8475 Some associate «door» with the tabernacle (see comment on the fold in John 10 ), and «way» also makes sense here (Heb 9:8) but both are too specific a usage to be likely without other clues supporting them. 8478 E.g., p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Gen. Rab. 81:2. See further Marmorstein, Names, 73,179–81; Urbach, Sages, 1; cf. the «God of truth» in 4Q416 frg. 1, line 14 (with a moral emphasis). The personification of «truth» in occasional Greek texts (Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.1; Philostratus Hrk. 33.37) appears to be no more than a rhetorical device, though polytheism would have allowed for more. 8479 See PGM 5.145–147 (referring to Israel " s God in 5.98–99; cf. Deissmann, Light, 142). This may, however, reflect a pagan pattern; Thoth appears as the master and embodiment of truth in PDM61.74–75. 8482 Marmorstein, Anthropomorphism, 104, citing Tanhuma, ed. Buber, 2.115; for Cleanthes as the very «image» of his teacher Zeno, see Seneca Ep. 6. In 1397, Profiat Duran (Isaac ben Moses Halevi) claimed that this verse in John indicated intimacy with God but not divinity (Lapide, Hebrew, 40). 8483 Cf. Wis 7:24–27; Philo Confusion 97,147; Dreams 1.239; 2.45; Drunkenness 133; Eternity 15; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.81; Col 1:15; Heb 1:3; see further comment on the prologue. 8484 Interestingly, in one strand of extant passion material, Jesus announced with such language that the world would see his glory at the Parousia (Matt 26:64; Luke 22:69; omitted in Mark 14:62 ); this illustrates John " s emphasis on realized eschatology (cf. Rev 14:13) and the disciples. 8485 Jub. 11:14–15; Liv. Pro. 19 (Joad) (§30 in Schermann " s Greek text); Josephus Ant. 8.231; L.A.B. 40:1. This may be the implication of Plutarch Alex. 20.4–5. 8486 Xenophon Anab. 4.1.18. Similarly he recalls the name of a hoplite who defended him (4.2.21) and a soldier who opposed him (3.4.47–49). 8488 E.g., Bernard, John, 2:540; Hanson, Gospel, 179. The eight uses of δεκνυμι in Revelation are apocalyptic, but many of the seven uses in John are visible to the eye (5:20; 10:32; 20:20), suggesting a request for a visible theophany (Boice, Witness, 33–34). Cf. pagan petitions for the invisible supreme deity to make himself manifest (Plutarch Isis 9, Mor. 354D).

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9748 See also Demosthenes Against Meidias 1,80; Euripides Herac1. 219; Plato Apo1. 32E; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.43.2; Sallust Speech of Gaius Cotta 4; Josephus Life 361; Acts 26:4–5,26. 9749 Plato Apo1. 33, in MacGregor, John, 331. Secretive action is hostile (Philodemus frg. 41.2–3). 9751 Brown, Death, 585; for unofficial blows for reviling leaders in another ancient Mediterranean tradition, cf. Homer Il. 2.265; on honor accruing to even a disobedient priest, e.g., Acts 23:5; p. Sanh. 2:1, §2. On the requisite formality with social superiors, see, e.g., Malina, Windows, 37–38. 9752 Even those in authority who struck soldiers for discipline (Xenophon Anab. 5.8.12–13) might afterwards need to justify it (5.8.18). One might interpret «giving» a blow (also 19:3) as a worldly parody of the «giving» motif in John (cf. comment on 3:16), though here it may be simply idiomatic (cf. Gen. Rab. 78:11). For ρπισμα, see Isa 50LXX. 9753 Deut 25:2–3 ; Josephus Ant. 4.238,248; m. Hu1. 5:2; Ki1. 8:3; Mak. passim, e.g., 1:1–3; 3:3–5, 10–11; Naz. 4:3; Pesah. 7:11; Tern. 1:1; Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.3; Sipre Deut. 286.4.1; 5.1; b. B. Mesi c a 115b; Ker. 15a; Ketub. 33b; Pesah. 24ab; p. Besah 5:2, §11; Naz. 4:3, §1; Ter. 7:1; Yoma 77a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:3. 9754 Cf. Brown, John, 2:827; Morris, John, 757 (citing the assault by the attendant in b. Sebu. 30b). 9757 Diogenes the Cynic, once accosted, allegedly complained that he forgot to don his helmet that morning (Diogenes Laertius 6.2.41–42). Jesus» answer with dignity here contravenes an inappropriately literalist reading of Matt 5(Vermes, Religion, 36; cf. idem, Jesus and Judaism, 53). 9759 Blinzler, Trial, 135, suggests that proper public trials required an advocate, which Jesus appears to have lacked; but he also concedes (pp. 142–43) that the Mishnaic rules are late. 9761 Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.191, citing Hecateus of Abdera; 2.218–219,233–235. They also would die rather than disobey their laws (1.212) and wanted to kill those they thought brought harm to the nation (Josephus Life 149).

