| 7450 2Macc 10:6; probably Gen. Rab. 35:3. The observances were patterned after Sukkoth (2Macc 10:6–8; Sandmel, Judaism, 219). 7452 Noted also by rabbis, e.g., in b. Roš Haš. 18b. Maccabean literature could, however, appear in some Diaspora LXX collections. 7453 Lightfoot, Gospel, 212. Hanukkah was probably originally a celebration of political deliverance (e.g., Abecassis, «Miracle»), though the rabbis stressed the oil miracle (Mailer, «Hanukkah»). 7454 Lightfoot, Gospel, 212; Bowman, Gospel, 40; Bruns, Art, 27; Harrington, People, 104; Moloney, Signs, 147. On Hanukkah " s commemoration of the rededication, see, e.g., Pesiq. Rab. 2:6; 6:1. 7459 He mentions light in 11:9–10, but the connection between 10and 11is less than obvious. Chapter 11 might even fit the context of Passover (11:55; 12:9), though that temporal connection, too, is at best unclear, since Jesus had to return for Passover (12:1). 7460 E.g., Josephus Ant 12.325 (it was called the feast «of lights»); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:49–50; Schnackenburg, John, 2:305; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 94. 7461 For Hanukkah lights, see, e.g., m. B. Qam. 6:6. The tradition concerning the miraculous burning of oil for eight days may stem from the Tannaitic period (b. Šabb. 21b, bar.) 7464 Jesus may have been simply moving, but he could also have been lecturing disciples, which was sometimes done walking (see comment on 6:66). 7465 Barnett, Reliable, 63. Barnett also concurs (pp. 64–65) with Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 161, that John " s knowledge of topography was accurate and independent from the Synoptics. 7467 Cf., e.g., Num. Rab. 3:6. Cold winter rains could bury roads deep in mud (m. Ta c an. 1:3; Jeremias, Jerusalem, 58), and the usually dry creek beds (wadis) were filled with water and difficult to cross (cf. Homer I1. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7); cf. also snow (Alciphron Farmers 27 [Ampelion to Euergus], 3.30, par. 1). In much of the Mediterranean, winter was the rainy season (Hesiod Op. 450), the cold of which kept men from their field work (Hesiod Op. 494; though in Greece this was especially late January to early February, Op. 504–505, which would be irrelevant for December " s Hanukkah in Jerusalem). |
| 3676 T. Ab. 7:1; 8ΙΑ; Γ. Isaac 2:20, 25 (probably a Christian work); Philo Abraham 50; Gen. Rab. 59:9. 3680 When Deut 16 lists first sons, then daughters, slaves, and Lévites, rabbis remarked, «the most beloved comes first» (Sipre Deut 138.2.1; 141.2; Neusner, 1:331, 337); Jeremiah could call his scribe Baruch, «my beloved son» (ε μου αγαπητ) (4 Bar. 7[Kraft, 38–39] ); like a king who favors his youngest son, God loves Benjamin in a special way (Sipre Deut 352 .7A). Thus Horus may appear as Isis " s and Osiris " s «beloved son» (PDM Sup. 131) by borrowing the earlier Christian expression, but may simply be «beloved» as a son would normally be. 3682 Tob 8:17; cf. 4 Ezra 10:1. Only sons could hold a special place because they were heirs, regardless of their behavior; cf. Manasseh in Ascen. Isa. 1(probably pre-Christian material); see comment on John 8:35 . 3684 Ibid., 7, citing Hesychius Pollux 3.19. Further, «Aquila and Symmachus have monogenes in every context where the LXX and Origen have agaptos« (Roberts, «Only Begotten,»» 13). 3687 CIJ 1:96, §137. Cf. Homer Il. 16.460. Normally one would have compassion on someone who had lost a son (cf. Plutarch Camillus 11.2). 3688 Sipre Deut 313.1.4; Gen. Rab. 55:7. Cf. also references above to Isaac as «beloved»; similar language from Abraham to Jacob in Jub. 19:27. The Akedah was among the Genesis texts apt to be emphasized in the Second Temple period (4Q252 1 3.6–9); in later texts, Isaac " s willingness to be sacrificed proved meritorious (e.g., Tg. Neof. on Gen 22:8, 10, 14 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 22:1,10 and on Lev 22:27 ; contrast the Greek child sacrifice tradition in Aeschylus Agamemnon 205–247). 3689 Since both Isaac and Ishmael were only sons of their mothers and Abraham loved both, they said that God had to specify further (e.g., Gen. Rab. 55:7; Pesiq. Rab. 40:6). Early Christian art applies the Akedah to Jesus» death (Jensen, «Binding»); but Hayward, «Sacrifice,» argues that the later Akedah haggadah is without Christian influence. |
