| The same Prophet Hosea, proclaiming the name of God and addressing the chosen people, says: “for I am God, and not man; the Holy One in the midst of thee” (Hosea 11:9). God defines Himself as such, which means that holiness is one of the most important definitions of God (Cf., Leviticus 11:44–45; 19:2; 20:3, 7, 26; 21:8; 22:2, 32. Jesus of Navi [Joshua] 24:15, 19. 1 Kings Samuel] 2:2, 10; 6:20; 2 Kings Samuel] 22:7; 4 Kings Kings] 19:22. 1 Paralipomena Chronicles] 16:10, 27, 35; 29:16. 2 Paralipomena Chronicles] 6:2; 30. 27. Tobit 3:11; 8:5, 15; 12:12, 15. Judith 9:13; Job 6:10; Psalms 2:6; 3:5; 5:8; 10 14 15 17 19 21 23 26 27 32 42 45 46 47 50 64 67 70 76 77 54; 78 88 97 98 5, 9; 101 102 104 42; 105 110 137 144 21; Proverbs 9:10; Wisdom of Solomon 1:5; 9:8, 10, 17; 10:20. Wisdom of Sirach 4:15; 17:8; 23:9–10; 43:11; 47:9, 12; 48:23. Esaias [Isaiah] 1:4; 5:16, 19, 24; 6:3; 8:13; 10:17, 20; 11:9; 12:6; 17:7; 29:19, 23; 30:11–12, 15; 31:1; 37:23; 40:25; 41:14, 16, 20; 43:3, 14–15; 45:11; 47:4; 48:17; 49:7; 52:19; 54:5; 55:5; 56:7; 57:13, 15; 58:13; 60:9, 14; 63:10–11; 65:11, 25; 66:20. Jeremias [Jeremiah] 23:9; 31:23; 50:29; 51:5. Baruch 2:16; 4:22, 37; 5:5; 20:39–40; 28: 14; 36:20–22; 39:7, 25. Ezekiel 43:7–8; Daniel 3:52–53; 4:5–6, 10, 14–15, 20; 5:11; 9:16, 20, 24. Joel 2:1; 3:17; Amos 2:7. Abidias 1:16. Jonas 2:5, 8; Michaias [Micah] 1:2; Abbacum [Habbakuk] 1:12; 2:20; 3:3; Sophonias [Zephaniah] 3: 11–12; Zacharias [Zechariah] 2:13; 2 Maccabees 8:15; 14:36; 15:32; 3 Maccabees 2:2, 11, 16; 5:8; 6:1–2, 4, 17, 26; 7:8; 2 Esdras 14:22; Matthew 1:18, 20; 3:11; 12:32; 28:19. Mark 1:8, 24, 29; 12:36; 13:11; Luke 1:15, 35, 41, 49, 67, 72; 2:25–26; 3:16, 22; 4: 1, 34; 11:13; 12:10, 12. John 1:33; 7:39; 14:26; 17:11; 20:22; Acts 1:2, 5, 8, 16; 2:4, 33, 38; 3:14; 4:8, 25, 27, 30–31; 5:3, 32; 6:3, 5; 7:51, 55; 8:15, 17–19, 39; 9:17, 31; 10:38, 44–45, 47; 11:15–16, 24; 13:2, 4, 9, 35, 52; 15:8, 28; 16:6; 19:2, 6; 20:23, 28; 21:11; 28:25. 1 Peter 1:12, 15–16; 2 Peter 1:21; 1 John 2:20; 5:7. Jude 1:20; Romans 5:5; 9:1; 14:17; 15:13, 16; 1 Corinthians 2:13; 3:17; 6:19; 12:3; 2 Corinthians 6:6; 13:13. Ephesians 3:5; 4: 30; 1 Thessalonians 1:5–6; 4:8; 2 Timothy 1:14; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 2:4; 3:7; 6: 4; 9:8, 14; 10: 15; Revelation 3:7; 4:8; 6:10; 15:3–4; 16:5). |
| In the Prophet Hosea, we find this definition of God: “I am God, and not man.” If God, Who has reason and will, as is clearly reflected in the Bible (3 Kings Kings] 3:28; Job 12:13, 16; Proverbs 3:19-20; Sirach 1:1, 5; 15:18, 42:21; Esaias [Isaiah] 11:2; 28:29; Luke 11:49; Romans 11:33; 14:26; 1 Corinthians 1: 21, 24; 2:7. Will of God: Psalm 106 11; Wisdom 6:4; Mark 3:35; Luke 7:30; Acts 20:27; 1 Peter 2:15; 3:17; 4:2, 19; 1 John 2:17; Romans 1:10; 8:27; 12:2; 1 Corinthians 1:1; 2 Corinthians 8:5; Ephesians 5:17; 6:6; 1 Thessalonians 4:3; 5:18; Hebrews 10:36; Revelation 17:17), is not man, this means that He is a being of another order, located by His nature beyond our world. He, as philosophers and theologians say, is transcendent with respect to the world. This transcendence – that is, God’s natural distinction from the physical world – is described in the Bible by the word “Spirit.” “God is a spirit” (John 4:24. Cf., Genesis 1:2; 6:3; 41:38; Exodus 15:10; 31:3. Numbers 11:29; 