Harrison, «Vine» Harrison, R. K. «Vine.» Pages 986–87 in vo1. 4 of The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Edited by Geoffrey W. Bromiley. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979–1988. Hart, «Crown» Hart, H. St. J. «The Crown of Thorns in John 19.2–5 .» Journal of Theological Studies NS 3 (1952): 66–75. Hartin, «Peter» Hartin, P. J. «The Role of Peter in the Fourth Gospe1.» Neotestamentica 24 (1990): 49–61. Hartman, «Temple» Hartman, Lars. « " He Spoke of the Temple of His Body» ( Jn 2:13–22 ).» Svensk exegetisk arsbok 54 (1989): 70–79. Harvey, History   Harvey, A. E. Jesus and the Constraints of History. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1982. Harvey, Listening to the Text Harvey, John D. Listening to the Text: Oral Patterning in Paul " s Letters. Grand Rapids: Baker; Leicester: Apollos, 1998. Harvey, «Torah» Harvey, Warren. «Torah.» Columns 1239–46 in vo1. 5 of Encyclopaedia judaica. 16 vols. Jerusalem: Keter, 1972. Harvey, Trial   Harvey, A. E. Jesus on Trial: A Study in the Fourth Gospe1. London: SPCK, 1976. Hasel, Remnant Hasel, Gerhard F. The Remnant: The History and Theology of the Remnant Idea from Genesis to Isaiah. 3d ed. Berrien Springs, Mich.: Andrews University Press, 1980. Hasel, «Saints» Hasel, Gerhard F. «The Identity of " The Saints of the Most High» in Daniel 7 .» Biblica56 (1975): 173–92. Hasel, Theology Hasel, Gerhard F. New Testament Theology: Basic Issues in the Current Debate. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978. Hasitschka, «Anmerkungen» Hasitschka, Marin. «Sozialgeschichtliche Anmerkungen zum Johannesevangelium.» Protokolle zur Bibel 1 (1992): 59–67. Hasitschka, «Parakletworte» Hasitschka, Marin. «Die Parakletworte im Johannesevangelium: Versuch einer Auslegung in synchroner Textbetrachtung.» Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt 18 (1993): 97–112. Hata, «Moses» Hata, Gohei. «The Story of Moses Interpreted within the Context of Anti-Semitism.» Pages 180–97 in Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity. Edited by Louis H. Feldman and Gohei Hata. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987.

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In fact, the Sretensky monastery singers are a well-travelled bunch. They have already sung at Notre Dame cathedral in Paris as well as at the Vatican Hall auditorium and in Belgrade. They frequently take part in services in Moscow conducted by Russia’s Patriarch, His Holiness Alexei II, at the Dormition cathedral, an exquisite 15th-century church inside the high walls and forbidding towers of the Kremlin. The tour isn’t about selling CDs, although the choir has produced several, but about the reunification of Russia’s divided orthodox church. In May, the church inside Russia was reunited with the Russian orthodox church abroad, a ground-breaking event marking the end of nine decades of division triggered by the Bolshevik revolution. (The church inside the country had reluctantly recognised the new communist government; the church abroad never did.) As well as the concerts, the choir will take part in services in orthodox churches around the world celebrating this. Founded in the 14th century, the Sretensky monastery reflects Russia’s entire history: wars and revolutions, fiery prayer and unbridled militant atheism. After the 1917 revolution, the new government installed a pro-communist sect in the buildings. In 1925 it was closed. The monastery’s superior, Archbishop Hilarion, was sent off to a gulag where he perished. In the 1930s, officers belonging to Stalin’s secret police were billeted here, and numerous executions were carried out in the monastery’s leafy grounds. The church got its buildings back in 1991; the choir was formed three years later. Today, the monastery is an oasis of tranquillity in the centre of brash, capitalist Moscow. Outside, young women wearing designer sunglasses nudge absurdly large black Jeeps through traffic-choked avenues. According to Father Tikhon, though, despite such ostensible Godlessness, the Russian orthodox church is now enjoying a remarkable renaissance in Russia, with 500 churches in Moscow, compared to 40 in the 1980s. At the church, the last worshippers are crossing themselves and preparing to head home. Another reason the choir is so good, Father Tikhon says, is that they are not interested in worldly success or money. “It’s like early Christianity, like apostolic times,” he says. “The most important thing in life is their belief in God. They see the world as it is. But they can live in the world and still retain their Christianity”.

