| 8851 If later tradition is relevant, the vinés usefulness in a sukkah was quite limited (cf. b. Sukkah 11a, 22b). 8852 Cadman, Heaven, 175. More pervasive are connections with the «branch»; see, e.g., Isa 11:1; cf. Isa 4:2; Jer 23:5; 33:15 ; Zech 3:8; 6:12; 1QH 6.15; 7.19; 8.6,8,10; 4Q174,3.12; cf. T. Jud. 24:4, if not an interpolation. 8854 Painter, John, 48; Feuillet, Studies, 88–89; Culpepper, John, 214; Wisdom is identified with the law in 24:23. 8855 Samian Hera had a vine branch in her hair (Callimachus Aetia 4.101; the Diegesis associates this with her conflicts with Dionysus). Perhaps Philo allegorized Ganymede, Zeus " s wine pourer, as God " s forth-flowing Logos (Dillon, «Ganymede»; idem, «Logos»). 8856 Diodorus Siculus 1.15.8, who also reports, however, that the Egyptians (who link him with Osiris) believe that he prefers ivy (Diodorus Siculus 1.17.5). 8861 Caragounis, «Vineyard,» argues that μπελος became «vineyard» and κλματα «vines» in pre-Christian Koine. Given the description of pruning, «vine» is a better translation in John 15 than «vineyard,» but the semantic overlap illustrates the importance of both vine and vineyard data. 8862 On the Qumran interpretation of Isa 5:1–7, see 4Q500, in Baumgarten, «Vineyard.» The vine image is also consistent with the Jesus tradition " s use of «fruit»; see comment below. 8863 E.g., Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 80.1.2 (citing Jer 2and Isa 5:4); Köstenberger, John, 159; Strachan, Gospel, 176; Hunter, Message, 78; idem, John, 148; Barrett, «Old Testament,» 164; idem, John, 472; Hoskyns, Gospel, 474; Sanders, John, 337; Richardson, Israel, 187; Fenton, John, 158; Morris, John, 668; van der Waal, «Gospel,» 36; Hickling, «Attitudes,» 353; Ellis, Genius, 225; Painter, John, 48; Carson, Discourse, 91. 8864 E.g., 3 Bar. 1:2; Exod. Rab. 30:17; 34:3; SongRab. 2:16, §1; 7:13, §1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:9. Some texts explicitly conjoin this image with God " s flock as well (e.g., Mek. Pisha 1.162; Sipre Deut. 15.1.1; cf. John 10:1 ). |
| 8489 In Philo Spec. Laws 1.41 and Posterity 16, Moses» request becomes, εμφνισαν μοι σαυτν; Philo may have also viewed Moses» prophetic ecstasy as milder than Abraham " s or Balaam " s (Levison, «Prophecy in Philo»). For Israel " s desire to see God at the giving of the law, see, e.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3. 8490 For Philo, one could see God only if God manifested himself (Abraham 80; cf. Posterity 16); cf. Wis 1(God εμφανζεται himself to those who do not disbelieve him). 8495 For the Son acting only at the Father " s will, see further comment on 5:19, 30. «The words I speak to you» reflects consistent Johannine idiom (6:63). 8499 E.g., Aristotle Rhet. 2.20.4,1393b; see further Anderson, Glossary, 110–11, and sources there (esp. Quintilian 9.2.100–101). 8502 See, e.g., Kydd, Gifts; Irvin and Sunquist, Movement, 145–47; Shogren, «Prophecy»; sources in Schatzmann, Theology, 82 n. 40. 8510 Dietzfelbinger, «Werke.» On Jesus» activity as a broker or mediator, see more extended comment on 15:15. 8511 Ancients might attribute miracles to disciples of miracle workers, though usually somewhat less dramatically (Iamblichus V.P. 28.135; p. Ta c an. 3:8, §2). 8513 PGM 1.160–161,167,216–217; 12.316; Lucan C.W. 6.732–734; Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29. Pulleyn, «Names,» however, doubts that Greek religion attached magical efficacy to name invocation of its gods. 8514 For the sacred name of Israel " s God, Incant. Text 20.11–12; 69.6–7; CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; Γ. So1. 18:15–16; Pr. Jos. 9; b. Git. 68ab; Num. Rab. 16:24; also revelatory texts in Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. For Jewish support of, and opposition to, magic, see sources in Keener, Spirit, 29–30 n. 21. 8517 Though in a later period, Christian magical syncretism also appeared (see, e.g., Gitler, «Amulets»). 8518 Some were against petitionary prayer (Van der Horst, «Maximus»), but this was surely the exception. 8519 E.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38,451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13. Garland, Matthew, 79 notes that after Catullus piles up titles of Diana, he concludes, «whatever name you prefer» (Poems 34). |
