| 4249 Cf., e.g., Hachlili and Killebrew, «Saga»; idem, «Byt glyt»; Samuel the Small in p. Sotah 9:13, §2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.2.4; Cornelius Nepos 3 (Aristides), 1.2; Philostratus Hrk. 14.4. 4250 E.g., m. Yad. 4:4; Sipre Deut. 253.2.2; h. Ber. 28a; Bamberger, Proselytism, 234; cf. Dominus Flevit ossuary 31 in Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 68, Finegan, Archeology, 247–48, and Bagatti, Church, 237. That these instances represent Jewish «proselytes» to Christianity is unlikely, since Jewish Christians thought in terms of fulfillment more than conversion; cf. Avi-Yonah, «Sources,» 47–48. Name change was sometimes used elsewhere to connote conversion; see Horsley, «Change»; on initiation rites, cf. Mbiti, Religions, 165,228; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 243. It could also be associated with a promise or new hope and identity; cf. Gen 17:5 ; Rev 2:17; 3:12; cf. perhaps Ford, Revelation, 399. 4251 Cf. R. Johanan ben Zakkaís praise of each of his five disciples (m. " Abot 2:8, redactionally balanced). 4252 E.g., John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 19. Reitzenstein, Religions, 40,320–32, finds parallels to the Christian concept of a divine call in the Mysteries, but the concept is pervasive in the Hebrew Bible and appears in Diaspora Judaism (e.g., God calls Abraham in death in T. Ab. 4:9B). 4253 Cf., e.g., Danker, Age, 17; Harrelson, Cult, 39; names might fit circumstances of birth (Cambridge Geniza Text 3.13–16). On the Roman custom of naming boys on the ninth and girls on the eighth day, cf. Plutarch R.Q. 102, Mor. 288BC; Luke 1:59–60; 2and the late Pirqe R. E1. 48 suggest that the custom may have also affected Palestinian Jewry (Safrai, «Sources,» 5; idem, «Home,» 767). 4254 Cf., e.g., Sent. Sext. 28. Thus, e.g., ancient Near Eastern kings sometimes renamed their vassals (e.g., 2 Kgs 23:34; 24:17; cf. Gen 2:19–20; 3:20 ; De Vaux, Israel, 108). 4255 See Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 146–47. This precise name (in contrast to some similar forms) is not attested in the pre-Christian era (Gnilka, Jesus, 186–87), so would not be a name from his parents. |
| 9992 «Purple» could mean scarlet (e.g., Rev 17:4; 18:16; Appian C.W. 2.21.150; cited in Brown, Death, 866; cf. Dupont, Life, 260), though the Gospel tradition probably preserves it for its symbolic value, both to the soldiers and to Jesus» later followers. Egyptian gentry in nome capitals purchased green, red, and especially blue outer apparel (Lewis, Life, 52–53). 9994 For its association with wealth, see, e.g., Lucretius Nat. 5.1423; Horace Carm. 1.35.12, 2.18.7–8; Cicero Sen. 17.59; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.159d; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.73; 1Macc 10:20, 62, 64, 14:43–44; lQapGen 20.31; Sib. Or. 3.389, 658–659; 8.74; Petronius Sat. 38, 54; Epictetus frg. 11; Martial Epigr. 5.8.5; 8.10; Juvenal Sat. 1.106; 4.31; Apuleius Metam. 10.20; Chariton 3.2.17; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7, 15:3; T. Ab. 4:2A; Jos. Asen. 2:2/3, 8/14–15; 5:5/6. Some writers complained about its extravagance (Seneca Dia1. 