| Although Jewish people in Palestine usually sat on chairs when available, 8062 they had adopted the Hellenistic custom of reclining for banquets, 8063 including the Passover, 8064 a setting that the Fourth Gospel and its first audience might assume from the Gospel tradition despite the Fourth Gospel " s symbolic shift of the Passover to one day later. 8065 It probably implies that John has, after all, revised an earlier Passover tradition. (One would not expect John to harmonize all his traditions, 8066 though his narrative may be more consistent in its portrayal of Jesus than that of Matthew or Luke is.) Authenticity and Significance of the Foot Washing Although we will offer brief comment on specific verses below, many of the critical issues surround the passage as a whole. 1. The Question of Historical Authenticity Against the tendency to suppose that whatever event is reported only in John is likely fictitious, it should be remembered that Matthew and Luke felt free to supplement Mark " s outline with other material, much of which they share in common but much of which they do not. Given the small quantity of extant data to work with, multiple attestation works as a much more valid criterion when applied positively than when applied negatively. Man-son thinks that Jesus may have washed the disciples» feet at the Last Supper, citing Luke 22:27. 8067 Certainly Jesus there uses himself as an example of one who serves (Luke 22:27), while exhorting his disciples to serve one another (Luke 22:26). 8068 Normally foot washing would precede a meal (cf. Luke 7:44), but the foot washing here follows most of the meal (13:2–4); the logic of the narrative prevents any further eating, for Jesus soon departs. 8069 Given John " s different date for Passover, 8070 however, he may deliberately omit discussion of the meal to keep the emphasis on the cross itself. 2. The Message of the Foot Washing The theology of the foot washing is, however, of greater importance to us here. Most scholars recognize the image of self-sacrifice in the foot washing. 8071 By humbly serving his disciples (13:4–16), Jesus takes the role of the Suffering Servant (cf. Isa 52:13–53:12) that John has just mentioned (12:38), epitomizing christological motifs from his Gospel and some other early Christian sources. 8072 Because biblical and early Jewish customs use foot washing in welcoming guests, some see it as an act of eschatological hospitality. 8073 |
| The chapter also reflects standard Jewish motifs, such as the unity of God " s people, their love for God, God " s glory, obedience to God " s message, the election and setting apart of God " s people, and the importance of obeying God " s agent (Moses in Jewish tradition). One writer links such motifs specifically to the Cairo Geniza manuscript of the Palestinian Targum to Exod 19–20, 9387 another points to parallels with a hymn from Qumran; 9388 in short, most of the motifs reflect common Judaism, yet reinterpreted in a christocentric manner and reapplied to the christologically defined community. Further, to whatever degree John has adapted the discourse and prayer to encourage his audience in their particular situation, 9389 it is clear that a prayer of Jesus before his passion already stands in the passion tradition ( Mark 14:36 ). 9390 But whereas, in Mark, Jesus prays for the Father to spare him from the passion if possible ( Mark 14:36 ), here he recognizes and accedes to the Father " s purpose, requesting the hour of glorification (17:1). 9391 John does not deny Jesus» reluctance to face the cross (12:27) but places heavier emphasis on Jesus» obedience. 9392 Traditionally some have viewed Jesus» intercession in this passage in terms of the OT role of high priest 9393 (Jesus» role in some early Christian traditions; Heb 2:17; 3:1; 4:14–15; 5:10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1; 9:11); the chapter title «Jesus» High-Priestly Prayer» has circulated since the theologian David Chyträus (1531–1600). 