| Like the rest of the Fourth Gospel, John here insists that Jewish believers remain faithful to the God of Israel through fidelity to Jesus, not through satisfying the synagogue leadership (12:42–43). This is because Jesus is God " s faithful agent; he neither spoke (14:10; cf. 16:13) nor acted (5:30; 8:28, 42) on his own (12:49), but only at the Father " s command (12:49; see comment on 5:19). 7989 By again reinforcing the portrait of Jesus as God " s faithful agent, John reminds his hearers that their opponents who in the name of piety opposed a high view of Jesus were actually opposing the God who appointed him to that role. «The Father " s commandment is eternal life» (12:50) is presumably elliptical for «obedience to the Father " s command produces eternal life,» but also fits the identification of the word (1:4), Jesus» words (6:68), and knowing God (17:3) with life. For John, the concept of «command» should not be incompatible with believing in Jesus (6:27; cf. 8:12; 12:25), which is the basis for eternal life (3:15–16; 6:40, 47; 11:25; 20:31); faith involves obedience (3:36; cf. Acts 5:32; Rom 1:5; 2:8; 6:16–17; 15:18; 16:19, 26; 2 Thess 1:8; 1Pet 1:22; 4:17 ). Jesus always obeys his Father " s commands (8:29), including the command to face death (10:18; 14:31); his disciples must follow his model of obedience to his commandments by loving one another sacrificially (13:34; 14:15, 21; 15:10,12). 7803 Matthew " s stirring of «the entire city» (Matt 21:10), however, may invite the reader to compare this event with an earlier disturbance of Jerusalem (Matt 2:3). 7804 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 306; Catchpole, «Entry.» In favor of reliability, see also Losie, «Entry,» 858–59. 7805 In view of ancient patronal social patterns, Jesus» numerous «benefactions» would also produce an entourage, seeking favors, that could potentially double as a political support base, exacerbating his threat to the political elite (DeSilva, Honor, 135). 7806 Also for Matthew (Matt 21:10–11); in Luke those who hail him are disciples (Luke 19:37, 39); even in Mark, where «many» participate, those who go before and after him are probably those who knew of his ministry in Galilee ( Mark 11:8–9 ). This may represent a very different crowd from the one that condemned him (Matt 27:20–25; Mark 15:11–14 ; Luke 23:13, 18, 21, 23)–certainly in John, where the condemning «Jews» are the «high priests» (19:6–7, 12–15). |
| 6388 Most commentators (e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:13; Schnackenburg, John, 2:132; Brown, John, 1:312; Sandmel, Judaism, 142; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 88); cf. esp. Acts 4:13. For γρμματα related to the law, cf. Rom 2:27, 29; 7:6 ; 2Cor 3:6 , though in much of the urban Greek East a γραμματικς would instruct boys from well-to-do homes in grammar at the secondary level, perhaps around ages seven to twelve, in preparation for rhetoric (Heath, Hermogenes, 11–12; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 534–35; Burridge, «Gospels and Acts,» 510; Kennedy, «Survey of Rhetoric,» 18). Not only teaching but most trades were learned through apprenticeship (Lewis, Life, 135). 6389 Pace Sanders, John, 205; cf. Luke 4:16–19. 6390 Lack of primary education was common in the ancient Mediterranean, however (e.g., Meeks, Moral World, 62), and despite apologetic claims of education for Hellenistic readers (e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.178; Life 9–10) and among the aristocracy (m. " Abot 5:21; t. Hag. 1:2.), Tannaitic mistrust of the Am Háarets (cf. 7:49) may suggest that even in Jewish Palestine elementary education was more available to those with means. Horsley, Galilee, 246–47, thinks the non-elite learned primarily orally. 