12.11.2; Plutarch T.T. 3.1.2, Mor. 646B; 1 En. 98MSS). 9995 Cf. Brown, John, 2:875. Derrett, «Ruber,» suggests that the red alludes to Isa 1and (somewhat less unlikely) 63:1–2; Lukés white robe in Luke 23characterized Jewish kings as well (Hill, Prophecy, 52). 10003 Flusser, Judaism, 600 (cf. Suggit, «Man»); Flusser argues (Judaism, 602) that on the historical level it is perfectly in character to suppose that Pilate joined in the ridicule of Jesus. Cf. Smith, John, 346. 10006 For the emphasis on Jesus» humanity here, see also Sevenster, «Humanity»; Koester, Symbolism, 187; Smith, John, 346. Schwank, «Ecce Homo,» finds an answer to Pilatés own question in 18:38; but the connection, while possible, is unclear. 10007 John elsewhere juxtaposes announcements of Jesus» humanity with his messianic identity (4:29; cf. 5:27) though more often those who do not recognize Jesus» fuller identity call him «human» (5:12; 7:46, 51; 9:16,24; 10:33; 11:47,50; 18:17,29); he may link his humanity and mortality in 3:14; 6:53; 8:40; 12:23, 34; 13:31. 10010 A familiar accusation; they may allude in part to Jesus» claims to authority to revise the Sabbath law (5:18; cf. Wead, «Law»); but cf. esp. 10:33. Less probably, Barrett, John, 541, thinks the law of blasphemy is particularly in view. |
| 258 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4(«the rabbis» on Solomon); Gen. Rab. 43:3; Exod. Rab. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 49:5; cf. Artapanus on Pharaoh " s behavior toward Moses in light of 1Sam 18:17, 21–25 (Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.7). Genre conventions also could dictate amplifications; Joseph and Aseneth, a Hellenistic romance, incorporates features ideal in such romances. 260 Jub. 11:14–15; Liv. Pro. 19 (Joad) (§30 in Schermann " s Greek text); Josephus Ant. 8.231; LA.B. 40(on Pseudo-Philo in general, cf. Bauckham, ««Midrash,»» 67); Plutarch Alex. 20.4–5 (questioning Chares» report). 264 L.A.B. 12:2–3 (Aaron " s sin with the golden calf). T. Job 39:12–13 (OTP)I " 39:9–10 (Kraft), 40:3/4 seems concerned to soften God letting Job " s children die for his test. 265 Jub. 13:17–18 (conflict between Lot " s and Abram " s servants), 14:21–16:22 (omitting Sarah " s problems with Hagar, though they surface in 17:4–14), 29(omits Jacob " s fear); T. Zeb. 1:5–7 (Zebulon did not act against Joseph). On Jubilees (e.g., Abram passing off his sister as his wife), see Wintermute, «Jubilees,» 35–36; Josephus, cf. Aune, Environment, 108; in Greco-Roman literature, see Shuler, Genre, 50 (following Cicero Part. or. 22). The same tendency of tradition may be noted in the Chronicler " s omission not only of David " s but also Solomon " s sins reported in Samuel-Kings (cf., e.g., Williamson, Chronicles, 236). 