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Bishop Stephen (Lasko) was appointed by the Church in Albania in 1965 to be Metropolitan Theophan’s successor. In 1971Bishop Stephen led his flock into the newly formed Orthodox Church in America (OCA), within which it became a distinct diocese. This move finally resolved the canonical status of the majority of Albanian parishes in America. In 2013, the Albanian diocese of the OCA, under the leadership of Bishop Nikon of New England, had about a dozen parishes. Meanwhile, Bishop Mark’s diocese continued its existence within the Patriarchate of Constantinople. After the fall of the extremely atheistic Communist government in Albania in 1990, this very small group of parishes helped significantly with the restoration of the Church in Albania, which had been virtually destroyed by the Communists. In 2013this jurisdiction was led by Bishop Ilia (Katre), who began his tenure in 1982. The Bulgarian Orthodox in America Bulgarian immigration to America became significant after 1903, when several thousand Bulgarians arrived as the result of an insurrection in Macedonia. Being quite scattered, they generally attended Russian churches, although as early as 1907 the first Bulgarian parish was established in Madison, Illinois. Gradually, other parishes were formed, and apparently, in 1909, a small Mission was organized for them within the Russian Missionary Diocese. However, in the 1918 listing of the parishes of the Russian Diocese in America there is only one parish that is designated as “Boulgarian” – in Toronto, Ontario. In 1922, the five Bulgarian parishes in North America came under the care of the Mother Church in Sofia, Bulgaria. Bishop Andrey (Velichky) became the first bishop for this diocese in 1938. In 1949, the Russian Church in Exile oversaw the establishment of several parishes for recent Bulgarian immigrants. In 1976, most of the parishes of this Bulgarian Church in Exile joined the Orthodox Church in America (OCA), becoming a constituent diocese of the OCA. Its hierarch, Bishop Kyrill (Yonchev) (1920–2007), became the OCA’s Bishop of Pittsburgh (r. 1976–2007). At that time the Bulgarian diocese consisted of about 15 parishes. In 2013, it had about 20 parishes under the leadership of Bishop Alexander (Golitzin) of Pittsburgh (b. 1948), who was consecrated as Bishop of Toledo and the Bulgarian Diocese of the OCA in 2012.

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Glückwünsche an Metropolit Nikodim, ebda 6f. Izvestija vom 2.7.1967: Svetlana Allilueva. An den lutherischen Erzbischof von Finnland, in: StdO 1979,3, 3–4. Predigt am Sonntag der Vergebung, in: StdO 1979,3,27–30. Achter Jahrestag der Inthronisation des Patriarchen: Denkrede, in: StdO 1979,9,3–7. Grüße zur V. buddhistischen Generalkonferenz für den Frieden, in: StdO 1979,11,45–47. Karfreitagspredigt vor dem hl. Grablinnen, in: StdO 1980,3, 27–28. Erklärung zum 35. Jahrestag des Sieges über den Faschismus, in: StdO 1980,8,3–4. Ansprache vor einer Delegation vietnamesischer Katholiken, in: StdO 1980,9,39–41. Ansprachen auf dem Festakt der Moskauer Geistlichen Akademie, in: StdO 1980,11,4–10. An den Ehrenpräsidenten des Weltkirchenrates, in: StdO 1981,1, 37–38. An die III. Kirchenversammlung der Patriarchatsgemeinden in den USA, in: StdO 1981,3,2–3. Botschaft an den Vorsteher der Kirche von Jerusalem, in: StdO 1981,5,6–7. Botschaft an die Theologen des Vierten Sagorsker Gesprächs in Güstrow, in: StdO 1981,8,3–4. Betrachtung über die christlichen Tugenden, in: StdO 1981,8, 27–29. Votum für das unveräußerliche Menschenrecht auf Frieden, in: StdO 1981,10,3–4. «Der Hirte bedarf des ständigen Studiums der Heiligen Schrift”, in: StdO 1981,10,14–16. Wort über die Schutzheiligen der Familie, in: StdO 1981,10,21. Ansprache im Dom zu Turku (Finnland), in: StdO 1982,4,42–44. Die Rettung des Lebens – ein Auftrag an alle religiösen Kräfte (Weltkongreß religiöser Friedenskräfte), in: StdO 1982, 7,3–23. Wir leben in der Nachfolge des Auferstandenen (Ansprache am 9.5.1982 nach der Liturgie zum Weltkongreß religiöser Friedenskräfte), in: StdO 1982,9,29–33. Rede vor der Zweiten Sondertagung der UNO-Vollversammlung für Abrüstungsfragen, in: StdO 1982,10,39–43. Patriarchenbotschaft an die christlichen Demokraten in der DDR, in: StdO 1982,12,29–32. Wort zu den tragischen Ereignissen in Beirut, in: StdO 1983, 1,18. Grußschreiben zum Luthergedenkjahr, in: StdO 1983,8,2–3. Traditionsverständnis unter orthodoxem und reformiertem Aspekt (Debrecen IV), in: StdO 1983,11,35.