| 8596 Ibid., 101–2; Glasson, Moses, 104–5 (citing John 5:45 ); Windisch, Spirit-Paraclete, 15 (following Billerbeck); Manns, «Paraclet,» 127–31; cf. Bernard, John, 2(following Wetstein); Lee, Thought, 214 (following Schlatter); Westcott, John, 212; Sandmel, Beginnings, 384; in Greek texts, e.g., Aeschines Ctesiphon 37 (taking the laws figuratively as advocates). 8597 Reportedly the Egyptians, lest rhetoric sway judges from the laws» severity (Diodorus Siculus 1.76.1–2). For examples of forensic rhetoric, cf. Cicerós famous defenses or the trial speeches of Isaeus, Lysias, Aeschines, or Demosthenes. 8598 E.g., P.Thead. 15.3, 19 (280–281 C.E.); Chariton 3.4.15; Nin. Rom. frg. 1.A.4; Plutarch Flatterer 20, Mor. 61D; Publicola 2.1 (συνηγορας); Cicero 5.2 (συνηγορεν); 39.5 (βοηθοντος); CPJ 2:84, §157; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.27.15; cf. also σμβουλος (Plutarch Mor. 61D; 4 Macc 15:25; cf. Moses in 4 Macc 9:2, contrasted with Antiochus in 9:3; Mattathias " s successor Simeon as a military νρ βουλς in 1Macc 2:65). In Philostratus " s Heroikos a deceased hero can become a σμβουλος, or advisor, counselor, to his mortal clients (4.7; 14.4; 23.18; 35.1; cf. 16.2; Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xxix); in Porphyry Marc. 10.189 it is (figuratively) his teachings. 8602 Ladd, Theology, 293; Leaney, «Paraclete,» 61. Cf. the qualifications of Ross, «Lament,» 45–46. 8607 A loanword in rabbinic texts, and appearing in some papyri (Deissmann, Light, 93); cf. 2Macc 4:5. 8608 5. Hag. 13b; p. Roš Haš. 3:2, §6; Lev. Rab. 5:6; 21:10; 30:6. Although none of these references has an attribution before the third century, this may parallel the Greco-Roman dependence on private rather than public prosecutors (Chariton 5.4.9; CPJ 2:64–65, §155; Josephus War 1.637–638; cf. Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 34; for a relevant social depiction of second-century B.C.E. Roman prosecution, see David, «Eloquentia»).– 8609 5. Yoma 77a; Exod. Rab. 18:5; cf. Apoc. Sedr. 14:1; in 2 En. 33(rec. A), Michael will be an intercessor» for Enoch (in rec. J, a «mediator»). He may also be «the Prince of the World» (contrast John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11 ), who defends the world before the Holy One (3 En. 30:2), and the angel who intercedes for Israel (T. Levi 5:6; he struggled with Jacob in Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 32:25 ). Cf. Betz, Paraklet, 149–58, for one study on Michael as intercessor. |
| 10526 See also Byrne, «Faith»; Talbert, John, 250; cf. 1Pet 1:8 . Faith here refers to faith in the resurrection (20:25, 27, 29; Hoskyns, Gospel, 540). 10527 The need to understand Scripture after the resurrection also fits the gospel tradition in Luke 24:25–27, 32,44–47 (Beasley-Murray, John, 373). 10528 Westcott, John, 290, favors Ps 16:10 , but no clues allow us to narrow down the range of possible verses. John 2could refer to Ps 69in John 2:17 , but that is likely only if the entire psalm is in view. 10529 See, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; 329.2.1; b. Pesah. 68a; Sanh. 90b; Gen. Rab. 20:10. 10530 A frequent rabbinic interpretive method, e.g., Mek. Nez. 10.15–16,26,38; 17.17; Pisha 5.103; b. Ber. 9a; 35a; B. Qam. 25b; Git. 49a; Ker. 5a; Qidd. 15a; 35b; Menah. 76a; Naz. 48a; Nid. 22b-23a; Roš Haš. 3b; 34a; Sanh. 40b; 51b; 52a; Sabb. 64a; Tem. 16a; Zebah. 18a; 49b-50b; Exod. Rab. 1:20; cf. CD 7.15–20; Chernick, «Application.» 10531 Typical in Jewish sources (e.g., t. c Ed. 3:4; Sipre Num. 1.4.1; see much fuller documentation in comment on 7:23). 10532 Throughout this Gospel, δε usually stands for divine necessity (e.g., 3:14, 30; 10:16). 