| 4995 Diogenes Ep. 7; cf. the spoof on Socrates in Aristophanes Clouds 228–232. For heavenly contemplation, see Seneca Dia1. 5.6.1; Ep. Luci1. 120.15; Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10; 25.6; T. Job 36:3–5 (OTP)/36(Kraft); 48:2; 49:1; 50:1; Col 3:1–2 (perhaps also Phil 3:20–21 ; Eph 2:6 ). Gamble, «Philosophy,» 56, supposed that Jesus dwells in the «higher world» of Platonic thought (cf. 3:13 " s variant reading). 4996 E.g., Heraclitus Ep. 5; Philo Creation 147; Cicero Tusc. 1.19.43; Seneca Dia1. 12.11.6; Maximus of Tyre Or. 9.6; cf. Virgil Aen. 6.728–742. 4998 1 En. 72–82 (1 En., book 3). Such revelations generally included a heavenly perspective on earth as well as the heavens themselves (e.g., Moses» revelation in LA.B. 19:10). 5002 E.g., t. Yebam. 14:6; Dibelius, Tradition, 149–50. For the limited attesting value of signs in rabbinic tradition, see comment on signs on p. 274 in our introduction, chapter 6. 5003 Cf. Schnackenburg, John, 1:375, contrasting rabbis» knowledge of Torah with 3l " s appeal to experience. 5004 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.39, where Diogenes the Cynic demands whether one who is expounding celestial matters (μετερων) often came π του ουρανο; the same incident in Diogenes Ep. 38 (π τορανο καταββηκας). Analogously, Pythagoras reportedly obtained his doctrine from witnessing Hades (Diogenes Laertius 8.1.21). 5005 E.g., Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F; Moon 28, Mor. 943A; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Musonius Rufus 18A, p. 112.24–25; third-century B.C.E. funerary inscriptions in Grant, Religions, 108. The view need not stem from gnosticism, pace Bultmann, John, 148–49. Dodd, Interpretation, 305, roots 3in a Hellenistic milieu. 5010 Talbert, Gospel, 54–55. Cf. also the descent to and ascent from Hades «by Orpheus, Pythagoras, and Zalmoxis» (Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 190). 5011 Talbert also does cite the ascent and descent of angels, especially the sometimes divine angel of the Lord (Gospel, 57,62). Note especially the Lord " s descent from above ( Gen 11:5, 7; 18:21 ) and going up after finishing on earth (17:22). Later rabbis spoke of God " s descents in Scripture, e.g., in Gen 11 (Gen. Rab. 38:9). |
| 2565 Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha and NT, 82. 2566 E.g., T. Mos. 4:2. Cf. also Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A, who applies this title to the universal God. 2567 Sipre Deut. 26.5.1; Gen. Rab. 12:15; 33:3; 73:3; Exod. Rab. 3:7; 6:1, 3; Num. Rab. 9:18. 2568 See Schweizer, Jesus, 72. 2569 Applied even to a relative of higher rank, e.g., P.Oxy. 1231,26; Select Papyri 1:338–39, lines 1, 24; P.Giess. bib1. 21.11. 2570 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 114–15; he notes evidence for the title applied to teachers on 114–20. For the vocative, see also Γ. Job 3:5; for the title of a legal guardian (or perhaps a freedwoman " s patron), CP/2:20–22, §148 (Egypt, 10 b.C.e.). 2571 Fee, Corinthians, 839. 2572 Ladd, Theology, 416–17. See further Longenecker, Christology, 136. 2573 Dibelius, Tradition, 96, emphasizes the gradual «disappearance of the boundaries between God and the God-sent man» in Hellenistic religious history in genera1. Arguing against this, Croy, «Neo-Pythagoreanism,» 741, thinks that hellenized Judaism resisted the blending of human and divine; yet this too may overstate the case (see below). 2574 By the second century Jesus» deity was widely affirmed by Christians (see Ign. Rom. 3; Eph. 7; Justin Dia1. 68:9; Athenagoras 24; perhaps 1 En. 48:5; etc.). Contrast «Ebionites,» Irenaeus Haer. 3.19; 5.1.3; cf. Kaye, Apology, 54; Chadwick, «Defence,» 287. 2575 E.g., Heracles (Cicero Tusc. 1.12.28; 2.7.17; cf. Nat. d. 2.24.62; 3.15.39); Apollonius (probably third- or fourth-century inscription; see Jones, «Epigram»; a demigod in Eunapius Lives 454). This also applied to divine lawgivers like Lycurgus (Herodotus Hist. 1.65–66; Plutarch Lycurgus 5.3) and occasional other mortals (Pausanias 8.9.6–8; 9.22.7). On the deification of heroes, cf. Nock, Paul, 96 (Heracles, the Dioscurai, Dionysus, and Asclepius); Hadas and Smith, Heroes. One may compare esp. the popular Asclepius, a former mortal who now cures diseases (cf. Pausanias 6 [Elis 2].l 1.9). 