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7852 Riley, Fruits, 29, notes that an embryo is already growing in the wheat seed as it falls; usually after two days in moist soil, it breaks through the seed coating. 7853 Barrett, John, 423, suggests that though the article is generic, it might allude to Christ as the specific grain; but this grammatical explanation is not likely. 7857 Cf. 1 En. 108:10; 2 Bar. 51:15–16; m. «Abot 4:17; »Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B; b. Tamid 32a; Lev. Rab. 3:1; Deut. Rab. 11:10; Ecc1. Rab. 4:6, §1; Daube, Judaism, 137. Boring et a1., Commentary, 106, suggest that the summons of the analogous Matt 16resembles the typical prebattle speech of generals: risking life in battle more often than not yields its preservation (Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13). 7860 E.g., the oath to Augustus and his descendants, 3 B.C.E., in IGRR 3.137; OGIS 532; ILS 8781 (Sherk, Empire, 31); or to Gaius, 37 C.E., in CIL 2.172; ILS 190 (Sherk, Empire, 78). 7862 Xenophon Anab. 3.2.39; also Boring et al, Commentary, 106, citing Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13 (seventh century C.E.) and Ps.-Menander. See Publilius Syrus 242. 7863 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.212; 1.191; 2.218–219,233–235. Sanders, Judaism, 239, cites Josephus War 2.169–174; Ant. 15.248; 18.262; Ag. Ap. 2.227–228; Philo Embassy 192; cf. Dio Cassius 66.6.3. 7865 On the two ways in ancient literature, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; Plutarch Demosthenes 26.5; Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1 ; 4Q473 frg. 1 (developing Deut 11:26–28 ; probably also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 1–4); m. «Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Ecc1. Rab. 1:14, §1; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Deut. Rab. 4–3;SongRab. 1:9, §2; Matt 7:13–14; Luke 13:24; Did. 1.1–6.2; Barn. 18.1–21.9; cf. the two roads after death in Virgil Aen. 6.540–543; Cicero Tusc. 1.30.72; 4 Ezra 7:3–16, 60–61; 8:1–3; T. Ab. 11:2–11A; 8:4–16B; »Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Ber. 28b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; Gen. Rab. 100:2. 7866 Coulot, «Quelqúun,» provides arguments that 12probably stems from Jesus. On serving as following, persevering, and discipleship here, see Cachia, «Servant.»