10533 E.g., Euripides Medea 928; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; losephus Ant. 4.320. 10534 Their going out in 20may be simply «to them» (cf. 7:50) rather than to their homes (NRSV; NASB); in 20they are all together. 10535 Cf. Schneiders, «Encounter,» who argues that lohn presents Mary as the official witness of the resurrection, symbolic for the Johannine community (though her allusions to Song of Songs may be more dubious). 10536 Okure, «Commission.» Mary " s testimony may or may not (cf. Maccini, Testimony, 240–52) teach specifically about women " s testimony, but it prefigures Christian testimony in general, which implies the participation of women in that witness. 10537 Sanders, Figure, 280. 10538 Dio Cassius 58.4.5–6; 63.11.2–12.1. Josephus cites Jews» willingness to die for the law (Ag. Ap. 1.42–43). |
| 5213 Stauffer, Jesus, 70–71, thinks the parable of Luke 10 genuinely reflects Jesus» view toward Samaritans. 5215 Women " s support of movements tended to reflect negatively on those movements among their critics, including early Pharisaism (Sanders, Figure, 109; Ilan, «Attraction»); this potential for scandal militates against the invention of this tradition by later Christians (Witherington, Women, 117; Sanders, Figure, 109). 5217 See Keener, Matthew, 291; cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 174–75. God " s welcome to sinners does appear in early Judaism (e.g., Jos. Asen.; Dschulnigg, «Gleichnis»). 5219 E.g„ Bonneau, «Woman,» 1252; Glasson, Moses, 57; Nielsen, «M0det. " The editor of the three stories in the Pentateuch clearly intended them to be read together (e.g., briefly, Keener, «Interracial Marriage,» 8). 5220 The two wells were conflated in tradition (McNamara, Targum, 145–46). Brown, John, l:lxi, thinks John may cite Palestinian Targumim in 4:6, 12. 5223 Reportedly Tannaitic tradition in Exod. Rab. 1suggests that Moses rescued them from either rape or drowning. 5228 See our comments on authorship and redaction in the introduction, ch. 3; cf. esp. Johnson, Real Jesus, 100. 5229 Morris, Studies, 146–51; Witherington, Women, 58; Infante, «Samaritana»; cf. Fortnás comments on redaction of the pre-Johannine story («Locale,» 83). 5230 Witherington, Christology, 53–54, tentatively following Linnemann, «Taufer,» 226–33; cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 68–69. Jesus also withdrew from public opposition at various points in the Synoptic tradition (Matt 4:12; 12:15; 14:13; 15:21; Mark 3:7 ; Luke 9:10; 22:41; in John, 6:15). Because the transition in 4 " is very awkward,» it could indicate redaction at some stage (Perkins, Reading, 244). 5233 Freed, «Samaritan Converts»; idem, «Samaritan Influence»; Purvis, «Samaritans»; Buchanan, «Samaritan Origin.» Bowman, «Studies,» thinks John corrects Samaritan ideas. Pamment, «Samaritan Influence,» is right to question many of these arguments. 5234 Besides Lukés interest (Luke 10:33), later evidence may remain of the successes. |
| 8983 For classicists» discussion of friendship, see Fitzgerald, «Introduction,» 7–10. In pre-Aristotelian Greek literature, see Fitzgerald, «Aristotle»; in Jewish sources, see Manns, «Amis.» I treated ancient friendship elsewhere, overlapping with some material here, in «Pneumatology,» 350–63; more fully, «Friendship»; see more on the topic in Fitzgerald, Friendship (very favorably reviewed in Keener, «Fitzgerald»). 8984 John is also Jesus» «friend» (3:29); but Jesus» death for him is unstated, and John " s own execution is at most implied (3:24), whether because assumed from tradition or because his witness continues to speak. 8985 The relation between φλοι and αγαπω reinforces a comparison of the uses of φιλω and αγαπω in the Gospel: in the final analysis, they are more or less interchangeable semantically. 8986 Jacobs, «Love,» 42–44 (on Akiba). One should not interpret this as cowardice; the sages reported Akibás own devotion in martyr accounts; cf., e.g., Urbach, Sages, 1:416–17, 443. 