266 CD 4:20–5(David " s polygamy); Jub. 19:15–16 (Rebekah, in light of current morality); 27:6–7 (how Jacob could leave his father); 28:6–7 (Jacob " s sororal polygyny); 30:2–17 (Simeon and Levi); 41 (Judah and Tamar both made more innocent, though Tamar " s deed is interpreted as deathworthy); lQapGen 20.10–11 (Sarah rather than Abraham proposes the pretense that she is his sister); Jos. Asen. 23 (Levi and Simeon); Γ. Jud. 8–12 (whitewashing Judah, and to a lesser extent Tamar, though Judah confesses it as a lesser sin; cf. the improvement of both in Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 38:25 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 38:25–26 ); Τ Iss. 3(cf. Gen 49:15 ); Tg Ps.-J. on Gen 49 (all twelve patriarchs were equally righteous). |
| 8286 Nor is it necessarily demeaning to them, though such a comparison could be so used (Aristophanes Clouds 821, where the diminutive retains its force). 8287 E.g., Homer Il. 24.507; Virgil Aen. 8.115; 9.735; 11.184, 904; 12.697. Greco-Roman society employed an analog)» between benefactors and fathers (Stevenson, «Benefactor»). 8289 Ovid Tristia 4.4.13; Fasti 2.130–132, 637; Herodian 2.2.9; 2.6.2; or simply «parent» or «father» (Ovid Ex Ponto 4.9.134); so also for other kings (the fictitious Ethiopian king in Heliodorus Aeth. 10.17). 8290 Plutarch R.Q. 58, Mor. 278D; Lucan C.W. 3.109; Cornelius Nepos 23 (Hannibal), 12.2; Cicero Cat. 1.4.9; 1.2.4; 1.11.27; 1.12.29; 1.13.31–32; 2.6.12; 4.1.1, 2; 4.2.3, 4; 4.3.6; 4.5.9; 4.6.11; 4.8.16, 18; Prov. cons. 1.1; 2.3; 4.8; 5.11; 8.18; 9.23; 10.25; 12.30; 13.32; 16.38,39; Pis. 20.46; 22.52; 24.56; 33.81; Pro Marcello 1.1,2; 5.13; Phi1. 1.1.1; 1.3.7; 1.4.11; Fam. 10.35.1, 2; Invective against Sallustius Crispus 1.1, 2, 3; 2.5; 4.12; 5.14; 6.16; 8.22; Silius Italicus 1.610, 675; Valerius Maximus 1.5.1; 2.2.1a; 2.7.ext.l; 2.8.4; 3.8.1; 4.1.4; 4.1.6b; 4.4.10; 4.5.1; 5.2.1; 5.8.3; 5.9.3; 6.1.10; 6.2.1; 6.6.3; 8.13.4; 8.15.1; Livy 1.8.7; 1.26.5; 2.1.10–11; 2.23.14; 2.24.2; 2.27.3; 2.32.12; 2.34.12; 2.35.3; 2.41.4; 2.48.8; 2.60.3; 3.13.7; 3.16.1; 3.21.1, 3, 4; 3.51.11; 3.52.6; 3.63.8; 4.1.4; 4.2.13; 4.60.1, 3; Sallust Cati1. 6.6; 31.7; 51.1,4, 7,12,15,37,41; 52.2.7, 35; Jug. 14.1,3,12,13,18, 25; 24.2; Speech of Philippus 1,17; Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 1, 6; Letter to Caesar 11.1; Invective against Marcus Tullius 1. 8292 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.8; Pausanias 8.48.5–6; 8.51.7; Cicero in Plutarch Cicero 23.3; for Romés founding elders (Ovid Fasti 5.71); honorary title «father of the Greeks» (Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.27.617); a kind master (Xenophon Cyr. 8.1.44) ); an ideal ruler (Musonius Rufus 8, p. 64.14, claiming that this imitates Zeus " s role). Cf., for leaders in the Mithraic cult, Burkert, Cults, 42. 8295 CIJ l:xcv-xcvi; 1:66, §93; 1:250–51, §319; 1:360, §494; 1:372, §§508–509; 1:373, §510; 1:393, §533; 1:397, §535; 1:398, §537; 1:462, §645; 1:463, §646; 1:505, §694; 1:520, §720; 2:9, §739. The title was probably usually «purely an honorary one, probably involving no active duties» (Leon, Jews, 186). |
