| 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. 4078 4 Ezra 5:26; LA.B. 39(23:7); b. Šabb. 49a, 130a; Exod. Rab. 20:6; Song Rab. 2:14, §§1–2. Johnston, Parables, 595, cites Mek. BeS. 3:86ff.; 7:27ff. but notes that it is not frequent enough to constitute a standard metaphor. Although Augustine applied it to the Spirit (Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.13.1), he noted some applied it to the church (6.11.2). 4079 B. Ber. 3a; cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:47. One may compare the prophetic doves of Dodona (alluded to in Sib. Or. 1.242–252; the term is different from here). 4080 Abrahams, Studies, 1:48–49 (followed by Barrett, Spirit, 38; cf. Taylor, Mark, 160–61), cites only Gen. Rab. 2 and Ya1. Gen. 1(where the interpretation seems dominated more by exegetical principles than by standard tradition); Lachs, Commentary, 47, adds b. Hag. 15a (or the Spirit as an eagle in t. Hag. 2:5). A link with the Spirit naturally became common in early post-Synoptic Christian tradition, however (Odes So1. 24:1; 28:1; and the interpolation in T. Levi 18). The Hebrew Bible does sometimes portray God as a bird (e.g., Ps 91:3–4 ). 4081 E.g., Lane, Mark, 57. 4082 Against the arguments of Odeberg, Gospel, 33–36; Lightfoot, Gospel, 104; Dahl, «History,» 136, which effectively assume that the Johannine community would more readily read the Jacob narrative through late rabbinic tradition on the Hebrew than through the LXX. 4083 Gen 8:8–12 ; cf. 4 Bar. 7(which develops from Gen 8 the image of messenger-birds); Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.19.2–4; pace Bürge, Community, 57. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 20, suggests a combination of Gen 8:8–9 and Isa 11:1–2. Writing on Mark 1:10 , Garnet, «Baptism,» connects the dove with Noah, Noah with Enoch, and Enoch with the Son of Man; but this scheme of associations is too complex, and the last two links are particularly tenuous. In early Christian literature, see 1Pet 3:20–21 ; cf. 2Pet 3:6 ; Matt 24:38. For a connection with Gen 1and its eschatological interpretation in the DSS, see Allison, «Baptism.» |
| If the Passion Narrative is not simply a martyr story, neither is it a typical Greek apotheosis story; the focus in the Synoptic Gospels is on Jesus» mortal suffering, not a promotion to divinity. 9525 In the Fourth Gospel, however, one may come closer to apotheosis (except for the claim that Jesus was already deity!) than in the Synoptics; his Passion Narrative underlines Jesus» control of the situation (18:4–9; cf. 10:18; 13:26–27). Mark 15:38–39 probably implies a sort of hidden theophany, and Matt 27:51–54 a more explicit one. Jesus suffers, but the focus of his mortality in John is more explicitly theophanic; in his death he is glorified (12:23–24). One might symbolically summarize the difference between Mark " s passion and John " s in Jesus» closing recorded words in each, whether «My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?» ( Mark 15:34 ) or a triumphant «It has been completed!» ( John 19:30 ; cf. Mark 15:37 ). Yet John hardly presents an apotheosis in the Greek sense even though the latter category includes deification in the midst of mortal suffering (as with Heracles). In contrast to Greek heroes becoming divine, Jesus is returning to his préexistent glory with the Father; here is not a mere hero among many but the image of divine Wisdom returning home (cf. 1 En. 42:2). 2. The Historical Foundation for the Passion Narratives The extreme skepticism expressed by the most radical scholars is surely unwarranted. Burton Mack, for instance, suggests that scholars have simply gone easy on the passion narratives from faith prejudice. 9526 Nevertheless, he shows little familiarity with the evidence cited by such «prejudicial» scholarship 9527 and, in dismissing previous scholarship on the passion narratives as uncritical, seems unaware of his predecessors who have focused critical attention on the passion narratives. 9528 In contrast to Mack " s position, we have no record of any Christianity where the basic structure of the kerygma was missing, whether or not Christians had yet constructed full passion narratives. 9529 Other narratives may have figured frequently in early Christian ethical preaching, but it is likely that early Christians would have told and retold the passion story, which lay at the heart of their kerygma, and that the Gospel writers would have here a variety of oral and perhaps written traditions from which to draw. 9530 Paul has a sequence similar to Mark " s ( 1Cor 11:23; 15:3–5 ; cf. Jewish and Roman responsibility in 1 Thess 2:14–15; 1Cor 1:23 ), and if, as is probable, John represents an independent tradition, 9531 it is significant that his Passion Narrative again confirms the outline Mark follows, suggesting a pre-Markan passion narrative. 9532 In preaching, one could flesh out the full sequence or omit some of the stories, but the basic outline remained the same. 9533 |