23:6; 24:2; Judges 3:10; 6:34; 11:29; 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Kings Samuel] 10:6, 10; 11:6; 16:13; 19:20, 23; 2 Kings Samuel] 23:2; 3 Kings Kings] 18:12; 1 Paralipomena Chronicles] 15:1; 2 Paralipomena Chronicles] 15:1; 20: 14; 24:20; Neemias [Nehemiah] 9:20; Judith 16:14; Job 4:9; 26: 13; 33:4; Psalms 32 50 103 138 142 Wisdom of Solomon 1:7; 9:17; 12:1; Esaias [Isaiah] 11:2; 32:15; 34:16; 42:1; 44:3; 48:16; 61:1; 63:10–14. Ezekiel 11:1, 5; Aggeus [Haggai] 2:5; Zacharias 4:6; 7:12; 2 Esdras 6:37; Matthew 1:20; 3:16; 4:1; 10:20; 12:31–32; 28:19. Mark 1:10, 12; 3:29; 13:11; Luke 1:35, 67; 2:26; 3:22; 4:1, 18; 11:13; 12:10, 12; John 1:32–33; 3:5–6, 8, 34; 6:63; 7:39; 14:17, 26; 15:26; 16:13; 20:22; Acts 1:2, 5, 8, 16; 2:4, 17–18, 33, 38; 5:3, 9; 7:51; 8:29; 9:31; 10:19; 11:12, 28; 13:2, 4; 15:28; 16:6–7; 19:6; 20:22–23, 28; 21:11; 28:25. 1 Peter 1:2, 11–12, 22; 5:5; 8:9, 11, 14–16, 23, 26–27; 11:8; 14:17; 15:13, 16, 19, 30; 1 Corinthians 2:10–14; 3:16; 6:11, 19; 12: 3–4, 8–11, 13; 15:45; 2 Corinthians 1:22; 3:3, 17–18; 5:5; Galatians 3:5, 14; 4: 6; Ephesians 1:13, 17; 2:18. 22; 3:5, 16; 4:30; 5:9; Philippians 1:19; 1 Thessalonians 1:5–6; 4:8; 2 Thessalonians 2:8, 13; 1 Timothy 3:16; 4:1; 2 Timomhy 1:14; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 2:4; 3:7; 6:4; 9:8, 14; 10:15, 29; Revelation 2:7, 11, 17, 29; 3:6, 13, 22; 14:13; 22:17). |
| John Anthony McGuckin Cross JOHN A. MCGUCKIN Orthodox theology approaches the cross of Christ most characteristically as a trophy of divine glory. It is the cipher above all others that sums up and encapsulates the love and mercy of the Lord for his adopted race. It is the “sign of salvation,” the icon of hope. In many Orthodox painted crosses the title bar does not read “Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews” (INRI in Latin, INBI in Greek, IHЦI in Slavonic), but is made to read “The Lord of Glory,” and often on Orthodox devotional crosses one reads marked there the generic superscription Philanthropos Theos: “The God Who Loves Mankind.” At first, early Christian theology demonstrated mainly a horrified sense of awe that the powers of wickedness could treat the Lord in such a violent way (Acts 2.22–35). But the tone was decidedly that God’s glorification of his servant Jesus far outweighed the dishonor that the dark spiritual powers tried to inflict. The Apostle Peter, in his speech to the people of Jerusalem, sums it up in the words: “God has made this Jesus whom you crucified, both Lord and Christ” (Acts 2.36). There is a regular contrasted pairing of the ideas of humiliation (in the cross) and exalted glorification of Jesus by God (because of the faithfulness to the point of crucifixion) such as can be seen in the ancient hymn which the Apostle Paul quotes ( Phil. 2.6–11 ), as well as in the schemes of Ascent (Anabasis) and Descent (Katabasis) that structure St. John’s theology of crucifixion and glorification in his profound gospel (cf. Jn. 3.13–15 ). St. Paul took a decisive step when he made the cross not merely a scandal to be explained away but a mystery of faith and God’s love that ought to be celebrated as pivotal ( Gal. 6.14 ). The cross in Christian use was already, and rapidly, shifting away from a thing of shame to being the great sign of the new covenant