6391 Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 31–32, at length. 6392 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Aristarchus 1; Cicero Quinct. 1.1–4; 24.77; 26.80–27.85; Isocrates Panath. 3, Or. 12; Quintilian 4.1.8–9, 11; cf. Exod 4:10; 1Cor 2:1 . 6393 Cf. Bury, Logos Doctrine, 45: as Wisdom, the Logos teaches and needs no teacher. 6394 Blomberg, Reliability, 134, argues that though the language in 7:16–19 is thoroughly Johannine, «conceptual parallels to every statement can be found in the Synoptics, suggesting that John is editing tradition» (which fits conclusions for other passages; see pp. 3–8. 6395 T. Hag. 1:2. Trained law teachers probably doubted that the common people, who lacked as much leisure time, practiced this principle as they should (see comment on 7:49). 6396 In 4Q491 MS C, 11 1.16–17, possibly the Messiah (though this remains uncertain) is untaught but teaches. (But for Qumran, the true teachers are Zadokite priests; cf. 1QS 1.19–2.4; 5.9–10; 6.3–8; also 4Q163 frg. 22, on the likeliest reconstruction). |
| 10263 T. Sukkah 3(the tradition appears to be early and populist; but the event is more secure than its interpretation–Josephus Ant. 13.372; m. Sukkah 4:9). 10266 Theodore of Mopsuestia 242.27–34; John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 85.3 (noted in Wiles, Gospel, 9). Contrast Apocrit. 2.12–15, which takes John " s claim (unmentioned by the Synoptics) as deliberate deception, inferring from its emphatic nature the opposite of what such a claim was meant to imply. 10267 Because the narrator is nowhere clearly distinguished from the implied author, I believe that the burden of proof rests with those seeking to differentiate the two here; but I retain the title «narrator» because it is most relevant here. 10268 E.g., Josephus War 1.2–3; Ant. 20.266; Ag. Ap. 1.45–49; Life 357. Even in fiction they carried special weight in the story world (Euripides Iph. au1. 1607). 10270 E.g., Xenophon Anab. 2.5.41; 3.1.4–6; Thucydides 1.1.1; 2.103.2; 5.26.1; Caesar C.W. 1.1; Gal1 . W. 7.17; Josephus War 3.171–175, 190–206, 222–226, 234, 240, 258, 262, 271, 350–408; see further the comment on 13:23. Whenever Eunapius inserts himself in the narrative (normally in the third person, «this writer») it is based on his own presence, intended to point out his direct knowledge of the events or reports (e.g., Eunapius Lives 494 ). 10271 The perfect form οδα is likewise inconclusive, as those familiar with it will immediately recognize; it regularly bears the present sense, but occurs only in this perfect form (68 times in John, including 21:24; 263 times in the NT), never in a present form. 10274 See Josephus Ant. 20.200–201; cf. War 2.162; Life 191; Acts 23:9; Theissen, Gospels, 230–31; discussion in Keener, Matthew, 351–52. 10275 Hunter, John, 182, thinks that John may specify the Jewish method of burial (19:40) to prevent suspicion of the body " s mutilation (as in Egyptian custom), but the text addresses only the wrapping custom. 10278 Others also recognize a possible blending of texts here (e.g., Barrett, «Old Testament,» 157; Higgins, «Eucharist,» 208). Combining biblical texts was not uncommon in this period (e.g., 4Q266, 270, in Baumgarten, «Citation»; Matt 2:23). |