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Obrašenie к uastnikam sessii Sovešatel " nogo komiteta prodoloenija rabot ChMK v Sofii, in: MP 1966,12,49 . Otvety na voprosy korrespondenta Agentstva Peati Novosti, in: MP 1967,1,4–5. Otvety na voprosy korrespondenta ital. gazety «Corriere della sera» v Moskve, in: MP 1967,3,2–3. Paschalnoe poslanie..., in: MP 1967,4,1. Poslanie к 40-letiju Patriaršich Prav. obšin v Finljandii, in: MP 1957,5,6. Re na prieme v est’ d-ra Ju.K. Blejka, in: MP 1967,5,8–9. Poslanie Predstojatel’ju Konstantinopol’skoj Cerkvi, in: MP 1967,6,3–4. Otvety na voprosy pol’skogo urnalista J. Stojnovskogo, in: MP 1967, 6,4–7. Obrašenie к uastnikam Zasedenija raboego komiteta ChMK in: MP 1967,8,3–4. Ob otnošenii к Mitropoli’emu okrugu v Amerike – Patr. Afinagoru, in: MP 1967,9,2. Poslanie s svjazi s 50-letiem Velikoj Oktjabr’skoj Soc. Revolucii, in: MP 1967,11,1–4. Rozdestvenskoe poslanie..., in: MP 1968,1,1–2. Obmen poslanijami.. Pape Pavlu VI., in: MP 1968,2,1–2. Paschal‘noe poslanie..., in: MP 1968,4,1–2. Obrašenie к III Vsechristianskomu Mirnomu Kongressu, in:MP 1968,5,1–2. Pis’mo d-ru I. Gromadke, in: MP 1968,5,5. Privestsvennoe slovo... vo vremja priema predstavitelej bogosl. Konsul’tacii Vsemirnogo Soveta Cerkvej, in: МР 1968,5,9. Poslanie predsedatelju Central’nogo Komiteta VSC g-nu M.M. Tomasu, in: MP 1968,10,1–2. Poslanie D-ru I. Gromadke, in: МР 1968,10,2. Rozdestvenskoe poslanie..., in: МР 1968,12,1. Otvetnoe poslanie Nikolaju VI Pape i Patriarchu Aleksandrijskomu i vsej Afriki, in: MP 1968,12,4. Interv’ju korrespondentu gazety «Golos Rodiny», in: MP 1969 ,2 ,2–3. V ustremlenii к sotrudniestvu i miru. Privetsvennoe slovo, in: MP 1969,2,39,40. Paschal’noe poslanie..., in: MP 1969,4,1–2. Poslanie v svjazi s poloeniem na Svjatoj Gore... g-nu G. Papadopulosu, in: MP 1969,5,2–3. Poslanie к prazdnovaniju 1100-letiju so dnja bl. koniny Sv. Ravnoap. Kirilla, in: MP 1969,6,1–2. Poslanie... Patr. Bolgarskomu Kirillu..., in: MP 1969,6,3–4 Poslanie Moskovskim Duchovnym Školam..., in: MP 1969,8,4.