| 10201 Cf. the mourning women of Luke 23:27, who may have provided a merciful narcotic (b. Sanh. 43a; Stauffer, Jesus, 135; Blinzler, Trial, 252–53). Some used pennyroyal or mint stored in vinegar to revive those who had fainted (Pliny Nat. 20.54.152); but these were probably not available. People could also use wine to deaden pain ( Prov 31:6–7 ; Tibullus 1.2.1–4; 1.7.39–42; Ovid Her. 14.42; Silius Italicus 13.273–275). 10206 Some (e.g., van der Waal, «Gospel,» 39) apply it more generally to Israel " s rejection of Jesus (1:11), but the Jewish identity of the torturer is not clear here, nor is this act the Gospel " s most decisive or climactic act of repudiation. 10209 «Javelin» appears in miniscule 476, probably accidentally; see Sanders, John, 409; Blinzler, Trial, 256 n. 38. Less probably, Schwarz, «Johannes 19.29,» suggests instead the misreading of the Aramaic «ëz as »êzôb, «switch» as «hyssop.» 10214 Clearly some Diaspora Jews applied the Passover to figurative or spiritual principles (Philo Sacrifices 63). Jewish people expected a new exodus (see comment on 1:23), which probably implied a new Passover of some sort (later, Exod. Rab. 19:6; Pesiq. Rab. 52:8). 10215 The contrast is often observed, e.g., Goguel, Jesus, 172; Stendahl, Paul, 74; Brown, Death, 34. 10218 So Stauffer, Jesus, 141. Later midrash could view «finished» in Gen 2in terms of dedication (Exod 39:32). 10219 Given the multiple attestation that it was the day of preparation for the Sabbath, most commentators concur that lesus was crucified on a Friday (see Brown, Death, 1350–51). 10221 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 271, suggest that kings nodded approval (citing Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Aphrodite 222, where Zeus does this; we might add Zeus in Maximus of Tyre Or. 4.8; 41.2; Callimachus Hymns 3 [to Artemis], lines 39–40; Athena in Callimachus Hymn 5 [on Pallas " s Bath], lines 131–136). 10223 E.g., Ovid Metam. 10.43 (exhalata anima); Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.14; T. Ab. 17A; L.A.E. 45(«gave up the spirit,» OTP2:286); 2 En. 70:16; cf. Jas 2:26. One also breathed out (e.g., Homer I1. 13.654, ποπνεωυ; Euripides Phoen. 1454, ξπνευσαν; Herac1. 566, κπνευσαι) onés life, or «breathed» (exanimatus est) onés last (Cornelius Nepos 15 [Epaminondas], 9.3). |
| Ahab became king after Jeroboam (year 22), Nadab (2), Baasha (24), Elah (2), Zimri (7 days), Omri (12), and Tibni (6, at the same time as Omri) ; in the 38th year of Asa (cf. 3 Kings 16:29), that is, in the (19.5±0.5) + (37.5±0.5) + (37.5±0.5)=57(±1) year. Jehoshaphat became king: in the fourth year of Ahab (cf. 3 Kings 22: 41-42) – (57±1) + (3.5±0.5)=60.5(±1.5); after Asa (41) – (19.5±0.5) + 41= 60.5(±0.5) . Jehoram became king: after Ahab (22) and Ahasja (2) ; in the 18th year of Jehosaphat (cf. 4 Kings 3:1) – (60.5±0.5) + (17.5±0.5)= 78(±1) . Jehu killed Ahasja and Jehoram (cf. 4 Kings 9:23-28) and ascended the throne: Gophelia after Jehosaphat (25), Jehoram (8) and Ahasja (1) and Jehu after Jehoram (12) in year (78±1) + 12= 90(±1) from the D.S.K. Joash became king: in the seventh year of Jehu (cf. 4 Kings 12:1) – (09±1) + (6.5±0.5)=96.5(±1.5); after Gophelia (6) – (90±1)=96(±1). Jehoash became king after Jehu (28) and Jeoahaz (17) ; in the 37th