of reconciliation ( Eph. 2.16 ; Col. 1.20; Heb. 12.2). In the early apologists and apostolic fathers the cross is rarely mentioned (though see Ignatius of Antioch, Letters to the Ephesians 9.1; 18.1; To the Trallians 11.2; To the Philadelphians 8.2). But popular devotion to it as a confident symbol of Christian victory over the powers of this world was steadily growing, as can be seen in the appearance in art and inscription from the 2nd century onwards of the cross-shaped monogram Fos – Zoe (“Light and Life in the Cross”: one must imagine the words written at right angles to one another, Fos down vertically, Zoe horizontally, making a cross, with the middle letter of both being shared in common). |
| 3694 Wis 7:22 (μονογενς). Rabbinic texts often identify God as the «unique» or «only» one of the world (e.g., Sipra Sh. M.D. 99.2.3; b. Pesah. 118a–as Abraham was; p. Meg. 1:9, §1; Roš Haš. 1:3, §42; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:1; Gen. Rab. 98:13; Num. Rab. 10:5; Song Rab. 1:9, §2, with a second-century attribution, if reliable). 3695 See Harris, Jesus as God, 84–87, also noting that the issue is not Jesus being «begotten» but being the only one of his kind. 3696 E.g., martyrs» hope «full of immortality» (Wis 3:4). In John, cf. fulness of joy (3:29; 15:11; 16:24; 17:13) or of physical bread (6:12; cf. 6:13,26) or water (cf. 2:7, different term). 3697 Emphasizing «a unified cosmos» (Lincoln, Ephesians, 73; cf. Long, Philosophy, 157); cf. the Cynic Diogenes in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.38. Some suspect popular Stoic influence on the use of the term in Pauline epistles, e.g., Benoit, « " Pleromá»; Lyonnet, «Adversaries,» 147–48. 3698 Bury " s references to the Logos being «full» of divine graces (Logos Doctrine, 28–29; cf. Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.77–78; Planting 87–89; Confusion 123) may be relevant as a parallel usage to John 1:14 , though not as a source for it. In Hellenistic Judaism, the omnipresent God (Let. Aris. 131–132; Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.44; 3.4; Confusion 135–136; Names 27; cf. 2 En. 39:5; Cicero Resp. 6.17.17; cf. references in Knox, Gentiles, 163; Moore, Judaism, 1:370–72), the Spirit, and Wisdom fill the cosmos (Wis 1:7; Sir 24:25 ; cf. Sib. Or. 3.701; cf. Bogdasavich, " Pleroma»), but «fulness» does not always appear in a technical sense (e.g., Sir 1:16 ). 3699 E.g., Irenaeus Haer. 1.1.1; Prayer of the Apostle Paul (trans. Dieter Mueller, NHL 28); Gospel of Truth (trans. George W. MacRae, NHL 37). Sandmel, Judaism, 474 n. 5, is among those who dismiss the gnostic sense in John here. It is unlikely elsewhere in the NT as well; cf., e.g., Overfield, «Pleroma»; Arnold, Ephesians, 83–84; Baggott, Approach, 70; Lincoln, Paradise, 146; Hamerton-Kelly, Pre-existence, 183; Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 46; contrast, e.g., Hanson, Unity, 117. |