| Applying his motif of agency, John reports that just as those who opposed the disciples opposed Jesus (15:18–21), so those who oppose Jesus oppose his Father, who sent him (15:21, 23). The world " s hatred (15:19, 24–25; 17:14) will not surprise a reader by this point; Jesus had already warned that those who did evil were those who hated the light (3:20) and that the world hates one who reveals its sin (7:7). Jesus» «signs» and other works revealed enough of his identity and sender that those who hated him could be said to have beheld both him and his Father (15:24; cf. 14:7). 9142 Those who rejected him were without excuse; as Jesus has repeatedly emphasized, his works revealed his identity and sender, and hence rejection of him exposed the true state of his opponents» hearts (14:11; see comment on 10:32, 37–38). Jesus cites their own law against them (15:25). Because Jewish literature reports pagans speaking to Israel of «your law,» 9143 one could argue that the Fourth Gospel here preserves a non-Jewish perspective. But John repeatedly enlists the support of the law, which he accepts as authoritative (e.g., 2:17,22; 5:45–47; 19:36–37). Jesus applies to Scripture the formula «in order that [the word] might be fulfilled» (15:25; 13:18; 17:12), which elsewhere in this Gospel refers to Jesus» own teaching (18:9, 32) as well as to Scripture (12:38; 19:24, 36); it is difficult to think of a more authoritative claim for Scripture than that the events of the passion had to occur to fulfill it. The use of «your» or «their» law means «the law which even they profess to accept» (10:34) 9144 and probably implies irony (see our introduction, pp. 214–28). 9145 «They hated me without cause» reflects the language of various psalms ( Ps 35:19; 69:4; 109:3 ; cf. 35:7); 9146 because Ps 69comes from the same context as Ps 69:9 , quoted in John 2:17 , commentators generally prefer this reference if a specific text is in view. 9147 3. Witnesses against the World (15:26–27) In the context (15:18–25; 16:1–4), the passage about witness refers not to some timid words (cf. 20:19) but to a bold counteroffensive; the «world» far outnumbers believers, but believers depend on God, whose power can at any time overrule the purposes of the world (cf. 18:9; 19:11). That the world " s hostility frames these comments on witness does not imply that they are simply a later insertion into a foreign context: both 15:18–25 and 16:1–4 are constructed distinctively. The previous pericope (15:18–25) includes two quotations, one from Jesus himself (15:20) and one from Scripture (15:25). The following pericope (16:1–4) is carefully constructed and set apart from 15:18–25 by its inciusio, suggesting an intended break between 15:18–25 and 16:1–4. |
| As a shepherd, Peter must face death (21:18–19), as his good shepherd had (10:11, 15, 17–18); as one of the sheep, 10945 Peter must «follow» Jesus (21:19; 10:4–5, 27)–even to death (13:36–37). 10946 Peter would not always have the vigor that he had devoted to Jesus that morning (cf. 21:7, 10–11; 1 John 2:14 ). Other ancient texts also present powerlessness in terms of dependence; 10947 Diogenes the Cynic reportedly told a man whose servant was putting on his shoes that he would ultimately have to depend on the man to wipe his nose as well j Diogenes Laertius 6.2.44). A third-century Palestinian Amora opined that God might punish a person by withdrawing the person " s control over his members so that another would have power to do that person harm (Gen. Rab. 67:3). The description of dependence here could apply simply to old age, 10948 which could sometimes incline judges and observers toward mercy; 10949 but the language of «stretching out the hands» probably suggests more than merely the dependence of old age. Usually it indicates the image of supplication, 10950 but here it may refer to voluntarily submitting onés hands to binding, which preceded execution. 10951 In view of 21:19, Jesus is explaining that when Peter is old and dependent, he will suffer execution. Second Peter 1:14, probably independently of John, suggests the tradition that Jesus showed Peter that he would die. Early Christian tradition reports that Peter died by crucifixion, 10952 probably upside down, 10953 finally «following» (21:19) Jesus fully (13:36); early Christian texts applied «stretching out onés hands» to crucifixion. 