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The response of confusion (6:40–41) stems from an inadequate hermeneutic; they knew Jesus according to the flesh but missed his genuine identity, which could be understood only by the Spirit ( John 3:3, 11–12 ; cf. 2Cor 5:16–17 ; Matt 11:25; 16:17; Luke 10:21). 6172 Their grumbling (6:41; cf. 6:61; 7:32) recalls the grumbling of Exod 16:2, 6173 but in that case Israel grumbled before receiving the manna, whereas these hearers complain after receiving bread and the invitation of the ultimate satiation for their hunger. 6174 Perhaps because of their attitude at this point, these Galileans finally receive the ironically pejorative title «Jews,» that is, «Judeans.» 6175 The rejection of Jesus based on familiarity with him (6:42) undoubtedly reflects historical tradition ( Mark 6:1–6 ; Matt 13:53–58), 6176 while also serving John " s particular emphasis (1:11). Johns readers probably know the virgin birth tradition, which is earlier than either Matthew or Luke (their testimonies appear in accounts independent from one another), and if John does know this tradition (see comment on 7:41–42), 6:42 may presuppose the reader " s knowledge that the crowd " s claim to knowledge reveals ignorance. 6177 But John is more interested in their ignorance of Jesus» ultimate place of origin. That other outsiders admit ignorance of his place of origin (7:27) makes the present inadequate claim to know his place of origin all the more ironic. Jesus notes that the Father draws some to him (6:43–44), using biblical language for God drawing Israel to himself in the wilderness or the exile ( Jer 31:3 ; Hos 11LXX); 6178 the reader later learns that the Father draws such adherents through the proclamation of the cross ( John 12:32–33 ). 6179 Only those whom the Father gives to Jesus «come» to him in faith (6:37, 44). Jewish prayers such as the fifth benediction of the Amidah recognized God " s sovereignty even in granting repentance (cf. Rom 2:4 ). 6180 Like most of his Jewish contemporaries, John felt no tension between predestination and free wil1. 6181 Antinomies were in any case standard fare both in Greco-Roman rhetoricians and in Jewish writings. 6182 Because of increasing cosmic fatalism in late antiquity, philosophers had to begin defending a doctrine of free will previously taken for granted, and early Christian commentators likewise proved careful to emphasize that Jesus» statements do not deny free wil1. 6183

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6785 As noted by Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24; see likewise Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137. Cf. returning the charges in other handbooks: Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442b.6–9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.6; Hermogenes Issues 39.1–5. 6786 E.g., Xenophon Hel1. 2.3.37. 6787 Thus Cicero Mur. 29.60, dealing softly with Marcus Cato. 6788 E.g., Horace Carm. 4.6. 6789 Dodd, «L " arrière-plan»; idem, More Studies, 46–47; cf. Dozeman, «Sperma» Dodd, More Studies, 41–42, heavily emphasizes the Abraham material here. Contrast Robinson, «Destination,» 123–24 n.1. 6790 For such sarcasm in the face of hostility, see, e.g., Silius Italicus 11.254–255; Matt 23:32; perhaps 1 Kgs 22:15. 6791 Thus Jesus employs parody (see Stibbe, Gospel 118; cf. Rev 13:3, 18; 17:8). Some later philosophers also spoke of hearing and speaking God " s message as if in his presence (Porphyry Marc. 15.258–259, though for him this means undistracted by bodily desires). 6792 See, e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 107; Cicero Pis. 2.3; Verr. 2.2.1.1–2; Agr. 24.63–64; Cat. 1.6.14; perhaps Acts 24:19. 6793 E.g., Rom 4:1 ; Sipre Deut. 311.1.1; 313.1.3; " Abot R. Nat. 23, §46B; 36, §94; b. Ber. 6b; Ned. 32a. Those not his descendants also could greet him with the honorary title «father» (T. Ab. 2:3A; 9:4B); in some sense he was father of the whole world (t. Ber. 1on Gen 17:5 ). Cf. «our fathers» in 6:31. 6794 E.g., Gal 3:7; 4 Macc 6:17, 22; 18:1. Later teachers even emphasized God " s special pre-creation forethought for the patriarchs (Gen. Rab. 1:4, citing Hos 9:10 ). 6795 Many Tannaim probably even denied the use of the phrase to proselytes (m. Bik. 1:4–5; Cohen, «Fathers»). 6796 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 42.5.2 triumphantly reads the stones in that passage as Gentile Christians. 6797 Schnackenburg, John, 2:210. 6798 E.g., Mek. Pisha 16.165–168 (other opinions in 16.169–172); p. Ta c an. 1:1, §8; Gen. Rab. 55:8; 74:12; 76(Jacob " s merit); 84and 87(Joseph " s merit); Exod. Rab. 2:4; 15:10; 23:5; Lev. Rab. 34:8, bar; Num. Rab. 13:20; Song Rab. 4:4, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10(in prayer); see further Moore, Judaism, 1:537. Some Tannaim suggested they could have used more merit (Sipre Deut. 2.1.1–4); some Amoraim attributed the exodus to the merit of, or faith in, Moses (Exod. Rab. 15:3; 16:1), to righteous acts (Exod. Rab. 1:28; Lev. Rab. 28:4; Num. Rab. 20:22), to the merits of Israelite women (Exod. Rab. 1:12; Num. Rab. 3:6, bar.), or to various factors, including patriarchal merits (Deut. Rab. 2:23).