9394 But Jewish tradition also emphasized the intercessory role of prophets; 9395 more significantly, the probably testamentary character of the final discourse might point to patriarchal blessings, 9396 particularly the prayer and blessing of Moses ( Deut 32–33 ), 9397 as background. But because the content of these blessings does not parallel John 17 very closely, 9398 » one may need to look to the experience of John " s audience for more of the content. A variety of backgrounds are possible, but most important within the context of the Fourth Gospel is that Jesus becomes, before his exaltation, the first Paraclete, or intercessor ( Rom 8:26; 1 John 2:1 ; see extended comment on 14:16). 9399 This suggests that John 17 models part of the ministry of the Paraclete who would come after Jesus» departure (14:16) and of those who share his ministry (15:26–27). 9400 The Fourth Gospel presents the Paraclete especially as an advocate or prosecutor in the disciples» conflict with the world, but Jesus has also been promising them more direct access to the Father in prayer once he goes to the Father (14:13–14; 15:7, 16; 16:26–27). |
| John also emphasizes the role of Judas in the beginning of this scene (13:2), framing the scene immediately preceding the Farewell Discourse with the report of Jesus» betrayal (13:21–30) as well as Satan " s activity (13:2, 27; see comment on 13:27). 8052 Finally, John prefaces the scene by emphasizing Jesus» authority, source, and destination, which heightens the significance of his service to the disciples that immediately follows (13:3). 8053 The connection between 13and 13may suggest that Jesus takes his position as Lord of all things 8054 (13:3; see comment on 3:35) only after enduring the death of the cross (13:1). In this light it appears all the more striking that the all-powerful Word became flesh and served disciples who consistently misunderstood and sometimes failed him. This perspective, more widespread in early Christianity (see Phil 2:6–11 ), 8055 seems distinctive of early Christianity. Who might be present at the banquet? Unless they met in a home of inordinate size, and especially if they met in an upper room as in the tradition ( Mark 14:15 ; Luke 22:12; Acts 1:13), probably only a small number of disciples could be present (though cf. Acts 1:15, if it assumes the same location as 1:13). It is reasonable to identify these roughly with the Twelve (6:71). In much of the Hellenistic world, women typically attended drinking parties only if they were courtesans or part of the entertainment. 8056 By contrast, a Passover meal such as depicted in the Synoptics would be more of a family setting; 8057 but this does not settle who may have been present. If the meal involved a group of mostly male disciples (unlike most Passover meals), it may have been segregated by gender, unlike the Lord " s Supper in the churches at a later time. 8058 From John " s own narrative, however, we can gather only that it was an intimate group of his closest disciples which included the beloved disciple, Peter, Philip, Thomas, and both disciples named Judas. That Jesus and his disciples «reclined» (13:12, 23) indicates the nature of their seating. From the East, Greeks had adopted the practice of reclining on a couch during the main meal; because one propped oneself up by the left elbow, diners had only one free hand, so attendants cut up the food in advance and diners ate most often with their hands. 8059 Thus a later Jewish report suggests that guests gathered on benches or chairs; when all the guests had arrived, they would each wash one hand, have appetizers, recline, and wash both hands before the main mea1. 8060 Tables were placed beside couches so that diners could readily reach their food. 8061 |
| As a shepherd, Peter must face death (21:18–19), as his good shepherd had (10:11, 15, 17–18); as one of the sheep, 10945 Peter must «follow» Jesus (21:19; 10:4–5, 27)–even to death (13:36–37). 10946 Peter would not always have the vigor that he had devoted to Jesus that morning (cf. 21:7, 10–11; 1 John 2:14 ). Other ancient texts also present powerlessness in terms of dependence; 10947 Diogenes the Cynic reportedly told a man whose servant was putting on his shoes that he would ultimately have to depend on the man to wipe his nose as well j Diogenes Laertius 6.2.44). A third-century Palestinian Amora opined that God might punish a person by withdrawing the person " s control over his members so that another would have power to do that person harm (Gen. Rab. 67:3). The description of dependence here could apply simply to old age, 10948 which could sometimes incline judges and observers toward mercy; 10949 but the language of «stretching out the hands» probably suggests more than merely the dependence of old age. Usually it indicates the image of supplication, 10950 but here it may refer to voluntarily submitting onés hands to binding, which preceded execution. 