| 10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14). |
| «One who is sent» (13:16) represents an agent, a familiar concept in this Gospel (see introduction; on the interchangeability of πμπω and αποστλλω, see 20:21). That those who received an agent received the sender (13:20) fits this motif and is attested elsewhere in extant Jesus tradition ( Mark 9:37 ; Matt 10:40–41). Jesus» promised blessing to those who serve one another takes the form of a beatitude (13:17), which appears on only one other occasion in this Gospel (20:29), although it is frequent in Revelation (Rev 1:3; 14:13; 16:15; 19:9; 20:6; 22:7,14). That the form occurs in this Gospel only twice need not link these two passages together; the form was common in early Christian texts, 8197 in the early Christians» Bible, 8198 in early Judaism, 8199 and appeared in non-Jewish Greek sources as wel1. 8200 If the two passages are to be compared, however, it appears significant that 20is a strategic verse which casts its theological shadow over the signs-faith of the entire Gospe1. The beatitude here may similarly function to underline the importance of mutual service. Verse 17 also echoes a familiar line of Jewish and other ancient ethics, namely, that behavior should correspond to knowledge (cf. Jas 1:22; 4:17; 1 John 3:18 ). 8201 Although John will address the betrayal in more detail (13:21–30), he introduces the matter here (13:18–19), framing it with the warning that Jesus» disciples will share his experience of betrayal and suffering (13:15–16, 20; cf. 15:18–20). Judas lifting his heel in betrayal at a meal (cf. 13:2) appears in striking contrast to Mary " s washing Jesus» feet in service at another meal (12:2–3); Judas lifting his heel likewise contrasts with Jesus washing his disciples» (including Judas " s) feet in this immediate context. The mention of the «heel» therefore serves an immediate literary function in the narrative in addition to its presence in a biblical quotation and its general cultural significance. The specific image in the psalm that Jesus quotes ( Ps 41:9 ) might be that of a horse or mule kicking the person feeding it; 8202 probably more likely here, showing another the bottom of onés foot is an expression of contempt (cf. Mark 6:11 ). 8203 |
| The wilderness was central in Israel " s history (e.g., Hos 2:14 ; ] En. 89:28; Song Rab. 3:6, §1); other Jewish people also applied Isa 40 to salvation. 3876 Many Jewish people awaiting the new exodus in the wilderness 3877 were open not only to renewal movements 3878 but to prophets (e.g., Acts 21:38) 3879 and messiahs (e.g., Matt 24:26) 3880 appearing in the wilderness, and it was appropriate for the Baptist to read theological significance into his requisite exile from population centers. 3881 (Although Mark may emphasize the Baptist " s wilderness existence to prefigure Jesus 3882 and to emphasize the fulfillment of Isa 40:3, 3883 this element of John s ministry was undoubtedly historical–he could have safely drawn crowds there as long as he did nowhere else, 3884 and it afforded him the only place for public baptisms not sanctioned by establishment leaders. 3885 Further, Marks «wilderness of the Jordan» presupposes a tradition familiar with Palestinian topography.) 3886 For the author, a new exodus background may be significant, for it is in an exodus context that his Gospel most frequently mentions the «wilderness» (3:14; 6:31, 49; not clear in 11:54); such an allusion probably would have been intelligible to his audience (Rev 12:6). The «Jordan» (cf. John 1:28 ) might therefore evoke a corporate initiation of God " s people crossing the Jordan into the promised land (Josh 3:6–17). In this Johannine context, however, what is most significant is that the Baptist himself emphasizes his supporting role to Christ rather than requiring the narrator to do so. Such statements throughout the Fourth Gospel would challenge those who appealed to the Baptist as a figure whose stature could rival that of Jesus. The Fourth Gospel also weaves this quotation into its own minor wilderness motif concerning the place of redemption (3:14; 6:31; cf. 11:54). 