| 7915 1QM 17.5–6; Perkins, «John,» 972, cites 1QM 1.1, 5, 13; 4.2; 11.8; 1QS 1.18; 2.19; 3.20–21. Brown, John, 1:468, rightly compares John and the Scrolls here. Cf. repeatedly «Prince Mastema» ! .]ub. 17:16; 18:9, 12; 48:2,9,12, 15; though elsewhere sometimes simply «Mastema,» e.g., 49:2); the «Prince of Darkness» (Pesiq. Rab. 20:2; 53:2). 7918 E.g., Lucan C.W. 6.742–743; Segal, «Ruler,» 248–49; the Demiurge in Irenaeus Haer. 1.5.4. Pagans did not scruple to speak of even a chthonic deity as «ruler of the earth» (Smith, Magician, 52, citing Lucian Pharsalia 6.697). See demonic «world-rulers» in Eph 6:12 ; T. So1. 8:2–7 (third century C.E.); in the magical papyri, see Arnold, Ephesians, 65; later astrological powers in MacGregor, «Principalities»; Lee, «Powers,» 60. 7919 Ovid Metam. 15.758–759,859–860; cf. other rulers in p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §3; Exod. Rab. 5:14. One might think of a coalescence of imperial and antichrist images if John " s emphasis lay here. 7924 T.Roš Haš. 1:18; " Abot R. Nat. 2A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:13; 23:4; p. Roš Haš 1:3, §28; cf. m. Roš Haš. 3:1; p. Roš Haš. 3:1, §17. When earthly courts could not execute a requisite death sentence, the heavenly court would do so (t. Sanh. 14:16; Sanh. Mak. 5:16; " Abot R. Nat. 25A; p. Ketub. 3:1, §8; Deut. Rab. 5:5; Midr. Pss. 72, §3). 7925 Cf. similar language for the expulsion of Cronus by Zeus at the fall of the Titans (e.g., Cornutus 7.p.7, 20, in Van der Horst, «Cornutus,» 171). 7926 John derives the terms «glorified» and «lifted up» from Isa 52LXX (e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 252; see comment on 3:14). The potentially relevant Targum Isaiah, to which some would like to appeal, however, does not predate the NT (Chilton, «John xii34»). 7930 Cicero Verr. 2.4.10.24 (sustulit). Despite allegorizing some other matters, ancient commentators typically understood that 12refers in context to the cross (Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 52.11.3). 7931 Callisthenes Alex. 2.21.7–11 (Boring et a1., Commentary, 260–61). Because crucifixion involved «exaltation,» a dream about it signified good for a poor man (Artemidorus Om " r. 2.53; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 212–13). |
| 6457 E.g., Homer I1. 15.612–614; 16.441; see further the discussion on John 2:4 . 6458 E.g., Homer Il. 6.487–488. 6459 Excepting his military victories (Pss. So1. 17:21–25); Martyn, Theology, 96. But on new-Moses signs of some of the «signs prophets,» see our introduction, pp. 270–72. 6460 Martyn, Theology, 93. 6461 Tilborg, Ephesus, 101–7, suggests that John " s audience will read «high priests» through the lens of those in Ephesus; but even uninformed Ephesian readers would know of Jewish high priests (cf. Acts 19:14), and believers might know them from the gospel tradition preserved in the Synoptics. Still less likely is Derrett " s association of «rulers» in 7with cosmic powers («ρχοντες»); though this association appears in some passages (see Keener, Paul, 64–65), «rulers» were normally human (e.g., Rom 13:1 ). 6462 Despite the same Greek term as in Luke 4(and CIJ l:xcix; 1:124, §172; Leon, Jews, 190), these bear no relationship with the hazzan of the synagogue (cf. Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 49); the term had a broader usage ( Prov 14:35 ; Isa 32:5; Dan 3LXX; Wis 6:4; John 18:3,12, 18,22,36; 19:6 ; Matt 5:25; Mark 14:54,65 ; Luke 1:2; Acts 5:22,26; 13:5; 26:16; 1Cor 4:1 ). John 7:32, 45–46 refers to the templés Levite police (Jeremias, Jerusalem, 210); see also comment on 18:3. 