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5885         Sib. Or. frg. 7. 5886 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167. 5887 Alexander son of Numenius Rhetores graeci 3.4–6 (Grant, Religions, 166); PGM 13.843; Iamblichus Myst. 7.2. The highest good had to be self-sufficient (Aristotle N.E. 1.7,1097B). 5888 E.g., Aristotle Heav. 1.9, 279a.l l-b.3; Pyth. Sent. 25; Marcus Aurelius 7.16; Plutarch Isis 75, Mor. 381B; Maximus of Tyre Or. 38.6; in Jewish sources, Let. Aris. 211; 3Macc 2:9; Josephus Ant. 8.111; Ag. Ap. 2.190; Philo Creation 100; Acts 17:25. On sources of Philós portrait of God " s transcendence, see Dillon, «Transcendence.» 5889 E.g., 2 Bar. 21:10; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; «who lives forever» (e.g., Tob 13:1, ζν …); for the " liv-ing God,» cf., e.g., Marmorstein, Names, 72; Rev 7:2; also Deut 5:26 ; Josh 3:10; 1Sam 17:26,36; 2 Kgs 19:4, 16; Ps 42:2; 84:2 ; Isa 37:4,17; Jer 10:10; 23:36 ; Dan 6:20, 26 ; Hos 1:10 ; Matt 16:16; 26:63; Acts 14:15; Rom 9:26 ; 2Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Thess 1:9; 1Tim 3:15; 4:10 ; Heb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22. 5890 Tob 13:1,6; 1Tim 1:17 ; 1 En. 5:1; 25:3,5; Sib. Or. 1.45,50,53,56,73,122,152,167,232; 3.10, 276, 278, 302, 328, 582, 593, 600–601, 604, 617, 628, 631, 698, 717; 8.428; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167; Philo Creation 100; Good Person 20; Ps.-Phoc. 17; T. Ab. 15:15A; 2Bar. 21:10; CI] 1:489, §677; cf. Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351E; PGM 13.843. 5891         Sib. Or. 3.15–16; cf. Plutarch Ε at Delphi 17, Mor. 392A. 5892         PGM 4.640–645 (Betz, Papyri, 50). 5893 To others God commits temporary, limited political authority (19:11) or the authority to become his children (1:12), but only to Jesus does God entrust authority over all humanity (17:2). 5894 For refutation, see Brown, John, 1:215, whom we follow here. 5895 For the admonition not to marvel along with provision of evidence, cf. 3:7–8; probably 6:61–62; for the principle, see Mark 2:9–11 . 5896 E.g., Apocr. Ezek. introduction. 5897 Also, e.g., Hanson, Gospel 52. 5898 Bailey, Poet, 62, sees a chiastic structure, but if one is present, it is highly asymmetrica1.