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Agitatus enim aer auram facit; unde et Lucretius (5,503): . Aquarum naturae diversitas multa est: aliae enim salis, aliae nitri, aliae aluminis, aliae sulphuris, aliae bituminis, aliae curam morborum adhibentes. Nam iuxta Romam Albulae aquae vulneribus medentur. In Italia fons Ciceronis oculorum vulnera curat. In Aethiopia lacus est quo perfusa corpora velut oleo nitescunt. Zamae fons in Africa canoras voces facit. Ex Clitorio lacu Italiae qui biberint vini taedium habent. In Chio insula fontem esse quo hebetes fiant. In Boeotia duo fontes; alter memoriam, alter oblivionem adfert. Cyzici fons amorem Veneris tollit. Boeotiae lacus furialis est, de quo qui biberit ardore libidinis exardescit. In Campania sunt aquae quae sterilitatem feminarum et virorum insaniam abolere dicuntur. In Aethiopiae fonte Rubro qui biberit lymphaticus fit. Leinus fons Arcadiae abortus fieri non patitur. In Sicilia fontes sunt duo, quorum unus sterilem fecundat, alter fecundam sterilem facit. In Thessalia duo sunt flumina: ex uno bibentes oves nigras fieri, ex altero albas, ex utroque varias. Clitumnus lacus in Umbria maximos boves gignit. Reatinis paludis aquis iumentorum ungulas indurari. In Asphaltite lacu Iudacae nihil mergi potest, quidquid animam habet. In Indis Siden vocari stagnum, in quo nihil innatat, sed omnia merguntur. At contra in Africae lacu Apuscidamo omnia fluitant, nihil mergitur. Marsidae fons in Phrygia saxa egerit. In Achaia aqua profluit e saxis Styx appellata, quae ilico potata interficit. Gelonium stagnum Siciliae tetro odore abigit proximantes. Fons est in Africa circa templum Ammonis, qui humoris nexibus humum stringit: favillas etiam in cespitem solidat. Fons Iob in Idumaea quater in anno colorem mutare dicitur: id est pulverulentum, sanguineum, viridem et limpidum; ternis mensibus in anno tenens ex his unum colorem. In Trogodytis lacus est; ter [in] die fit amarus et deinde totiens dulcis. Fons Siloa ad radicem montis Sion non iugibus aquis, sed in certis horis diebusque ebullit. In Iudaea quondam rivus sabbatis omnibus siccabatur. In Sardinia fontes calidi oculis medentur, fures arguunt; nam caecitate detegitur eorum facinus. In Epiro esse fontem in quo faces extinguntur accensae et accenduntur extinctae. Apud Garamantes fontem esse ita algentem die ut non bibatur, ita ardentem nocte ut non tangatur. Iam vero in multis locis aquae manant perpetim ferventes, tanta vi ut balnea calefaciant. Quaedam enim terrae sunt quae multum sulphuris et aluminis habent. Itaque cum per venas calentes aqua frigida venit, vicino sulphuris calore contacta excandescit, nec talis ab origine effluit, sed permutatur dum venit. Sulphur enim alumenque secum ferunt aquae; utramque materiam igne plenam minimisque motibus incalescentem. Caput XIV. DE MARI

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1590 Feldman, «Antiquities,» also suggests that some of L.A.R " s traditions sound closer to those later preserved in the rabbis than to Josephus. 1591 Martin Abegg in Wise, Scrolls, 355, on 4Q389 frg. 3 (though the text is fragmentary, making the parallel less clear). 1592 Cf. also, e.g., the story told by Judah ha-Nasi in b. Sank 9lab (cf. Mek. Sir. 2), which appears in more elaborate form in Apocr. Ezek. 1–2, a document which may have been in circulation by the late first century c.E. (assuming that the Clement quote represents this document; cf. comparisons in OTP 1:492,494). 1593         Jub. 4:30; Gen. Rab. 19:8; Pesiq. Rab. 40:2. These were the results of an unpublished study in Essene and Pharisaic haggadic (with some halakic) trajectories from common Judaism. 1596         Jub. 7:20–25; Finkelstein, Making, 223–27; Schultz, «Patriarchs,» 44–45, 48–49, 55–56; Mek. Bah. 5; b. c Abod. Zar. 64b; Sanh. 56a; 59a; 74b; Yebam. 48b; Gen. Rab. 26:1; 34:14; Exod. Rab. 30:9; Deut. Rab. 1:21. 1598         Jub. 4:17–23; 10:17; Gen. Apoc. 2.19; 1–3 Enoch; T. Ab. 11:3–10B; contrast Gen. Rab. 25:1; on Jubilees special Enoch traditions, cf. VanderKam, «Traditions,» 245. Cf. perhaps also Noah haggadah (Jub. 10:17; Gen. Rab. 26:6; 28:8; 29:1, 3; 36:3; more positive in b. Sanh. 108a), especially his birth (Gen. Apoc. co1. 2; extraordinary birth narratives apply especially to Moses in b. Sanh. 101a; Sotah 12a; Exod. Rab. 1:20,23,26: Lev. Rab. 20:1; Pesiq. Rab. 43:4; also in Philo Moses 1.3, §9; Josephus Ant. 2.217–37, but not in Jub. 47:1–8). 1599         Jub. 4:22; 5:1; 7:21; 2 Bar. 56:10–15; T. Reu. 5:5–6; CD 2.16–18: Philo Unchangeable 1; rare in rabbis except perhaps Gen. Rab. 31:13. 1601         Jubilees» and Qumran " s continuance of the old solar calendar (see Morgenstern, «Calendar»; Marcus, «Scrolls,» 12), possibly influential in the second century B.c.E. (Wirgin, Jubilees, 12–17, 42–43; for a consequent pre-Hasmonean dating, see Zeitlin, ««Jubilees,»» 224), naturally created a rift with the lunar-based temple service and Pharisaism (Noack, «Pentecost,» 88–89; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32; Baumgarten, «Beginning»; cf. Jub. 2:9–10; 6:17, 32–38). Rivkin, «Jubilees,» even argues that Jubilees was written against the Pharisee-scribes because they had created their own calendar. This may also indicate why the sun is extolled (Jub. 2:12; 4:21; cf. 1QS 10.1–5; CD 10.15–16; cf. Smith, «Staircase,» who may go too far, given synagogue zodiacs and Josephus " s astrological interpretations of temple imagery).