10951 In view of 21:19, Jesus is explaining that when Peter is old and dependent, he will suffer execution. Second Peter 1:14, probably independently of John, suggests the tradition that Jesus showed Peter that he would die. Early Christian tradition reports that Peter died by crucifixion, 10952 probably upside down, 10953 finally «following» (21:19) Jesus fully (13:36); early Christian texts applied «stretching out onés hands» to crucifixion. 10954 Many commentators thus see crucifixion implied here. 10955 Whether the specific picture of crucifixion is present here or not (it probably is), Peter " s martyrdom certainly follows Jesus. Jesus explained here by what sort of death Peter would glorify God (21:19), just as he had earlier explained by what sort of death (12:33, also using σημανων) he himself would glorify God (12:23; 13:31–33; just as Lazarus " s death glorified Jesus by allowing him to raise Lazarus, 11:4). Jewish hearers might express little surprise that Jesus would predict the manner of Peter " s death for him. 10956 That Peter understands that Jesus refers to his death is likely; this is why he wants to know the beloved disciplés fate, but Jesus refuses to comment on that disciplés death (21:21–23). Peter had earlier volunteered to «follow» Jesus to the cross (13:37), but Peter had failed to do so (13:38); now Jesus explains to him that he will in fact be able to «follow» Jesus to the cross later, as he had told him more ambiguously before (13:36). 10957 The Beloved Disciplés Future (21:20–23) |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 5921 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59. 5922 Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6. 5923 Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172). 5924 In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2). 5925 E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10). 5926 «Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωνα). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18). 5927 Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God " s image; see comment on 1:3. 5928 Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18 ; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114). 5929 Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles. 5930 See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A. 5931 For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14 ; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11 ; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus " words in them ( John 15:7 ), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15 ), and remain in Jesus ( John 8:31 ). |
| 1313 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 25, whose notes provide a survey of scholars in the earlier camps. Sloyan, «Adoption,» thinks the corrective of 1 John helped preserved the Gospel for the church. 1314 Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 49; Tenney, John, 51; cf. Becker, Evangelium, 1:147–58. Contrast provides a useful literary and rhetorical tool (see, e.g., Anderson, Glossary, 110–11; and comment on John 13:23 ). 1315 «Descending» (1:32–33, 51; 3:13; 6:38, 41–42, 50–51; etc.); «ascending» (1:51; 3:13; 6:62); «above» (=God, as in some other early Jewish texts) (1:51; 3:3, 7, 12–13, 27, 31; 6:31, 38, 41–42, 50–51,58; 8:23; 19:11); in later Jewish Christianity, see Daniélou, Theology, 248–63. Cf. J. N. Sanders, John, 223; Ladd, Theology, 291. 1318 E.g., Philo Flight 71; Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10; Gamble, «Philosophy,» 56–58, understands John in terms of Platonic dualism; see Finegan, World Religions, 90–92; Gordon, Civilizations, 190. Contrast Pétrement, Dualisme, 216–19, on Philo; see comment on John 3:13 . 