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On the social level this may suggest some historical implications for responses to the earliest Christian mission (see introduction concerning Galilee, ch. 5), but on the internal literary level also supports John " s emphasis on God " s activity among those marginalized by the attitudes of the elite (7:52; cf. 2:9). Philip " s name is Greek, perhaps inviting the Greeks to approach him first in 12:20–21, but scholars who would therefore dispute Philip " s Jewishness 4261 reckon neither with the hellenization of Palestine 4262 nor with the Palestinian Jewish use of Greek names. 4263 That a few of Jesus» disciples bore Greek names is not unusual; 4264 further, had Jesus had any immediate Gentile followers, his Jewish disciples and especially his opponents would have pointed this out, and the later church, advocating the Gentile mission through less relevant narratives like the centurion and Syrophoenician woman (Matt 8:5–13/Luke 7:1–10; Mark 7:24–30 /Matt 15:21–28), would have surely exploited it. Unless Philip 4265 is the other anonymous disciple of 1:37, 4266 which is unlikely, 4267 Jesus directly initiates the call of Philip without a mediating witness, in contrast to the above narratives. But Philip quickly becomes a witness to Nathanael, inviting him to a personal encounter with Christ which convinces him as readily as it convinced Philip. John seems to indicate that an honest and open heart confronted with the true Jesus himself–and not merely another " s testimony about him without that encounter–will immediately become his follower (3:20–21). Normally disciples were to seek out their own teachers. Joshua ben Perachiah, a pre-Christian sage, reportedly advised this, as well as acquiring a «Π, a companion (presumably for Torah study). 4268 Rabban Gamaliel repeated the same advice in another context. 4269 Likewise, a writer for Socrates in the Cynic Epistles advises choosing a good education and a wise teacher. 4270 In the call of Philip, however, as in some dramatic examples in the Synoptics ( Mark 1:17; 2:14 ; Matt 4:19; 9:9; Luke 5:10, 27), Jesus directly summons one to follow him, like some radical Greek teachers seeking to convert the open-minded to philosophy.

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Like the Baptist and all other witnesses, she must now decrease so Christ the object of faith may increase (cf. 3:30). 5604 This narrative fits a pattern that includes women " s testimony and faith (2:3–5; 11:27; 12:8; 20:18) and may suggest that John, like Paul ( Rom 16:1–7,12 ; Phil 4:2–3 ), 5605 affirmed the value of women " s testimony to Christ (cf. perhaps further 4:36–37), as much as that affirmation would have run against the grain of parts of their culture. 5606 Some doubt that John is interested in paradigmatic roles for women disciples pro or con, his overriding interest being Christology. 5607 While John " s overriding interest is Christology, that Christology has implications for discipleship that do appear to transcend boundaries of gender in this Gospe1. Many other scholars think that John presents positively the model of women in discipleship or ministry (although a number of the studies are geared more toward application or apologetic concerns). 5608 Some suggest that they provide positive discipleship models but not to the same extent as apostles, the official witnesses; 5609 but this proposal appears to read non-Johannine categories into the Gospel, which nowhere speaks of apostles. The women disciples may, indeed, prove more faithful in their discipleship than «the Twelve» (6:70–71); cf. 16:32; 19:25–27. 9. Fulfilling His Mission (4:31–38) Into the midst of the account of the conversion of the Samaritans (4:28–30, 39) the text interjects a theological interpretation of how this conversion occurred in God " s purposes. Jesus» food, his very life, was to fulfill the Father " s will, a mission he then portrays as an urgent harvest (cf. Matt 9:37–38). Despite his physical weakness (4:6), reaching the Samaritans was more important to him than eating physical food. The disciples urged Jesus to eat, which ancient readers would have judged appropriate behavior for them. 5610 Many stories recounted protagonists who, for grief or other reasons, stubbornly refused to eat and had to be urged by those who cared about them; 5611 the stories probably depict something of the reality of ancient Mediterranean mourning.

