplines occurred, such as the «forty» (or thirty-nine) stripes 7122 of public beatings (based on Deut 25:2–3 ) attested in the first century ( 2Cor 11:24 ; Josephus Ant. 4.238, 248). 7123 Without explaining how the miracle occurred, they could not deny the miracle; but in early Christian tradition this is usually a situation in which those unwilling to consider where signs point find themselves (11:46–48; 12:9–11; Acts 4:16). Technically the parents did not «know» how their son was healed (sorcery was always a possibility; cf. comment on 7:20) and could offer only secondhand testimony; but their motives for concealing even that testimony make their confession more like a denial (cf. 18:17,25–26; he denies knowing Jesus in Mark 14:71 ), showing little support for their son. 7124 In Johns epistemology, faith can come through testimony as well as (or better than) through sight (15:26–27; 20:29–31). Claiming that their son is «of age» means that he was at least thirteen, 7125 though he could have been much older. 7126 But given their own fear (9:22), their failure to support their sons evident testimony is not courageous. When intimidated by oppressive power structures, most people chose not to defend someone indicted by the authorities; 7127 sometimes even parents might abandon a child to those in power due to fear. 7128 To be sure, their son " s blindness did not stem from their sin (9:3), but the narrative does not praise their fidelity to their son here; they refuse to confess the one who had vindicated them against shame (9:2). |
| 7046 On «God " s works,» cf. comment on 6:28; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 415, on 1QS 4.4. John 3also speaks of «manifesting works,» but the parallel is primarily one of idiom rather than of theology (cf. 1 John 3:8 ; Johannine literature employs φανερω frequently: 1:31; 2:11; 7:4; 17:6; 21:1, 14; 1 John 1:2; 2:19, 28; 3:2, 5, 8; 4:9; Rev 3:18; 15:4); the idea in 2is closer. 7049 E.g., Chrysippus contended that Providence did not make sickness but in making good had to allow the bad to be produced (Aulus Gellius 7.1.7–13). 7051 Sipre Deut. 306.30.2, 5, 6. God " s mighty acts could be said to be predestined before creation (Gen. Rab. 5:5). 7052 Martyn, Theology, 28. For the verb «working» with the noun «works,» see also 6:28; Philostratus Hrk. 17.6. 7053 E.g., Homer Il. 2.387; 7.282; 8.529–530; 11.209; 14.259–261; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1059; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.48.3; Arrian Alex. 1.19.2; Polybius 5.86.1–2; Caesar Alex. W. 1.11; Gallic W. 2.11; Apollodorus Epitome 4.2; Silius Italicus 5.678; 13.254–255; Philostratus Hrk. 58.4; their uncommonness made night attacks all the more devastating (Homer II. 10.100–101; Arrian Alex. 1.4.1); forced dismissal of the Senate (Cicero Earn. 1.2.3). Augustinés interpretation of «night» here as hell (Tract. Ev. Jo. 44.6) is fanciful (Whitacre, John, 238). 7054 Including for the eyes (Tob 11:11–13; CIG 5980, in Deissmann, Light, 135–36; cf. commentaries on Rev 3:18). Proper use of eye salve could help (Epictetus Diatr. 2.21.20; 3.21.21), but use of the wrong substance could produce blindness instead (Diodorus Siculus 22.1.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 20.5.2–3; Appian R.H. 3.9.2). 7056 E.g., Theophrastus Char. 16.14. For magical uses, see esp. Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 8–11 (forwarded to me by Daniel Wallace). 7057 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 170, e.g., cite Pliny Nat. 27.75; 28.5,48,61,77; 29.12,32; 32.39; Boring et a1., Commentary, 284, cite SIG 1173 (138 C.E.; magical). On therapeutic uses, see further Galen N.F. 3.7.163 (for skin diseases); Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 11–16. |
| 10881 On early Judaism " s antipathy toward nakedness, see, e.g., Gen 3:7,10–11 ; Jub. 3:21–22,30–31; 7:8–10, 20; 1QS 7.12–14; t. Ber. 2:14; Sipre Deut. 320.5.2; Targum Rishon to Esther 1:11; cf. Moon, «Nudity.» Some Gentiles (especially in some periods) also found nudity embarrassing (Juvenal Sat. 1.71; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274A; Diogenes Laertius 2.73; cf. the «buffoon» who lifts his shirt in front of freeborn women, Theophrastus Char. 11.2), but even outside athletic activities, many did not (Plato Rep. 5.452C; Dio Chrysostom Or. 13.24; Arrian Ind. 11.7). 10884 On Greeks stripping for exercise or strenuous activity, see, e.g., Homer 17. 21.50–52; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.364; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.72.2–3; Diogenes Ep. 37. It is not clear if this practice would have appealed to Galilean fishermen. 10885 See in more detail Soards, «πενδτην»; cf. also Morris, John, 864–65. Peter had not been at the cross to witness Jesus» nakedness (19:23–24). 10886 E.g., Longus 1.30. If a Greek with servants (unlike Peter) needed to swim from a boat, he might remove even his short tunic (χιτωνσκον) and give it to a servant to hold (Theophrastus Char. 25.2). 10887 Bruce, John, 400; Carson, John, 671; Quast, Reading, 142; Watkins, John, 411. Laborers often wore loincloths around the hips (leffers, World, 43–44), but it is doubtful Peter would have one available. 10892 E.g., Josephus Life 15; Homer Od. 5.388–389, 399, 438–441; 7.276–277, 280–281; 23.23–38. Earlier Jewish references are rarer because ancient Israel engaged in maritime activity more rarely than Greeks. 10896 Xenophon Hel1. 4.5.3; Anab. 5.4.22, 30; 6.5.21; Polybius 3.71.11–3.72.6; cf. also Xenophon Anab. 4.3.9–10; Cyr. 1.2.11. 10898 It may be significant that «Sea of Tiberias» in 21probably recalls 6:1, its only other occurrence in the NT. 10899 E.g., Bowman, Gospel, 330, albeit contrasting John " s messianic meal with the eating of Leviathan in later Jewish sources. 10900 E.g., Brown, Essays, 104–5 (admitting the lack of wine and the dominance of fish over bread but citing 6:11, which he believes is sacramental). |