1319 See Duhaime, «Dualisme»; Brown, Essays, 141–47. Berger, «Bedeutung,» finds gnostic tendencies in what appears to be an early Jewish wisdom text. 1321 See Boismard, «Epistle,» 156–57; Arrington, Theology, 69; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 409; idem, «Qumran and Odes»; Fritsch, Community, 117–18; Albright, «Discoveries» 168; Bruce, «Jesus,» 79; Painter, John, 6; Black, Scrolls, 171; Kysar, Evangelist, 131–37. Johns dualism is not metaphysical (against Käsemann, Testament, 72), but moral (Boismard, «Epistle»), a demand for decision (Manson, Paul and John, 89). 1322 Spatial dualism occurs in b. Ber. 17a; Gen. Rab. 12:8, 27:4, 38:6; Pesiq. Rab. 25:2; Moses is also portrayed as an ascending/descending redeemer (e.g., Lev. Rab. 1:15), and the ascent/descent language is used of God himself (e.g., Gen. Rab. 38:9); see also Bowman, Gospel, 45–55. For the heaven/earth spatial dualism in Wisdom literature, see Gammie, «Dualism.» 1323 Cf. also the frequent «earth-dwellers» (Rev 3:10; 6:10; 8:13; 11:10; 12:12; 13:8, 12, 14; 17:2, 8). The Gospel tradition already borrows the familiar Jewish image of God " s presence in heaven (e.g., Matt 6:9; Mark 6:41; 7:34; 11:25; 15:38 ). |
| 6145 2 Bar 29:8; Mek. Vay. 3.42ff.; 5.63–65. Cf. the manna restored with the ark (2Macc 2:8; cf. 4 Bar. 3:11). 6146 Many commentators, often following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:481,4:890,954 (e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 335; Cullmann, Worship, 96); see further Rev 2:17; probably also 4Q511 frg. 10.9. This image continued in Christian tradition (Sib. Or. 7.149), in which Christ was the holy manna-giver (γλε μαννοδτα, Sib. Or. 2.347). Cf. also the préexistent manna (b. Pesah. 54a; Hoskyns, Gospel, 294, cites Sipre Deut. 355). 6147 E.g., m. " Abot 3:16; 4:16; b. Ber. 34b; Sanh. 98b; see further Feuillet, Studies, 70–72, and our introductory comments on John 2:1–11 ; probably also lQSa (=lQ28a) 2.11–12, 19–21. Kuzenzama, «Préhistoire,» suggests that receiving Torah was the prerequisite. 6148 Lev. Rab. 27:4; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Ecc1. Rab. 3:15, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 31:10; 52:8. Israel would continue to celebrate the exodus in the messianic era but would celebrate the kingdom more (t. Ber. 1:10; b. Ber. 12b). 6150 See, e.g., Glasson, Moses, 15–19, on Isaiah. For exodus typology in the Hebrew Bible, see Daube, Pattern, passim. 6152 E.g., early Amoraic tradition in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Ecc1. Rab. 1:9, §1; in some cases (Exod. Rab. 2:6; Deut. Rab. 9:9) Moses himself would lead Israel in the end time. On the hidden Messiah tradition, see comment on John 8:59 . 6153 E.g., Edersheim, Life, 334; Billerbeck, Kommentar, ad loc; Dodd, Interpretation, 83; Hunter, lohn, 71. 6154 See b. Ta c an. 9a; Num. Rab. 1:2; 13:20; Song Rab. 4:5, §2; Tg. Jon. to Deut 10:6 ; though cf. also Abraham in Gen. Rab. 48:12. Tannaim might recount similar details without the names (Sipre Deut. 313.3.1; 355.6.1). Haggadah also commented on the adjustable flavors of manna (Sipre Deut. 87.2.1; Exod. Rab. 5:9; 25:3), that it fell sixty cubits deep (b. Yoma 76a), that more fell nearer the homes of the righteous (b. Yoma 75a), and that it was préexistent (b. Pesah. 54a). 6155 That the second line repeats the final «gives/gave bread from heaven» fits typical ancient Mediterranean speech forms (πιφορ, ντιστροφ; Anderson, Glossary, 23, 54; idem, Rhetorical Theory 163; Rowe, «Style,» 131; in the NT, see Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 86; in the LXX, see Lee, «Translations of OT,» 779), thereby drawing further attention to the contrast. |