2576 E.g., Democritus (Diogenes Laertius 9.7.39); Pythagoras (Diogenes Laertius 8.1.11); «the divine Plato» (Cicero Opt. gen. 6.17; Leg. 3.1.1; Nat. d. 2.12.32; Plutarch Profit by Enemies 8, Mor. 90C; Apol1. 36, Mor. 120D; Philostostratus Epistulae 73, §13; cf. patristic sources in Grant, Gods, 63–64); Theodorus (Diogenes Laertius 2.100). People could be divinized by philosophy (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 48.11; Marcus Aurelius 4.16); philosophy " s goal, virtue (Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.26–28; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.18,29; 8.5; Plotinus On Virtues 1.2.7; cf. also Koester, Introduction, 1:353); proper knowledge of onés humanity (Plutarch Pompey 27.3); faithfulness (Sent. Sext. 7ab, a Hellenistic Christian source); or, in some systems, death (Cicero Leg. 2.9.22; 2.22.55). See Alexander, «Ipse dixit,» 109–10. |
| Meeks, Christians, 30; cf. Aune, Environment, 166–67; esp. and most fully, Marshall, Enmity, 1–24. See, e.g., Alciphron Farmers 12 (Cotinus to Trygodorus), 3.15; Fishermen 7 (Thalassus to Pontius), 1.7; most fully and helpfully Evans, «Friendship,» 202, on mutual obligation in private letters. 9032 See ibid., 28–30, 39, 60; cf. Gould, Love, 143–45; perhaps Cicero Amic. 5.18. Plutarch T.T. 4.intr., Mor. 660A, advocates befriending only the good while showing goodwill toward al1. Age group associations appear in other cultures as well (cf. the Maasai; Mbiti, Religions, 165–66). 9034 Culpepper, School, 101; Stowers, Letter Writing, 66; Meeks, World, 57; Stambach and Balch, Environment, 143. 9035 Diogenes Laertius 10.120; 148.27–28; Cicero Fin. 1.20.65–70. The view of the Epicurean Lucretius in Nat. 5.1019–1023 sounds like later social-contract theories. Stoics, by contrast, valued friendship for its own sake (Cicero Fin. 3.21.70). 9037 Aristotle E.E. 7.9.1, 1241b. Nevertheless, Aristotle treats friendship in especially political terms (for relations in a classical polis); see Schroeder, «Friendship,» 56 (for the Peripatetic tradition, cf. 45–56). 9038 Diogenes Laertius 5.31 (LCL 1:478–79; cf. Aristotle Rhet. 2.4.28, 1381b 33, from LCL note). Any kind of friendship could exist either between equals or with one as a superior (Aristotle E.E. 7.3.2, 1238b; 7.10.10,1242b; N.E. 8.7.1,1158b; 8.13.1, 1162ab); Aristotle further defined «equality» more proportionately than quantitatively (N.E. 8.7.2–3, 1158b). 9048 Chariton 3.5.7–8; cf. other examples in Valerius Maximus 4.7 passim; audiences would regard such behavior as praiseworthy (Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442a.l3–14). 9049 Chariton 3.3.1. At the end of the book, Polycharmus receives Chaereas " s sister in marriage as a reward for his faithful friendship (8.8.12–13). On this friendship, see further Hock, «Friend,» 147–57. 9051 Valerius Maximus 3.8.ext.5–6; for refusing to abandon their honor, see Valerius Maximus 4.7.1,4. 9053 Philo Sobriety 55. Perhaps the remark in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.23 is related to this concept: a friend is «another I» (λλος ... γ). But this could relate to loyalty. See the intimacy in Theocritus work 12, The Beloved. See Philodemus frg. 42 for friends sharing secrets. |
| 4142 An almost certainly historical tradition; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 98–101. Variations in the lists of names support this, indicating that the number existed before the lists were standardized (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 101). The names may have varied because people often had multiple names (Acts 1:23; CIJ 1:24, §30; 1:279, §279; 2:111, §879; CP J 2:140, 143, 146–147, §§261, 269–270,274–276; 2:151,153–154,156, §§298,304,311,321; 3:9, §453; see Leon, Jews, 107,111–12); cf. also OT examples, which, regardless of their origins, were by the early Christian period regarded as from one source (e.g., Horeb as Sinai, Exod 3:1; 19:11; 24:13; Jethro as Reuel, Exod 2:18; 4:18; 18:1–12; Num 10:29 ). On nicknames, see below; nor is twelve an exorbitant number for disciples (e.g., Diogenes Laertius 8.1.39). 