3887 (Some Jewish texts may have personified God " s «voice»; 3888 Jewish texts used it as a surrogate for God " s speech; 3889 and «voice» becomes a recurrent theological term in John 29; 10:3; 18:37]. Nevertheless, the term in this passage probably simply carries over from the tradition [ Mark 1:3 ; Matt 3:3; Luke 3:4]. Whether John reuses «way» theologically as in 14is open to discussion. Even in other passages the Gospel writers may draw on Isaiahs highway, and probably not on Hellenistic moral instruction.) 3890 John " s witness prefigures that of the Paraclete, who (literally) leads believers «in the way of truth» (16:12–13). |
| 6774 For «remaining forever,» cf. 12:34; 1 John 2:17; 2 John 2 (there are only three non-Johannine uses in the NT; cf. 1 Esd 4:37–38). That legal adoption of a son was also μνω (P.Oxy. 1206.9) is probably irrelevant. 6775 E.g., Dio Chrysostom Or. 64.13. 6776 E.g., Sipre Deut. 40.6.1 (parable); b. B. Bat. 10a (about Akiba but probably later); Deut. Rab. 3:2; Pesiq. Rab. 27:3; see further Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 117–18. 6777 See Westcott, John, 134; Sanders, John, 221 ; Evans, John, 93. For background on Hagar " s and Ishmael " s «freeing» as slaves, see Sarna, Genesis, 128–29,155–57. 6778 E.g., Culpepper, Anatomy, 157. 6779 Jos. Asen. 10:4; 17:4; possibly Acts 13:1; Dixon, Mothers, 128. 6780 For people dwelling in shrines, see, e.g., Livy 40.51.8. The gate of John 10 could allude to the prince and his people going in and out through the gate of Ezek 46:9–10 , but the phraseology may be much broader than that: Num 27:17 ; 2Sam 5:2; 1 Kgs 3:7; 1 Chr 11:2. 6781 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Astyphilus 16; Estate of Nicostratus 27–31; Lysias Or. 7.24–33, §110–111; 7.41, §112; 16; 18; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Vat. 1.1–2; Rosc. com. 7.21; Pro Sulla 24.68; 26.72; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isaeus 3, 9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.50.63; Valerius Maximus 8.5.6; Acts 23:1. 6782 E.g., Plutarch Demosthenes 11.4; Cicero 38.2–6; 40.3. Sometimes even the butt of the joke was forced to laugh (Xenophon Cyr. 2.2.16). 6783 Plutarch Cicero 5.4; 27.1; 39.1. Cicero was sometimes intemperate with his vice lists (e.g., Pis. 27.66)! 6784 E.g., Lysias Or. 3.1, §96; Aeschines Against Timarchus passim, esp. (and ironically!) 179; False Embassy 3,14,56,69; Thucydides 3.61.1; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Rosc. Amer. 30.82–45.132; Cae1. 13.31; 24.60; Quinct. 3.11–9.33 (the entire narratio!); Pro Scauro 13.29; Sest. 37.80; Matt 12:24–45; probably Acts 24(implied in the anacoluthon); cf. comments in Anderson, Glossary, 72–73. Occasionally one brought countercharges only afterward (Thucydides 3.70.3–4); such behavior might serve to deter future claimants. |
| 6372 Homer Od. 18.196; Euripides Medea 300, 923; Virgil Aen. 12.67–69; Ovid Metam. 1.743; 2.607; 13.789; Plutarch Theseus 23.2; Longus 1.18; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3; Chariton 2.2.2. They also preferred thick, dark eyebrows (Artemidorus Onir. 1.25; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3) and full cheeks (Artemidorus Onir. 1.28). 6373 Virgil Aen. 10.137; Ovid Metam. 2.852; 3.423; 4.354–355; Longus 1.16; Babrius 141.7. For exceptions, see Snowden, Blacks, 105,154,178–79. 6374 See Stauffer, Jesus, 59. 6375 Cf. Lev. 19:27 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:3. Evidence for the Diaspora suggests that Jews, like most of their contemporaries, were usually clean-shaven or short-bearded before Hadrian (Sanders, Judaism, 123–24); but coins from 54 and 37 B.C.E. and 70 C.E. all present Jewish captives with «shoulder-length hair and full beards» (Stauffer, Jesus, 60; significant unless their hair simply grew out in captivity on all these occasions). 6376 Stauffer, Jesus, 59. Black hair was common (see Matt 5and sources cited in Keener, Matthew, 194–95). 6377 See, e.g., Luke, «Society»; see comments in our introduction, ch. 5. On «murmuring» in 7:12, see the verb cognate in 6:41–42 (with comment), 61; 7:32. 