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With regard to literary form, the gnostic gospels are nothing like the canonical gospels; they are called gospels only because they purport to convey good news. 317 Much of what we find in the gnostic «gospels» are random sayings collections that include both sayings of Jesus and later gnosticizing words attributed to him. Most «new» sayings in the gnostic «gospels» are hardly early, though these collections may preserve or adapt some agrapha as well as sayings also reported in our canonical gospels; 318 the collections as a whole are tendentious in a gnosticizing (and hence later) direction and lack most of the sort of early Palestinian Jewish material frequently found in the Synoptics and John. 319 Some have argued that apocryphal and gnostic gospels reflect a form earlier than that of the canonical gospels and similar gospels no longer extant. 320 Starting from a study of the apocryphal gospels, Helmut Koester has argued that their forms are not developments from those of the canonical gospels but are rather related to earlier types of gospel literature such as sayings collections, aretalogies (miracle collections), and apocalypses. As a result, the Coptic Gospel of Thomas should be seen in a trajectory from Q, the Infancy Gospel of Thomas from collections like the Johannine Semeia source, and the Apocryphon of John from revelations like the Apocalypse of John. 321 In principle, these genre considerations are not objectionable; sayings collections are as old as Israelite and other ancient Near Eastern proverbs, " Abot, and Greek collections of philosophers» witticisms. 322 It is not unlikely that the Gospel of Thomas intentionally follows a similar form as a sayings collection; but acknowledging this does not require us to retroject incipient gnosticism into earlier Christian sayings collections, or to imply that the sayings genre was opposed in principle to narrative gospels, as some scholars have thought. 323 Sayings and narratives were regularly reported separately or combined at will in antiquity, 324 reports of sages» teachings frequently incorporated accounts of their lives or settings for their sayings, 325 and Ahiqar " s wisdom sayings and narrative were probably already combined more than half a millennium before the Gospels were written. 326 Early Christian tradition and use of genre was also not likely isolated in a single stream; where Paul " s incidental use attests Jesus traditions, these traditions attest both Q and Markan forms, and some of the Q material is more like Matthew whereas some is more like Luke. 327

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4459 In later times, wine was actually necessary for the Sabbath Kiddush and other festivities: b. Pesah. 102a, bar.; purportedly Tannaitic tradition in B. Qam. 69b; Šabb. 23b; Ta c an. 24a; cf. t. Ber. 3:8; Safrai, «Home,» 747. 4460 Safrai, «Home,» 759, citing b. Ketub. 7b-8a; cf. m. Ber. 1(where guests return from a wedding feast between midnight and dawn). 4462         T. Šabb. 17:4. Perhaps there is an implicit contrast between the original host of John 2and the host (Jesus) of 6:13, since in both cases Jesus must multiply the resources available to sustain a crowd. 4465 Derrett, Law, 235: the women, nearer the domestic quarters, could have learned of the situation before the men in the dining area. Hellenistic banquets with ample facilities typically separated women from men (e.g., Cicero Verr. 2.1.26.66–69; Cornelius Nepos pref.6–7; Mark 6:24 ), as did homes large enough to have separate quarters (in Hellenistic architecture, Xenophon Oec. 9.5; Lysias Or. 3.6, §97; Heliodorus Aeth. 5.34; 6.1). Like the waterpots (2:6) she was εκε (2:1), though not just as a prop (cf. Ashton, Understanding, 268). 4466 Safrai, «Home,» 759. Women may have drunk wine less than men (see Safrai, «Home,» 747). In much of ancient Mediterranean culture wives did not accompany husbands to banquets (Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 13–14), or at least to the male areas. 4467 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 69, suggest some of the pots may «have been borrowed from neighbors» for the wedding. But these were for purification (2:6), presumably for Passover (2:13); a bride would wash before a wedding ( Eph 5:26 ; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 54–55), but she would hardly need six pots! (Nor would guests for ritual handwashing before taking wine–p. Ber. 6:6.) 