4144 Dodd, Tradition, 303–4; cf. the slightly different parallel between John and the five disciples of b. Sanh. 43a also in Bammel, «Name.» 4149 Talbert, John, 83–84, finds parallels for both forms of drawing disciples– another " s witness and Jesus» special character (1:36–39, 40–42, 45–49; Epictetus Diatr. 3.23.27) and calling disciples (Plat. Apo1. 19E; Diogenes Laertius 2.48). 4152 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.3. In less permanent fashion, Socrates allegedly sent a student to hear another " s lecture, then sent him back with more questions (Xenophon Mem. 3.1.1–3, 11). Greek adult students were free to move from one teacher to another (Cicero Brutus 91.316) or even attend different lectures on the same days (Eunapius Lives 469). 4153 Other Palestinian fishing cooperatives existed; see Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 69; Applebaum, «Life,» 685. Though fishermen were not rich landowners, they «were among the more economically mobile» members of ancient society (Freyne, Galilee, 241), working a critical industry around the lake of Galilee (see Safrai, «Home,» 747). 4154 Also, e.g., Barrett, John, 180; Fenton, John, 42. «Following» also appears literally, e.g., in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 18:5. |
| 6753 See Schnackenburg, John, 2:207; cf. Sanders, John, 227. 6754 E.g., Borchert, John, 304. 6755 See, e.g., Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Shelah 115). This is not a dominant motif in Deuteronomy, where λευθερ- is always used for literal slaves. 6756 E.g., m. " Abot 6:2; b. B. Mesi c a 85b; Qidd. 22b (attributed to ben Zakkai); Gen. Rab. 92:1; Num. Rab. 10:8; Pesiq. Rab. 15:2; see further Abrahams, Studies, 2:213; Odeberg, Pharisaism, 50. 6757 Crates Ep. 8, to Diogenes; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.17; cf. similarly Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.68; Iamblichus V.P. 7.33; 17.78. Euripides Hec. 864–867 says all are enslaved by something (money, fate, or law). 6758 E.g., Arrian Alex. 3.11.2; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.7; 27.4; Plutarch Lect. 1, Mor. 37E; Superst. 5, Mor. 167B. One is also a slave of goals one serves (Philostratus Hrk. 53.2). 6759 A pervasive topic, e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42; Xenophon Oec. 1.22–23; Hel1. 4.8.22; Apo1. 16; Mem. 1.3.8, 11; 1.5.1, 5; 4.5.3, 5; Sophocles Ant. 756; Trach. 488–489; Plato Phaedrus 238E; Isocrates Demon. 21, Or. 1; Nic. 39, Or. 3.34; Arrian Alex. 4.9.1; Diodorus Siculus 10.9.4; 32.10.9; Sallust Cati1. 2.8; Speech to CaesarS.2; Cicero Amte. 22.82; Off. 1.29.102; 1.38.136; 2.5.18; Sen. 14.47; Horace Sat. 2.7.83–87; Tibullus 2.4.1–3; Cicero Prov. cons. 1.2; Appian C.W. 5.1.8–9; Musonius Rufus 3, p. 40.19; Seneca Benef. 3.28.4; Ep. Luci1. 14.1; 39.6; 47.17; 110.9–10; 116.1; Nat. 1.16.1; Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.70–71, 75; Plutarch Bride 33, Mor. 142E; Maximus of Tyre Or. 36.6; Porphyry Marc. 34.523–525; Achilles Tatius 1.7.2–3; 5.25.6; Longinus Sub1. 44.6; Diogenes Laertius 2.75; 6.2.66; Diogenes Ep. 12; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Socratics Ep. 14; Pyth. Sent. 21,23; Apuleius Metam. 11.15; Arius Didymus Epitome 1 lh, pp. 76–77.10–11; Sir 47:19 . Derrett, « John 8,32–36 ,» also finds the idea in ancient Buddhist texts, though these are much further removed geographically. 6760 E.g., Seneca Benef 3.20.1–2; Epictetus Diatr. 1.11.37; 1.19.8; 3.24.68; 4.7.16–18; Aulus Gellius 2.18.9–10; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.121–122; cf. Philo Cherubim 107. Epictetus regarded as freedom pursuing only what one can control (see Pérez, «Freedom»). |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| 2934 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134. Anaxagoras (500–428 B.C.E.) reportedly made «Mind» (νους) the moving principle of matter (Diogenes Laertius 2.8; Hippolytus Haer. 1.7). 