10954 Many commentators thus see crucifixion implied here. 10955 Whether the specific picture of crucifixion is present here or not (it probably is), Peter " s martyrdom certainly follows Jesus. Jesus explained here by what sort of death Peter would glorify God (21:19), just as he had earlier explained by what sort of death (12:33, also using σημανων) he himself would glorify God (12:23; 13:31–33; just as Lazarus " s death glorified Jesus by allowing him to raise Lazarus, 11:4). Jewish hearers might express little surprise that Jesus would predict the manner of Peter " s death for him. 10956 That Peter understands that Jesus refers to his death is likely; this is why he wants to know the beloved disciplés fate, but Jesus refuses to comment on that disciplés death (21:21–23). Peter had earlier volunteered to «follow» Jesus to the cross (13:37), but Peter had failed to do so (13:38); now Jesus explains to him that he will in fact be able to «follow» Jesus to the cross later, as he had told him more ambiguously before (13:36). 10957 The Beloved Disciplés Future (21:20–23) |
| The healed man responds with a heightened Christology as soon as the word makes a more adequate interpretation possible (9:38). Gentiles sometimes prostrated themselves before rulers, 7174 and Jewish people apparently often followed suit; 7175 even looking at another " s feet instead of another " s face showed respect for the other " s higher status. 7176 It could connote intense respect (e.g., Rev 3:9) or that one was begging or seeking mercy. 7177 Thus the term by itself need not indicate worship of a deity; but in its broader Johannine context (4:20–24; 12:20–21), including John " s Christology (1:1, 18; 20:28), it fits the Johannine portrait of Jesus» deity and invites John " s own audience to worship Jesus. 7178 2. Jesus Convicts the Pharisees (9:39–41) In 9:39–41 John epitomizes and makes more explicit the guiding irony that dominates the whole of ch. 9. 7179 John earlier affirms that Jesus did not come to judge the world (3:17; also 12:47); here (9:39) he claims that he came to bring about judgment (a characteristic messianic mission); the judgment here is to divide people into two groups, those who heed the light and those who reject it (also 3:19; cf. 1 John 2:11 ). One who presses far enough, however, will have the paradox resolved (12:44–49). John " s words about spiritual blindness develop his dualism of light and darkness (see comment on 1:4–5). Greek and Roman tradition could play on the irony of the spiritual sight of a blind seer like Tiresias; 7180 one Greek philosopher allegedly blinded himself physically to make his mental contemplations more accurate. 7181 But pagan sources more frequently viewed figurative blindness as a primarily intellectual than as a primarily moral fault, 7182 and the Jewish tradition provides much more abundant source material for John " s irony. 7183 Isaiah the prophet offered the standard text about spiritual blindness adopted by John (Isa 6:9–10 in John 12:40 ), but the image was common in the biblical prophets (Isa 29:9; 42:18–19; 56:10; Jer 5:21 ; Ezek 12:2 ), the Jesus tradition (cf. Matt 13:14–15; 15:14; 23:16; Mark 4:12; 8:17–18 ; Luke 8:10; perhaps Luke 4:18; cf. Acts 28:26–27), and appears in other early Jewish sources. 7184 John " s irony sometimes turns on convicting the leaders from their mouths, but sometimes on paradox from Jesus» own. 7185 |
| Although Jewish people in Palestine usually sat on chairs when available, 8062 they had adopted the Hellenistic custom of reclining for banquets, 8063 including the Passover, 8064 a setting that the Fourth Gospel and its first audience might assume from the Gospel tradition despite the Fourth Gospel " s symbolic shift of the Passover to one day later. 8065 It probably implies that John has, after all, revised an earlier Passover tradition. (One would not expect John to harmonize all his traditions, 8066 though his narrative may be more consistent in its portrayal of Jesus than that of Matthew or Luke is.) Authenticity and Significance of the Foot Washing Although we will offer brief comment on specific verses below, many of the critical issues surround the passage as a whole. 