| 1664 B. Ta c an. 27b (early third century); cf. Herford, Christianity, 171–73, though note Baggati, Church, 10; Marmorstein, «Attitude,» 388. 1665 Cf. John 20:1 ; Rev 1:10. The latter " s reference to «the Lord " s Day» probably adapts the image from regular days of pagan worship (see t. c Abod. Zar. 1:4; Deissmann, Light, 358–59; Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 65; Ford, Revelation, 382) and may play on the eschatological sense of «the day of the Lord» (cf. Shepherd, Liturgy, 78; Bowman, Drama, 23). While most scholars assume this is Sunday (e.g., Cullmann, Worship, 10–11; Rissi, Time, 28; Nock, Paul, 58; cf. Bruce, History, 428), the text itself is unclear (Strand, «Day»), clarified only by patristic references ( Vanni, «Giorno»; contrast Lewis, «Ignatius»). But Sunday as a worship day apparently did not give way completely to Sunday as a new Sabbath till Constantine (Chadwick, Church, 128; cf. Bacchiocchi, Sabbath). 1667 Bonsirven, Judaism, 57–58; cf. 2 Bar. 48and references in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 95, 103. Moral and theological apostates such as Sadducees were excluded (m. Sanh. 10:1; Sanders, Paul, 369–70). 1671 The term originally simply meant free men, but changed in time (De Vaux, Israel, 70–71) to lower-class peasants, perhaps illiterate in Pharisaic Torah (Sandmel, Judaism, 166–67), though they could have been God-fearing (Finkelstein, Pharisees, 2:754). 1679 Especially for the period to which Jeremias refers, i.e., the ministry of Jesus, well before 70, when Pharisaism was a definite minority lifestyle, attested by Josephus " s numbers. In the Johannine period, Pharisaic influence would have been felt more strongly from Yavneh. 1681 1QS 8.9–10; 9.6; CD 3.12–19; 1QM 3.13. See further comments in Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 117; Simon, Sects, 48; Jeremias, «Qumran,» 69; Goppelt, Judaism, 33; Sanders, Paul, 242–49; cf. idem, Law, 175–76. 1686 See Boccaccini, Judaism, 16–19, 215; idem, «Judaisms.» Genuine examples of anti-Judaism, e.g., Gentiles who treated Moses as «a deceiver» or claimed that Jewish laws taught immorality (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.145) place merely intra-Jewish conflicts in more appropriate historical perspective. |
| 6388 Most commentators (e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:13; Schnackenburg, John, 2:132; Brown, John, 1:312; Sandmel, Judaism, 142; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 88); cf. esp. Acts 4:13. For γρμματα related to the law, cf. Rom 2:27, 29; 7:6 ; 2Cor 3:6 , though in much of the urban Greek East a γραμματικς would instruct boys from well-to-do homes in grammar at the secondary level, perhaps around ages seven to twelve, in preparation for rhetoric (Heath, Hermogenes, 11–12; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 534–35; Burridge, «Gospels and Acts,» 510; Kennedy, «Survey of Rhetoric,» 18). Not only teaching but most trades were learned through apprenticeship (Lewis, Life, 135). 6389 Pace Sanders, John, 205; cf. Luke 4:16–19. 6390 Lack of primary education was common in the ancient Mediterranean, however (e.g., Meeks, Moral World, 62), and despite apologetic claims of education for Hellenistic readers (e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.178; Life 9–10) and among the aristocracy (m. " Abot 5:21; t. Hag. 1:2.), Tannaitic mistrust of the Am Háarets (cf. 7:49) may suggest that even in Jewish Palestine elementary education was more available to those with means. Horsley, Galilee, 246–47, thinks the non-elite learned primarily orally. 6391 Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 31–32, at length. 6392 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Aristarchus 1; Cicero Quinct. 1.1–4; 24.77; 26.80–27.85; Isocrates Panath. 3, Or. 12; Quintilian 4.1.8–9, 11; cf. Exod 4:10; 1Cor 2:1 . 6393 Cf. Bury, Logos Doctrine, 45: as Wisdom, the Logos teaches and needs no teacher. 6394 Blomberg, Reliability, 134, argues that though the language in 7:16–19 is thoroughly Johannine, «conceptual parallels to every statement can be found in the Synoptics, suggesting that John is editing tradition» (which fits conclusions for other passages; see pp. 3–8. 6395 T. Hag. 1:2. Trained law teachers probably doubted that the common people, who lacked as much leisure time, practiced this principle as they should (see comment on 7:49). 6396 In 4Q491 MS C, 11 1.16–17, possibly the Messiah (though this remains uncertain) is untaught but teaches. (But for Qumran, the true teachers are Zadokite priests; cf. 1QS 1.19–2.4; 5.9–10; 6.3–8; also 4Q163 frg. 22, on the likeliest reconstruction). |
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