2935 Cicero Nat. d. 2.6–8.18–20; cf. further 2.8.21–13.32; Iamblichus Myst. 1.15; cf. Long, Philosophy, 108; Murray, Stages, 167 (citing Chrysippus frg. 913 in Arnim); Bultmann, Christianity, 142. Seneca Nat. 1.pref.14 contends that the human soul is divine, but God is entirely soul and «reason.» 2937 Plutarch Isis 75, Mor. 381B (LCL 5:172–175). Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 189, notes the identification of Osiris with the Logos in a source of Plutarch but wrongly locates a source of the Logos doctrine in the Mysteries (p. 229). For cosmic imagery applied to deities in Greek thought in the second century C.E. and later, see Grant, Gods, 114–23; Col 1:15–20 may anticipate such popular yearnings. 2938 Plutarch Uned. R. 3, Mor. 780C; cf. Stoic Cont. I, Mor. 1033B, where «Philosophy " s Logos,» or doctrine, is a law by which people will choose to live. 2939 Dillon, Platonists, 80–83, citing Antiochus of Ascalon; cf. Dodd, «Background,» 337, on Plotinus and for the suggestion that the process of assimilation may have begun as early as Posidonius. Gamble, «Philosophy,» 50–59, esp. 56–58, found the background of the Gospel especially in Platonism. 2941 Gaius Inst. 1.1 (tr., 19–20). In the Hellenistic period, Rhet. Alex. pref. 1420a.26–28 defined law as reason (λγος) specified by common agreement, a sort of social contract. 2943 Cf. Cicero Nat. d. 2.7.19–20 (cf. 2.8.21–14.39). Epicureans ridiculed this position (see Cicero Nat. d. 1.10.24; cf. 1.13.34) 2945 Shedd, «Meanings,» 253. The incarnation also provides a ground for distinction (Smalley, John, 44), but this does not fit any view contemporary with John. 2946 Manson, Paul and John, 139; cf. also Miller, «Updating,» 176. Manson " s other major objection, that Stoics employed Logos as just another name for God, bears less force because of the prominence of the Logos in Stoicism and the lack of its prominence in the Fourth Gospel beyond the prologue. |
| 10131 E.g., Juvenal Sat. 1.71; Phaedrus 4.16.5–6; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274A; Diogenes Laertius 2.73; but contrast Plato Rep. 5.452C; Dio Chrysostom Or. 13.24. 10134 Often recognized even in gospels where the psalm is not cited (e.g., Cope, Scribe, 103). Dodd, Tradition, 122, thinks John found the testimonium in a non-Markan stream of tradition. There is probably no symbolic allusion to the custom of a wearer rending garments for mourning (Plutarch Cicero 31.1; 1Macc 2:14; 4:39–40; 5:14; Keener, Matthew, 651–52). 10140 Edersheim, Life, 608, citing Ya1. Isa. 60; cf. also Pesiq. Rab. 36:2; 37:1. Whether this interpretation existed before the time of Jesus is unclear (Longenecker, Exegesis, 156, notes its use five times in 1QH to suggest that it may be messianic, but this is not absolutely clear), and certainly other interpretations existed (e.g., Midr. Pss. 22applies to Esther–Bowman, Gospel, 136); in any case, though many parallels with Ps 22 in the Passion Narrative are noteworthy, they also correspond with what we genuinely know of crucifixion. 10141 With Dibelius, Tradition, 188; Sherwin-White, Society, 46; also recognized in b. Sanh. 48b, bar. This practice stemmed from the custom of plundering the slain on the battlefield (cf., e.g., 1Sam 31:8 ; Joel 3:2–3 ; 2Macc 8:27; Virgil Aen. 11.193–194; Polybius 9.26; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.40.3; 3.56.4; 6.29.4–5; Livy 41.11.8; Appian R.H. 4.2; Philostratus Hrk. 35.3; and throughout ancient literature). 10142 Brown, Death, 955, notes that the law itself exempts the clothing the condemned is wearing, but acknowledges that such rules may not have been followed in the first century. We would add doubts that anyone would have restrained provincial soldiers from such seizure (especially given the abuses of requisitioning from persons not condemned). 10145 Cf. Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 149. On the use of dice, see, e.g., Martial Epigr. 4.14; 14.15–16; cf. 11.6.2; for knucklebones, see Martial Epigr. 14.14; Diogenes Laertius 9.1.3; see further the comment on 19:2–3. |