8987 Jacobs, «Love,» 47. Leaders of the community had to act with the benefit of the community in mind (Exod. Rab. 27:9, citing R. Nehemiah, late second century). 8988 Epameinondas 2 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 192C; see other references in the comment on 12:27. Roman military oaths also demanded willingness to die on behalf of the state (IGRR 3.137; OGIS 532; ILS 8781, in Sherk, Empire, 31; cf. praises of Gaius Caesar in CIL 11.1421; IIS 140, in Sherk, Empire, 34); Iphigeneia is prepared to die to save (σσαι) Greece (Euripides Iph. au1. 1420). 8990 Hengel, Atonement, 9; cf. DeSilva, Honor, 136–37. See, e.g., Euripides Alc. 12–18; Herac1. 547–601; Andr. 413–415; cf. Seneca Nat. 4.pref.l5; but such self-sacrifice is voluntary and not expected (Euripides Alc. 689–690; some writers, such as Lucian, seem to have rejected it–see Pervo, «Friends»). On slaves for masters, e.g., Appian C.W. 4.4.26; one man also offered his life for a boy with whom he was infatuated (Xenophon Anab. 7.4.7–10); some similarly died because of love for spouses (cf. Valerius Maximus 4.6.2–5; 4.6.ext.l-3); Cicero would have preferred his own death to his daughter " s (Fam. 9.11.1). |
| 3893 It was naturally coupled with bread to represent the basic staples of life, e.g., Sir 29:21 . 3894 Thaïes (sixth century B.C.E., in Allen, Philosophy, 2). One may thirst after philosophy (Socratics #25, Cyn. Ep. 278–79) and drink it (Porphyry Marc. 4.54); proper education is a source, a fountain (πηγ) of goodness (Plutarch Educ. 7, Mor: 4C; cf. Marcus Aurelius 7.59; Eunapius Lives 460–461; cf. John 4:14 ; virtue in Valerius Maximus 5.6.ext.2; 7.2.ext.lb); rhetors had πηγς of words (Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.482; Valerius Maximus 2.6.8); philosophy purifies (εκκεκαθαρμνους) souls (Xenophon Symp. 1.4); cf. moral impurity in Aeschines Timarchus 19. Nile water may have been linked with immortality (Wild, Water, 97–99). 3895 Plutarch Obso1. 5, Mor. 411F; cf. Sir 24:30 , Odes So1. 40:2, and perhaps the wise speech that «flowed» (ρεουσι) from Adam and Eve in Sib. Or. 1.33–34; good rhetorical style also «flows» (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 100.2). The priest at Claros and prophetess at Colophon reportedly would drink from a sacred spring before prophesying (respectively: Maximus of Tyre Or. 8.2; Iamblichus Myst. 3.11). 3896 Philo Posterity 127–129; Dreams 2.242–243. 3897 Philo Dreams 2.242–243; Worse 117 (the «fountain of divine wisdom»); Flight 166; see Knox, Gentiles, 87–88; Argyle, «Philo,» 386. Cf. 1QS 10.12, in a hymn that speaks of God as the , the «fountain of knowledge and the spring of holiness»; rabbinic Hebrew uses «fountain» and «spring» also with reference to issuing from the womb, but the image here is more likely for the source of water; cf. further 1QS 3.19; 11.3, 5, 6–7; probably CD 3.16–17. Arabic and Syriac A Ahiqar 1(ed. Charles, 2:726–27) compares a father " s instruction to bread and water. 3898 Sir 15:3,24:25 (understanding, compared to rivers), 24(where Wisdom says, «κχε my teaching like prophecy»). Cf. similarly Wis 7:25. 3899 E.g., Exod. Rab. 31:3. 3900 M. «Abot 1(attributed to a pre-Tannaitic sage); 2(attributed to ben Zakkai, though the form is heavily redacted); Mek. |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 3324 See, e.g., Cicero Nat. d. 2.54–58.133–46; a Pythagorean in Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7; 1.16.8; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167, 190. 3325 E.g., fifth-century B.C.E. Empedocles frg. 11 (Allen, Philosophy, 50); Lucretius Nat. 1.155, 159–160 (though atoms are invisible, 1.265–328); Moffatt, Hebrews, 162, cites Philo Eternity 2. 3326 Plato and Philo believed that visible matter was formed from visible matter (Lane, Hebrews, 332, citing Philo Migration 105, 179; Creation 16, 45; Agriculture 42; Confusion 172; cf. Plato Tim. 29E), though following the invisible pattern. 