6463 Cf. here also Von Wahlde, «Terms,» 233. Probably by the end of the second century, the head of the rabbinic movement could dispatch troops, authorizing arrests of wayward rabbis (p. Hor. 3:1, §2; Sanh. 2:1, §3, though probably fictitious). 6464 See Keener, Matthew, 351–53, 538–40. 6465 Thus Pharisees and chief priests are linked especially by Matthew (Matt 21:45; 27:62) and, writing after those who saw themselves as Pharisaism " s heirs had gained greater power (led by the Pharisaic leader Gamaliel II), John (7:32,45; 11:47,57; 18:3). See further comment on our introduction to 1:19–28. 6466 John probably recycles his material in various contexts, which was acceptable rhetorical technique (Theon Progymn. 4.73–79; 5.388–441); cf. Brown, John, 1(citing 8:21–22). |
| 8104 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 25A; see considerably more documentation in Keener, Matthew, 542–45, on Matt 23:7–11. 8113 T. Sanh. 7:8; b. Hor. 13b, bar; p. Sanh. 1:2, §13; Ta c an. 4:2, §§8–9. This widespread practice of rank probably also prevailed in first-century Pharisaic circles (e.g., Bowker, Pharisees, 35). 8114 E.g., Plutarch T.T. 1.2.3, Mor. 616E; Xenophon Cyr. 8.4.3–5; Luke 14:7–11; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §§9, 12; Ter. 8:7. 8115 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; among the deities, see Homer II. 1.535; see further Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 117, and sources cited there (including Suetonius Aug. 44). In Jewish sources, see Gen 43:33 ; t. Sanh. 8:1; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §12; b. Hor. 13b, bar. 8116 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; Valerius Maximus 4.5.ext.2; Plutarch Cicero 13.2; 1QS 2.19–23; lQSa 2.11–17; p. Ketub. 12:3, §6; Roš Haš. 2:6, §9; cf. m. " Abot 5:15; on the order in speaking out, cf. 1Cor 14:29–30 ; Josephus War 2.132; 1QS 6.9–10. 8120 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 25; Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.10; Aristotle Po1. 2.7.5, 1272a; Diodorus Siculus 21.18.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.15.1. Roman society also demanded giving way to onés elder (Cato Col1. dist. 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.47.1). 8121 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Anf. 3.47 (applied to the sages in Sipra Qed. pq. 7.204.3.1; p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Hor. 3:5, §3; Lev. Rab. 11:8). Prominent local leaders tended to be those who were aged, as both literary texts (Josephus Life 266; Let. Arts. 32:39; Acts 14:23) and inscriptions (CI) 1:294, §378; 1:426, §581; 1:432, §595; 1:433, §597; 2:9, §739; 2:45, §790; 2:46, §792; 2:53, §801; 2:76–77, §828a; 2:77, §828b; 2:79, §829; 2:137, §931; cf. CI] hlxxxvi-lxxxvii) testify, as does the LXX (e.g., Josh 24:1; Judg 8:14, 16; 11:5–11; 21:16 ; Ruth 4:2–11; 2 Chr 34:29; Jer 26:17 ; Jdt 6:16; 7:23–24; 13:12; 1Macc 1:26; 7:33; 11:23; 12:35; 13:36; 14:20,28; 2Macc 13:13; 14:37). 8126 E.g., b. c Abod. Zar. 20b; Sotah 4b-5a. Lincoln, Ephesians, 236, cites Qumran texts extolling gentleness or meekness (1QS 2.24; 3.8; 5.3, 25; 11.1). |