6378 Jurors in politically sensitive situations had been known to avoid publishing their opinions (Plutarch Caesar 10.7). Rhetoricians practiced presenting various sides of a debate, and historians developed this skill in seeking to detail what each side in a conflict would have felt; the negative characters here tend to be flatter, however, serving John " s overall purpose (see our introduction, pp. 216–17). Cf. the use of λλοωσις described in Rutilius Lupus 2.2; Quintilian 9.3.93 (Anderson, Glossary, 16–17), undoubtedly related to σγκρισις and perhaps to διαρεσις (in the sense of distributio in Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.47; Anderson, Glossary, 32–33); also επνοδος in Anderson, Glossary, 49–50; for an example of presenting various views about a person, see Iamblichus V.P. 6.30. 6379 Meeks, Prophet-King, 47–52, 56; Stauffer, Jesus, 206; Hill, «Sanhédrin:» Cf. 1Q29 frg. 1 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 178–79, using 4Q376) for discerning false prophets; and more clearly from Deut 18 , 4Q375 1 1.1–4 (a true prophet) vs. 4–5 (a false one), on which see further Brin, «Prophets.» |
| John is calling his audience to a full confession of resurrection faith: Jesus is God in the flesh, and therefore his claims cannot be compromised, for synagogue or for Caesar. John will settle for no faith less secure than this. Further, while Thomas " s faith by sight is accepted, the faith without sight expected of John " s audience is greater (20:29; cf. 2Cor 5:6–7 ; 1Pet 1:8 ). It is grounded in the beloved disciplés testimony sampled in the Gospel (20:30–31), confirmed to hearers by the Paraclete (15:26–16:15). 10778 E.g., Ellis, Genius, 297–98; Minear, «Functions.» The «signs» include the resurrection chapter (esp. 20:27, 29) but also the rest of the «signs» in this Gospel (with, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 336). 10779 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 196; Cicero Fin. 5.32.95–96; Or. Brut. 40.137; Polybius 39.8.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 32; Thucyd. 55; Musonius Rufus 6, pp. 54.26–56.11 (esp. 54.26; 56.7–11); Aelius Aristides Fifth Leuctrian Oration 43–44; Rhet. Alex. 36,1443b.l5–16; 1444b.21–35; 37, 1445b.21–23; Hippolytus Haer. 10.1; Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 181–82; less fully, cf. Matt 28:18–20; Rom 16:17–19 . Of course, open or abrupt endings also appear, as in Mark 16 (see our comments on Mark 16:9–20 above, on the resurrection tradition). 10780 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 48, out of fifty-one paragraphs. Often they come at the conclusion of the proofs, though this might be near the work " s end (Cicero Quinct. 28.85–29.90), possibly relevant here; they could also conclude a section (Xenophon Hel1. 3.5.25, ending book 3; 4.8.19, ending only some events; Polybius 2.71.7–10, esp. 2.71.7–8; Cicero Fin. 3.9.31; Quinct. 19.60). 10781 Aeschines Timarchus 111. After his closing summary (Polybius 39.8.4–6), Polybius adds only closing comments (39.8.7–8). 10782 Achtemeier, «Miracle Workers,» 176. Even if redactional, Homer " s claim that Aeneas would rule the Trojans (Il. 20.303–308) is pre-Virgil and virtually invited the sort of development one finds in Virgil Aeneid. 10783 E.g., Valerius Maximus 2.7.5; 3.8.ext.l; Musonius Rufus 10, p. 78.22. Epideictic bards might also complain that time provided the only limit on their praises (Pindar Nem. 4.33–34; O1. 2.95; Pyth. 4.247–248; cf. Heb 11:32). In many oral genres, one should limit onés examples (Menander Rhetor 2.4, 393.25–30). 10787 Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 55; Isaeus 19–20; Demosth. 42,46, 58; Lit. Comp. 11. More detailed discussion might await another occasion, but he needed to use most wisely the space that he had (Demosthenes 32; Isaeus 14); he wanted to avoid wasting the reader " s time (Demosthenes 40). |
| Because his accusers attribute his works to sorcery (7:20), Jesus must respond by addressing his work, his sign (7:21). Jesus» audience was «amazed» at his healing activity (7:21; cf. 5:20; 7:15), but because he focuses on a particular healing in Jerusalem (5:9) and goes on to address consistent principles for keeping the Sabbath (7:22–23), he must be responding to specific criticism that he has undermined the law of the Sabbath (cf. 5:15–16; 7:12; 9:16). Employing the rhetorical technique of turning the charges on the accusers (a technique Jesus also uses in the Q tradition of Matt 12:24–45; Luke 11:15–25; see introduction to John 8:37–51 ), Jesus charges his accusers with inconsistency in their practice of the Sabbath. His «one» work (7:21) contrasts notoriously with their continuous breach of the Sabbath (7:22, present verb). 