1. The Question of Historical Authenticity Against the tendency to suppose that whatever event is reported only in John is likely fictitious, it should be remembered that Matthew and Luke felt free to supplement Mark " s outline with other material, much of which they share in common but much of which they do not. Given the small quantity of extant data to work with, multiple attestation works as a much more valid criterion when applied positively than when applied negatively. Man-son thinks that Jesus may have washed the disciples» feet at the Last Supper, citing Luke 22:27. 8067 Certainly Jesus there uses himself as an example of one who serves (Luke 22:27), while exhorting his disciples to serve one another (Luke 22:26). 8068 Normally foot washing would precede a meal (cf. Luke 7:44), but the foot washing here follows most of the meal (13:2–4); the logic of the narrative prevents any further eating, for Jesus soon departs. 8069 Given John " s different date for Passover, 8070 however, he may deliberately omit discussion of the meal to keep the emphasis on the cross itself. 2. The Message of the Foot Washing The theology of the foot washing is, however, of greater importance to us here. Most scholars recognize the image of self-sacrifice in the foot washing. 8071 By humbly serving his disciples (13:4–16), Jesus takes the role of the Suffering Servant (cf. Isa 52:13–53:12) that John has just mentioned (12:38), epitomizing christological motifs from his Gospel and some other early Christian sources. 8072 Because biblical and early Jewish customs use foot washing in welcoming guests, some see it as an act of eschatological hospitality. 8073 |
| 6136 Dschulnigg, «Überlegungen,» connects «bread of life» in this document with Passover; more persuasively, Sänger, «Missionsliteratur» connects the bread and honeycomb with wisdom and life. 6137 Angels eat from a honeycomb made by the bees of paradise, which provide eternal life, in Jos. Asen. 16:14/16:8; this appears as the «bread of life» in Jos. Asen. 19:5, some MSS. 6138 Philo Heir 191; Creation 158; Flight 138; Names 259–60. The emphasis on «knowledge» (γνσις) remains even in the eucharistie Christian interpretation in Did. 9.3 (cf. 10.3). 6139 Philo Worse 118 (λγον θεον); Alleg. ïnterp. 3.162, 169; Flight 137. Scholars have long noted Philós identification of the Logos and manna (e.g., Howard, Gospel, 161). 6140 Whitacre, John, 159. In context, Deut 8means that God " s decree brought manna even when Israel could not toil for its bread. 6141 E.g., Pesiq Rab Kah. Sup. 3(School of R. Ishmael); Gen. Rab. 43:6; 54:1; 70:5; Exod. Rab. 47:5; Lev. Rab. 30:1; exegesis in Sipre Deut. 48.5b.2; though all eating and drinking could represent Torah (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:1; Ecc1. Rab. 2:24, §1; 5:17, §1; 8:15, §1), and eating at Sinai could represent feasting on the Shekinah (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 26:9; Lev. Rab. 20:10). Literal bread could also derive from keeping Torah (Sipre Deut. 40.7.1). 6142 In addition to Borgen and some others listed above, e.g., Turner, Spirit, 64; Manns, «Sagesse»; Ellis, World, 26; Longenecker, Christology, 40; for Wisdom motifs, esp. Feuillet, Studies, 76–83. The most thorough study in the Targumim is Malina, Manna Tradition, though this study from the 1960s may be too optimistic about recovering the earliest form of the tradition (cf. Lebram, «Review»). 6143 E.g., Sib. Or. 3.256. Cf. also the tradition of Moses bringing the Torah down from heaven (see comment on John 3:11,13 ). Köstenberger, John, 102–4, relevantly cites God " s own descent (Isa 64:1) at Sinai (64:3). Because God would provide for them, the sixth race of humans was called ορανη (Sib. Or. 1.286; contrast the five races in Hesiod Op. 110–201). |
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