| 4320 Especially in traditional Jewish idiom, e.g., 1 Kgs 4(cf. 2LXX); 2 Kgs 18:31; Isa 36:16; Mic 4:4 ; Zech 3:10; 1Macc 14:12; cf. Bernard, John, 1:63; Hoskyns, Gospel, 182; Barrett, John, 185; Scott, Parable, 332. Koester, «Exegesis,» ingeniously connects this image with the messianic branch of Zech 3:8–10, but given the breadth of OT allusions possible, this connection is improbable. 4321 Sus 54, 58. That the expression in Susanna became proverbial (Moule, followed by Fenton, John, 45), is, however, improbable (Barrett, John, 185). Others (e.g., Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 31) transform the fig tree into a symbol for Judaism; Michaels, «Nathanael,» suggests a midrashic-style allusion to Hos 9:10 , but this would require that text to read, «I saw Israel under the fig tree» rather than as a fig tree. 4323 In one later story, someone supernaturally (and convincingly) reveals what happened to her inquirer on his journey when he seeks to test her (Eunapius Lives 468); pagans might think such a revealer divine (470). But see esp. comments on 2:24–25. 4324 This Johannine pattern was noticed at least as early as Chrystostom Hom. Jo. 19 (on 1:41–42). 4329 Howton, «Son,» 237, suggests that John infuses the term with more meaning than it had previously carried. 4330 Tilborg, Ephesus, 33–38, notes «king» titles in Ephesian inscriptions; an audience in Asia might have contrasted Jesus with the emperor, as in the East the title would connote the king of Persia or Parthia (Aristophanes Ach. 65). 4331 For God as king, see Zech 14:9,16; Jdt 9:12; Tob 13:6; 2Macc 12:15; 1 En. 25:3,5; 91:13; Sib. Or. 1.73; 3.11,56,499,560,704; T.Ab. 15:15A; Philo Good Person 20; 1Tim 1 (pace Oke, «Doxology»); Aristophanes Plutus 1095; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.40; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus (Stobaeus Ecl 1.1.12, in Grant, Religion, 153); references to «King of kings» below. The royal image for the supreme deity was natural; in unrelated societies, see Mbiti, Religions, 58–59. For Roman imperial propaganda concerning the cosmic implications of imperial rule and its applicability to early Christian proclamation of Jesus, cf., e.g., Fears, «Rome.» |
| 2 Acts 2:44f.: “And all who believed were together (epi to auto) and had all things in common; and they sold their possessions and goods and distributed them to all, as any had need” 3 Paul is aptly characterized as “the theologian of the Church’s unity”. See V.Ioannidis, “The Unity of the Church According to the Apostle Paul” (in Greek) in Efcharisterion: Essays in Honor of Professor H.Alivizatos, 1958, p.172 4 See inter alia 1 Clement 49.5; 46.5–7; 54.1–2; Ignatius To the Philadelphians 2; 3:2; 6:2; To the Magnesians 14:1; 13:2; 1.2; To the Ephesians 8:1, etc.; Didache 8:4; 10:5 etc 7 Cyprian, De Catholicae Ecclesiae Unitate, passim. One could give other examples from nearly all the writers of the first three centuries as the analysis of their work in the main body of this study will demonstrate 8 The first appearance of a confession of faith in one Church may perhaps be placed very early, in St.Irenaeus’ Letter to the Smyrneans (1:1–2), where the phrase “in one body of the Church” forms part of a paraphrase of a baptismal creed in the view of T.Zahn (Das apostolische Symbolum, 1893, p.42f.), A.Harnack (Appendix to Hahn’s Bibliothek), R.Seeberg (Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 40 (1933), 3) et al. But even if we accept the opinion of J.N.D.Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 1952, p.69, according to which this is not a paraphrase of an official creed, the second century seems the most likely time for this belief to have been formulated into a confession (cf. V.Ioannidis, op.cit., p.172). The expression of faith in the “holy Church”, which occurs in ancient creeds of the second century such as those of the Roman Church preserved by Hippolytus and of the Alexandrian Church preserved in the Der Balyzeh papyrus also suggests the acceptance of the “one” Church. The first clear mention of the “one” Church in a creed is found in the Jerusalem Creed put forward by Macarius of Jerusalem at the First Ecumenical Council. For this see I.Karmiris, Dogmatic and Credal Documents of the Orthodox Catholic Church (in Greek), I, 1960 (2ed.), p.64. On the theological background to the appearance of the confession of faith in “one Church”, see J.Daniélou, “Mia Ekklesia chez les Pères Grecs des Premiers Siècles” in 1054–1954. L’Église et les Églises, I, 1954, p.129–139 |
| 9054 Mitchell, «Friends,» 259, citing Cicero Amic. 6.22. Masters also should avoid confiding in servants (Theophrastus Char. 4.2). 9057 Plutarch Flatterer 24, Mor. 65AB (LCL 1:344–45); cf. Flatterer 17, Mor. 59A; Educ. 17, Mor. 13B. Cf. Stowers, Letter Writing, 39. 9063 Aristotle N.E. 9.8.2, 1168b, cited in Stowers, Letter Writing, 58; Witherington, Acts, 205 (on Acts 4:32). Cf. Arius Didymus 11C. 9065 Martial Epigr. 2.43.1–16; Herodian 3.6.1–2; Cornelius Nepos 15 (Epaminondas), 3.4; Iambli-chus V.P. 19.92 (cf. 29.162; 30.167–168; 33.237–240); cf. 1Macc 12and perhaps Ps.-Phoc. 30; Euripides Andr. 585 (but cf. 632–635); Plutarch Bride 19, Mor. 140D; Longus 1.10; Martial Epigr. 8.18.9–10. 9066 E.g., Alciphron Farmers 27 (Ampelion to Euergus), 3.30, par. 3; 29 (Comarchides to Euchaetes), 3.73, par. 2; Fishermen 7 (Thlassus to Pontius), 1.7. 9069 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.125; Plutarch Cicero 25.4. On friendship between good men and the gods, cf., e.g., Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; on all things belonging to them, Seneca Benef. 7.4.6, cf. Philo Cherubim 84. The maxim is especially cited in works on 1Corinthians (Willis, Meat, 169; Conzelmann, Corinthians, 80; cf. also Fitzgerald, Cracks, 200–201; Grant, Christianity, 102–3). 9070 E.g., people invoked divinities as φλοι, to help them in battle (Aeschylus Sept. 174); cf. a mortal as a «friend» who honors his patron demigod in Philostratus Hrk. 58.1 (the hero is also his friend in 10.2); cf. perhaps Iamblichus V.P. 10.53 (where the friendship is demonstrated by deities» past favors). 9071 This observation (in contrast to some other observations above) may run counter to the suggestion of Judge (Pattern, 38) that w. 13–15 of John 15 «reveal the peculiar combination of intimacy and subordination» characteristic of the patronal relationship. 9073 Maximus of Tyre Or. 19.4; Iamblichus V.P. 33.229. This might involve sharing the divine character (Iamblichus V.P. 33.240). 9074 Crates Ep. 26, to the Athenians (Gyn. Ep. 76–77); cf. likewise Diog. Ep. 10, to Metrocles (Cyn. Ep. 104–5). Cf. Plato Leg. 4.716D (cited in Mayor, James, cxxv); fellowship between mortals and deities in the golden age (Babrius pro1.13). |
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