4469 Jacob in Gen 32:26–30 ; Moses in Exod 33:12–34:9; the Shunammite woman in 2 Kgs 4:14–28; Elisha in 2 Kgs 2:2, 4, 6, 9; and Elijah in 1 Kgs 18:36–37, 41–46 are cases in point. Mayer, «Elijah,» finds Elijah/Elisha imagery in this passage. 4470 Mark 5:27–34 (in light of the fact that it was ritually forbidden for her to touch the teacher, Lev 15:25–27 ); 7:24–30; 10:46–52; Matt 8:7–13 (taking v. 7 as a question) are cases in point; on insistent faith, cf. also ÓDay, «Faith.» Jesus» teachings on «obnoxious» persistence in prayer fit this image as well: e.g., Luke 11:5–13 (though αναδεια is, as Bailey and others have pointed out, related to shame and not to persistence, the idea of boldness in prayer is still present); 18:2–14. Examples of wise chutzpah could be multiplied in Cynic stories; e.g., Diogenes in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.34. Whitacre, Polemic, 84, points out that like the first disciples of ch. 1, she takes the initiative, but allows Jesus to dictate what will be done after that point (2:5).

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In view of this, in writing the article on ‘Chronology’ I devoted a considerable portion of the material to efforts at showing the uncertainties existent in ancient historical sources, including not only Babylonian sources but also Egyptian, Assyrian and MedoPersian. Though I still believe that a number of the points presented as to such uncertainties are valid, I know that the argumentation was born of a desire to uphold a date for which there was simply no historical evidence. If the historical evidence did, in fact, contradict some clear statement in Scripture I would not hesitate to hold to the Scriptural account as the more reliable. But I realize that the issue is not some contradiction of clear Scriptural statement but contradiction of an interpretation placed upon portions of Scripture, giving to them a meaning that is not stated in the Bible itself. The uncertainties that are to be found in such human interpretations are certainly equal to the uncertainties to be found in chronological accounts of ancient history. 22 Acknowledgements Before this introduction is concluded, I would like to thank the many knowledgeable persons all over the world, some of whom were still active Jehovah’s Witnesses at the time the treatise was written, who, by their encouragement, suggestions, criticism and questions have greatly contributed to this treatise. First among these I should mention Rud Persson in Ljungbyhed, Sweden, who participated in the work from an early stage and who more than anyone else assisted in these respects. Other friends of the same background, especially James Penton and Raymond Franz, have been of great help in preparing the book for publication by polishing my English and grammar. With respect to the ideohistorical section (chapter one), my contacts with Swedish scholar Dr. Ingemar Linden stimulated my interest and initiated my research in this area. Alan Feuerbacher, Beaverton, Oregon (now in Fort Collins, Colorado) provided important documents for this section. For the chapters on NeoBabylonian chronology (chapters three and four) the contacts with authorities on the Babylonian cuneiform texts have been of invaluable help. This applies particularly to Professor D. J. Wiseman in England, who is a leading expert on the NeoBabylonian period; Mr. C. B. F. Walker, Deputy Keeper in the Department of the Ancient Near East in the British Museum, London; Professor Abraham J. Sachs in the U.S.A; Professor Hermann Hunger in Austria, who since the death of Abraham Sachs in 1983 is the leading expert on Babylonian astronomical observational texts; Dr. John M. Steele in Toronto, Canada, and Dr. Beatrice Andre at the Louvre Museum in Paris. On the exegetical sections (chapters 57), finally, a number of capable linguists and Hebraists willingly shared their expertise, especially Dr. Seth Erlandsson in Vasteras, Sweden; Dr. Tor Magnus Amble and Dr. Hans M. Barstad, both in Oslo, Norway, and Professor Ernst Jenni in Basel, Switzerland.

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