| 6372 Homer Od. 18.196; Euripides Medea 300, 923; Virgil Aen. 12.67–69; Ovid Metam. 1.743; 2.607; 13.789; Plutarch Theseus 23.2; Longus 1.18; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3; Chariton 2.2.2. They also preferred thick, dark eyebrows (Artemidorus Onir. 1.25; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3) and full cheeks (Artemidorus Onir. 1.28). 6373 Virgil Aen. 10.137; Ovid Metam. 2.852; 3.423; 4.354–355; Longus 1.16; Babrius 141.7. For exceptions, see Snowden, Blacks, 105,154,178–79. 6374 See Stauffer, Jesus, 59. 6375 Cf. Lev. 19:27 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:3. Evidence for the Diaspora suggests that Jews, like most of their contemporaries, were usually clean-shaven or short-bearded before Hadrian (Sanders, Judaism, 123–24); but coins from 54 and 37 B.C.E. and 70 C.E. all present Jewish captives with «shoulder-length hair and full beards» (Stauffer, Jesus, 60; significant unless their hair simply grew out in captivity on all these occasions). 6376 Stauffer, Jesus, 59. Black hair was common (see Matt 5and sources cited in Keener, Matthew, 194–95). 6377 See, e.g., Luke, «Society»; see comments in our introduction, ch. 5. On «murmuring» in 7:12, see the verb cognate in 6:41–42 (with comment), 61; 7:32. 6378 Jurors in politically sensitive situations had been known to avoid publishing their opinions (Plutarch Caesar 10.7). Rhetoricians practiced presenting various sides of a debate, and historians developed this skill in seeking to detail what each side in a conflict would have felt; the negative characters here tend to be flatter, however, serving John " s overall purpose (see our introduction, pp. 216–17). Cf. the use of λλοωσις described in Rutilius Lupus 2.2; Quintilian 9.3.93 (Anderson, Glossary, 16–17), undoubtedly related to σγκρισις and perhaps to διαρεσις (in the sense of distributio in Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.47; Anderson, Glossary, 32–33); also επνοδος in Anderson, Glossary, 49–50; for an example of presenting various views about a person, see Iamblichus V.P. 6.30. 6379 Meeks, Prophet-King, 47–52, 56; Stauffer, Jesus, 206; Hill, «Sanhédrin:» Cf. 1Q29 frg. 1 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 178–79, using 4Q376) for discerning false prophets; and more clearly from Deut 18 , 4Q375 1 1.1–4 (a true prophet) vs. 4–5 (a false one), on which see further Brin, «Prophets.» |
| 4690 Bammel, «Poor,» 125. Phinehas " s zeal becomes the model for the Maccabees in 1Macc 2(cf. also Philo Confusion 57; Moses 1.303–304; b. Sanh. 82b; Num. Rab. 21:3), as many scholars note (e.g., Eisenman, Maccabees, 7–9), but cf. also Elijah in 1Macc 1:58. 4693 Hunter, John, 34. Schuchard, Scripture, 17–32, thinks the textual tradition unclear. Suffering on account of zeal for good appears in Libanius Declamation 36.36, though this is late; on the Scripture introduction formula, see comment on 6:31. 4694 Ancient narratives regularly extol heroes who could face suffering or danger bravely (e.g., Livy 5.46.2–3; Plutarch Sayings of Spartans, Anonymous 35, Mor. 234AB; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.68.2–3; Josephus Ant. 3.208; 4.322; 6.126–127; see comment on John 12:27–30 ). But we also have good reason to affirm that the historical Jesus taught the popular Jewish views that sufferings precede the kingdom and that prophets are martyred (confirmed by John " s death); his repeated hostile encounters with members of the Jerusalem elite and multiple attestation of passion sayings further support their likelihood. Further on the passion predictions see Keener, Matthew, 431–33, on Matt 16:21. 4695 Josephus War 6.124–126; Ant. 15.417; Carmon, Inscriptions, 76, 167–68; cf. ÓRourke, «Law,» 174; Segal, «Death Penalty»; idem, «Inscription»; pace Rabello, «Condition,» 737–38. Trespassing on sacred precincts had long invited severe judgment in ancient Mediterranean thought (e.g., Hesiod Astron. frg. 3). 4696 Δεικνω can be understood in various ways (cf. the related δεκνυμι, which is more common in this Gospel) but can refer to divine revelation (Γ. Ab. 6:8; 15:12A), making known God " s greatness by praise (Tob 13:4–6). 4699 Paradox, based on the unexpected, was one striking method of gaining attention (see, e.g., Anderson, Glossary, 88). 4700 Bridges, «Aphorisms,» suggests that such aphorisms arrest the flow of narrative in the Fourth Gospel, inviting contemplation. 4703 The threat form supports authenticity, as it would not have been created by the later church (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 72–74; cf. Aune, Prophecy, 174; Theissen, Gospels, 113, 194). A threat against the temple would have been an adequate charge before Pilate (Blinzler, Trial, 170). |
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