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4459 In later times, wine was actually necessary for the Sabbath Kiddush and other festivities: b. Pesah. 102a, bar.; purportedly Tannaitic tradition in B. Qam. 69b; Šabb. 23b; Ta c an. 24a; cf. t. Ber. 3:8; Safrai, «Home,» 747. 4460 Safrai, «Home,» 759, citing b. Ketub. 7b-8a; cf. m. Ber. 1(where guests return from a wedding feast between midnight and dawn). 4462         T. Šabb. 17:4. Perhaps there is an implicit contrast between the original host of John 2and the host (Jesus) of 6:13, since in both cases Jesus must multiply the resources available to sustain a crowd. 4465 Derrett, Law, 235: the women, nearer the domestic quarters, could have learned of the situation before the men in the dining area. Hellenistic banquets with ample facilities typically separated women from men (e.g., Cicero Verr. 2.1.26.66–69; Cornelius Nepos pref.6–7; Mark 6:24 ), as did homes large enough to have separate quarters (in Hellenistic architecture, Xenophon Oec. 9.5; Lysias Or. 3.6, §97; Heliodorus Aeth. 5.34; 6.1). Like the waterpots (2:6) she was εκε (2:1), though not just as a prop (cf. Ashton, Understanding, 268). 4466 Safrai, «Home,» 759. Women may have drunk wine less than men (see Safrai, «Home,» 747). In much of ancient Mediterranean culture wives did not accompany husbands to banquets (Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 13–14), or at least to the male areas. 4467 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 69, suggest some of the pots may «have been borrowed from neighbors» for the wedding. But these were for purification (2:6), presumably for Passover (2:13); a bride would wash before a wedding ( Eph 5:26 ; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 54–55), but she would hardly need six pots! (Nor would guests for ritual handwashing before taking wine–p. Ber. 6:6.) 4469 Jacob in Gen 32:26–30 ; Moses in Exod 33:12–34:9; the Shunammite woman in 2 Kgs 4:14–28; Elisha in 2 Kgs 2:2, 4, 6, 9; and Elijah in 1 Kgs 18:36–37, 41–46 are cases in point. Mayer, «Elijah,» finds Elijah/Elisha imagery in this passage. 4470 Mark 5:27–34 (in light of the fact that it was ritually forbidden for her to touch the teacher, Lev 15:25–27 ); 7:24–30; 10:46–52; Matt 8:7–13 (taking v. 7 as a question) are cases in point; on insistent faith, cf. also ÓDay, «Faith.» Jesus» teachings on «obnoxious» persistence in prayer fit this image as well: e.g., Luke 11:5–13 (though αναδεια is, as Bailey and others have pointed out, related to shame and not to persistence, the idea of boldness in prayer is still present); 18:2–14. Examples of wise chutzpah could be multiplied in Cynic stories; e.g., Diogenes in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.34. Whitacre, Polemic, 84, points out that like the first disciples of ch. 1, she takes the initiative, but allows Jesus to dictate what will be done after that point (2:5).

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For Andrew being one of the Baptist " s disciples, we have no other evidence, and Andrew " s commitment to his family " s fishing cooperative with Zebedeés family ( Mark 1:20 ; Luke 5:10) 4153 would not favor the idea that he was a full-time follower of the Baptist. Since one could follow a teacher seasonally (see comment on 1:40–42), perhaps the Baptist could also accept «disciples» who only came and listened to him during the daytime when he was in the area. Whereas the Perean Bethany (1:28) placed the Baptist within range of Judean questioners a few days earlier (1:19), the story world (which probably presupposes some readers familiar with Palestinian topography) may presuppose that he is now nearer the lake of Galilee, for whether the narrative supposes that Jesus still resided in Nazareth (1:45–46; cf. Matt 4:13) or had already settled in Capernaum (2:12; cf. the language of Luke 4:16), his disciples could hardly have followed Jesus home from a Perean Bethany in a single day (1:39). Various details of the narrative cohere with historical data from Jewish Palestine, but these data were also available to the implied audience. The narrative thus makes sense either as history or as the writer " s creation from whole cloth; like most of the Fourth Gospel, it cannot be verified or falsified to a high degree of probability. Like the rest of the Fourth Gospel " s narratives, however, we suspect that it rests on some historical tradition, because the degree of convergence where our other Gospel accounts independently corroborate John indicate that he writes within the general biographical genre and shift the burden of proof to those inclined to read the narrative novelistically. 2. Following Jesus Home (1:37–39) Although the Baptist " s disciples who «followed» Jesus initially did so literally (1:37; cf. 11:31; 20:6), the writer " s usage elsewhere infuses the narrative with the term " s deeper nuances (1:43; cf. 8:12; 10:4; 21:22); 4154 their initial following represents «the precursor of real discipleship.» 4155 The language of following (κολουθω, δετε οπσω, οπσω λθω) represents standard Jewish language for discipleship. 4156 By this period, «disciple» meant not only «learner» but more specifically «adherent,» requiring one to adhere to a great teacher and his schoo1. 4157

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