3327 Heb 11(cf. Boman, «Thought-Forms,» 13; though contrast Montefiore, Hebrews, 188); cf. Philós creation from the invisible archetypal plan (Cherubim 97; 127); Philo Creation 12; 2 En. 47A; 48A (but contrast recension J in both cases). God authored both visible and invisible worlds (Jos. Asen. 12:1–2/2; 2 En. 65:1; cf. the initially invisible earth in Gen 1LXX, due to the «darkness»). 3328 Against the world " s uncreatedness and eternality, see even most Diaspora writers, e.g., Josephus Ant. 1.70; Philo Creation 7 (in contrast to Philo Eternity); cf. Wolfson, Philo, 1:180, 301. 3329 Perhaps attested early in 2Macc 7(God made heavens and earth ξ οκ ντων), although this is disputed in articles cited below; 2 Bar. 21:4; 48:8; Moffatt, Hebrews, 162, cites also Mek. 33b on Exod 14:31; 2 Bar. 14:17; 2 En. 24:2; Philo Dreams 1.13. The earliest Israelite understanding of Genesis may represent creation ex nihilo (Heidel, Genesis, 89–96), though this remains quite disputed; this view also appears among some African peoples, such as the Nuer, Banyarwanda, and Shona (Mbiti, Religions, 51). 3330 Cf. articles from various perspectives, Goldstein, «Origins»; idem, «Creation»; Winston, «Creation»; in the rabbis, e.g., Pearl, Theology, 10–12. 3331 Wis 11:17; see Winston, «Cosmogony»; Schmuttermayr, «Schöpfung.» One Amoraic exegesis of «It is good» was that God had created and destroyed earlier worlds (Gen. Rab. 9:2; cf. the Greek tradition of various races before the current one). Creation ex nihilo was not typical (cf., e.g., «The Repulsing of the Dragon and the Creation,» trans. J. A. Wilson, 6–7, in ANET; Albright, Period, 17; idem, Yahweh, 223; for chaos in Greek and Roman sources, cf. Hesiod Theog.; Ovid Metam. 1.7). |
| Some models of treachery (cf. Homer I1. 10.383,446–459) may have been understood favorably (though Odysseus offered no oath). Even betrayal of friendship occurred in the hostile world of Roman partisan politics (e.g., in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63). 8205 E.g., Lysias Or. 6.23, §105; 8.5–6, §112; Chariton 5.6.2 (φλος); Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 6.3; 11.5; Sir 22:21–22 ; T. Jud. 23:3; cf. Derrett, Audience, 69. This remained true even if onés life were at stake (Babrius 138.7–8); refusing to betray a friend or husband was honorable (Athenaeus Deipn. 15.965F, item 25; Seneca Controv. 2.5.intro.). Treachery and betrayal warranted death (Valerius Maximus 9.6). 8208 Cf., e.g., disgust for traitors against their peoples in Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.22; Cicero Fin. 3.9.32; Virgil Aen. 6.621; Livy 1.11.6–7; 5.27.6–10 (though cf. Livy 4.61.8–10); Valerius Maximus 1.1.13; Seneca Controv. 7.7.intro.; such behavior invited the hatred of even onés family (Livy 2.5.7–8; Cornelius Nepos 4 [Pausanias], 5.3). Loyalty to country might take precedence even over hospitality friendship (Xenophon Hel1. 4.1.34; Cornelius Nepos 13 [Timotheus], 4.4), but disloyalty to friends remained despicable (e.g., Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442.13–14). 8212 E.g., Lysias Or. 12.14, §121; 18.10, §150; Plutarch Cor. 10.3; Cicero Fam. 13.19.1; 13.25.1; 13.36.1; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 3.3; Exod. Rab. 28:1. This was true even over several generations (Homer I1. 6.212–231; Cicero Fam. 13.34.1) and could require the guest-friend to avenge his host (Philostratus Hrk. 46.2–3). Still, though it could be inherited, it could shift along with political interests (Marshall, Enmity, 18–21, 39–42). 8214 E.g., Homer I1. 21.76; Od. 4.534–535; 11.414–420; 14.404–495; Hesiod Op. 327; Euripides Cyc1. 126–128; Hec. 25–26,710–720,850–856; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.377–380; Ovid Metam. 1.144; 10.225–228; Livy 25.16.6. This principle included providing protection from other enemies (Ovid Metam. 5.44–45; Cornelius Nepos 2 [Themistocles], 8.3). |
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