| 8215 Homer Od. 21.26–28; Livy 39.51.12. Nevertheless, some warned that too much trust even of friends could prove dangerous (Hesiod Op. 370–372). 8216 Aeschines False Embassy 22, 55. For a guest to act unkindly was deceptive treachery (Catullus 64.176). 8217 Euripides Herac1. 1034–1036 (even by descendents in subsequent generations!); Cicero Pis. 34.83; betrayal by seeking the host " s wife, Ovid Her. 17.3–4. On kindness due a host, see Cicero Verr. 2.2.47.117. 8218 Betrayed trust reflected badly only on the betrayer, however, if the betrayed had taken appropriate precautions (Polybius 8.36.4). 8220 Thus, though rabbis applied the passage to Ahithophel " s betrayal of David, a specifically messianic use is only one possible use (cf. Brown, John, 2:554–55, who sees the absolute use of «I am» in 13:19). 8221 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 309, thinks the betrayal involved ludas " s revealing the secret of Jesus» royal claim. The Gospels are clear, however, that he revealed Jesus» whereabouts to hand him over secretly. 8224 Stauffer, Jesus, 116. For skepticism that any of the Pesach Haggadah predates 70, however, see Stemberger, «Pesachhaggada.» 8226 Cf., e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.5.2; 4.8.27; Diogenes Laertius 10.85; 10.144.17; see comment on 11:33. 8227 Against Ferraro, «Pneuma,» πνεμα here refers to Jesus» spirit (cf. «soul» in 12:27), not to the activity of the Holy Spirit. 8231 Haenchen, John, 2:110. One might also lay onés head on another " s bosom, which in that culture, far more tactile than our own, had no necessary sexual connotations (Diogenes Laertius 1.84; cf. the seating in Plato Symp. 222E-223A; Malina, World, 22–23). 8232 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 220. A genuine triclinium would be downstairs, not in the upper room depicted in Mark " s tradition ( Mark 14:15 ; might any of John " s audience assume this setting here?); but one might still emulate the banquet practices as much as possible. 8235 Haenchen, John, 2:110, following Billerbeck; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 220; Whitacre, John, 335 (citing t. Ber. 5:5). |
| 5158 Some think Johns followers claimed messianic status for him, but neither Luke 3nor Ps.-Clem. Recognitions 1.54, 64, which is from the third century (both cited in Collins, Witness, 21), can make the case. 5160 Smith, John (1999), 105. Since Jesus was not baptizing in fire (Matt 3:11), the Baptist " s later concerns are plausible; see Keener, Matthew, 333–34. 5161 E.g., Homer I1. 1.178; Seneca Benef 4.5.1; Epictetus Diatr. 4.1.107; 4.4.29; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Marcus Aurelius 12.26; Exod. Rab. 6:3; cf. 2Macc 7:11; 2 Bar. 48:15; contrast Diogenes the Cynic in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.62). The gift in this context might be the Spirit (3:34). For self-diminishment in rhetoric, cf. Rhet. Ad Herenn. 4.50; Anderson, Glossary, 20–21; for (client) friends rejoicing in (patron) friends» honor, see esp. Seneca Benef. passim; Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 148–52. 5163 Jesus later employs the image (some argue that he has John partly or wholly in mind) that sower and reaper rejoice together because they share the same task. 5165 So many commentators, e.g., Abrahams, Studies, 2:213; Dodd, Tradition, 386; Barrett, John, 223; Infante, «L " amico.» Often they appeal to the identification of onés shoshbin with onés «friend» in m. Sanh. 3(e.g., Abrahams, Studies, 2:213). 5166 E.g., Exod. Rab. 20:8. The joy of «friends» also appears in 1Macc 9:39, though it is probably broader than a shoshbin implied by an emphatic, singular usage. 5169 In Num. Rab. 18:12, the brides shoshbin had the evidence of the bridés virginity (but see Zimmermann, «Freund»). 5171 E.g., t. Yebam. 4:4; b. Qidd. 43a; this would include bargaining over the ketubah (Derrett, Audience, 38). Romans also negotiated betrothals through intermediaries (Friedländer, Life, 1:234). 5172 Three of the four Tannaitic parables regarding a marriage broker present Moses as the intermediary between God and Israel (Johnston, Parables, 589). See further comment on agency under Christology in the introduction, pp. 310–17. 5175 T. Ber. 2:10. From the Shema, however, only the groom was exempt (m. Ber. 2:5; t. Ber. 2:10). |
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