6422 The present situation confirms Jesus» accuracy in his disagreement with his brothers: they believed he would be praised by revealing his «works» (7:3), but Jesus knew that he would be rejected because he revealed the depravity of the world " s «works» (7:7). Jesus» argument was readily intelligible. 6423 To fulfill various biblical commandments, those practicing the Law sometimes had to override specific requirements of the Law, such as Sabbath observance. Festivals 6424 like Passover, 6425 the Feast of Tabernacles (perhaps in some of Jesus» hearers» minds, 7:2), 6426 the temple service, 6427 and any activities necessary to conduct them, properly override the Sabbath. Circumcision, a central commandment in Judaism, 6428 likewise overrides the Sabbath. 6429 That some commandments must override some other commandments is a well-attested principle of rabbinic ethics and undoubtedly reflects a long-standing tradition; matters such as which rules took priority were too critical to be left to a moment " s personal discretion. 6430 As most commentators recognize, 6431 Jesus then concludes with a qal vahomer (light to heavy) argument (7:23). Such arguments are quite prominent throughout Tannaitic diseussions like those reported in the Tosefta, 6432 Mekilta, 6433 Sipra Leviticus, 6434 Sipre on Numbers, 6435 and Sipre on Deuteronomy. 6436 Although called «Hillelite,» this interpretive rule 6437 had already long been part of ancient Mediterranean reasoning. 6438 Jesus» argument runs like this: if the Sabbath could be superseded for (excising) a single member, how much more for (restoring) the whole person (cf. Mark 3:4 )? 6439 Exactly this form of reasoning appears in a tradition of sages contemporary with John: if the Sabbath supersedes circumcision, which affects a single member, how much more does onés life, which affects all onés members, supersede it? 6440 That protecting life took precedence over the Sabbath was a long-standing Jewish tradition. 6441 |
| 1313 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 25, whose notes provide a survey of scholars in the earlier camps. Sloyan, «Adoption,» thinks the corrective of 1 John helped preserved the Gospel for the church. 1314 Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 49; Tenney, John, 51; cf. Becker, Evangelium, 1:147–58. Contrast provides a useful literary and rhetorical tool (see, e.g., Anderson, Glossary, 110–11; and comment on John 13:23 ). 1315 «Descending» (1:32–33, 51; 3:13; 6:38, 41–42, 50–51; etc.); «ascending» (1:51; 3:13; 6:62); «above» (=God, as in some other early Jewish texts) (1:51; 3:3, 7, 12–13, 27, 31; 6:31, 38, 41–42, 50–51,58; 8:23; 19:11); in later Jewish Christianity, see Daniélou, Theology, 248–63. Cf. J. N. Sanders, John, 223; Ladd, Theology, 291. 1318 E.g., Philo Flight 71; Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10; Gamble, «Philosophy,» 56–58, understands John in terms of Platonic dualism; see Finegan, World Religions, 90–92; Gordon, Civilizations, 190. Contrast Pétrement, Dualisme, 216–19, on Philo; see comment on John 3:13 . 1319 See Duhaime, «Dualisme»; Brown, Essays, 141–47. Berger, «Bedeutung,» finds gnostic tendencies in what appears to be an early Jewish wisdom text. 1321 See Boismard, «Epistle,» 156–57; Arrington, Theology, 69; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 409; idem, «Qumran and Odes»; Fritsch, Community, 117–18; Albright, «Discoveries» 168; Bruce, «Jesus,» 79; Painter, John, 6; Black, Scrolls, 171; Kysar, Evangelist, 131–37. Johns dualism is not metaphysical (against Käsemann, Testament, 72), but moral (Boismard, «Epistle»), a demand for decision (Manson, Paul and John, 89). 1322 Spatial dualism occurs in b. Ber. 17a; Gen. Rab. 12:8, 27:4, 38:6; Pesiq. Rab. 25:2; Moses is also portrayed as an ascending/descending redeemer (e.g., Lev. Rab. 1:15), and the ascent/descent language is used of God himself (e.g., Gen. Rab. 38:9); see also Bowman, Gospel, 45–55. For the heaven/earth spatial dualism in Wisdom literature, see Gammie, «Dualism.» 1323 Cf. also the frequent «earth-dwellers» (Rev 3:10; 6:10; 8:13; 11:10; 12:12; 13:8, 12, 14; 17:2, 8). The Gospel tradition already borrows the familiar Jewish image of God " s presence in heaven (e.g., Matt 6:9; Mark 6:41; 7:34; 11:25; 15:38 ). |
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