year of Joash (cf. 4 Kings 13:10-11) – (96±1) + (36.5±0.5)= 132.5(±1.5) . Amaziah became king: after Joash (40); in the 2nd year of Joash of Israel (cf. 4 Kings 14:1-2) – (132.5±1.5) + (1.5±0.5)= 132(±2) . Jeroboam (the second) became king: in the 15th year of Amaziah (cf. 4 Kings 14:23 – (134±2) + (14.5±0.5)=148.5(±2.5); after Joash (16) – (132.5±1.5) + 16= 148.5(±1.5) . Azariah-Oziah became king: 15 year after the death of Joash (16) – (132.5±1.5) (cf. 4 Kings 14:17; 2 Chron. 25:25) – (132.5±1.5) + 16 + 15=163.5(±1.5); after Amaziah (29) – (134±2) + 29= 163(±2) . Pekah becam king: after Jerobaam (41), Zacharia (months), Salum (one month), Menael (10) and Pekah (2) ; in the 52nd year of Azariah (cf. 4 Kings 16:1-2) – (214.5±2.5) + (16.5±0.5)=231(±3); after Amaziah-Oziah (52) and Joapham (16) – (163±2) + 52 + 16= 231(±2) . Hoshea became king: after Pekah (20) ; in the 12th year of Ahaz (cf. 4 Kings 17:1-2) – (231±2) + (11.5±0.5)= 242.5(±2.5) . Hezekiah became king: after Ahaz (16); in the third year of Hoshea (cf. 4 Kings 18:1-2) – (242.5±2.5) + (2.5±0.5)= 245(±3) year after D.S.K. |
| In the Prophet Hosea, we find this definition of God: “I am God, and not man.” If God, Who has reason and will, as is clearly reflected in the Bible (3 Kings Kings] 3:28; Job 12:13, 16; Proverbs 3:19-20; Sirach 1:1, 5; 15:18, 42:21; Esaias [Isaiah] 11:2; 28:29; Luke 11:49; Romans 11:33; 14:26; 1 Corinthians 1: 21, 24; 2:7. Will of God: Psalm 106 11; Wisdom 6:4; Mark 3:35; Luke 7:30; Acts 20:27; 1 Peter 2:15; 3:17; 4:2, 19; 1 John 2:17; Romans 1:10; 8:27; 12:2; 1 Corinthians 1:1; 2 Corinthians 8:5; Ephesians 5:17; 6:6; 1 Thessalonians 4:3; 5:18; Hebrews 10:36; Revelation 17:17), is not man, this means that He is a being of another order, located by His nature beyond our world. He, as philosophers and theologians say, is transcendent with respect to the world. This transcendence – that is, God’s natural distinction from the physical world – is described in the Bible by the word “Spirit.” “God is a spirit” (John 4:24. Cf., Genesis 1:2; 6:3; 41:38; Exodus 15:10; 31:3. Numbers 11:29; 23:6; 24:2; Judges 3:10; 6:34; 11:29; 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14; 1 Kings Samuel] 10:6, 10; 11:6; 16:13; 19:20, 23; 2 Kings Samuel] 23:2; 3 Kings Kings] 18:12; 1 Paralipomena Chronicles] 15:1; 2 Paralipomena Chronicles] 15:1; 20: 14; 24:20; Neemias [Nehemiah] 9:20; Judith 16:14; Job 4:9; 26: 13; 33:4; Psalms 32 50 103 138 142 Wisdom of Solomon 1:7; 9:17; 12:1; Esaias [Isaiah] 11:2; 32:15; 34:16; 42:1; 44:3; 48:16; 61:1; 63:10–14. Ezekiel 11:1, 5; Aggeus [Haggai] 2:5; Zacharias 4:6; 7:12; 2 Esdras 6:37; Matthew 1:20; 3:16; 4:1; 10:20; 12:31–32; 28:19. Mark 1:10, 12; 3:29; 13:11; Luke 1:35, 67; 2:26; 3:22; 4:1, 18; 11:13; 12:10, 12; John 1:32–33; 3:5–6, 8, 34; 6:63; 7:39; 14:17, 26; 15:26; 16:13; 20:22; Acts 1:2, 5, 8, 16; 2:4, 17–18, 33, 38; 5:3, 9; 7:51; 8:29; 9:31; 10:19; 11:12, 28; 13:2, 4; 15:28; 16:6–7; 19:6; 20:22–23, 28; 21:11; 28:25. 1 Peter 1:2, 11–12, 22; 5:5; 8:9, 11, 14–16, 23, 26–27; 11:8; 14:17; 15:13, 16, 19, 30; 1 Corinthians 2:10–14; 3:16; 6:11, 19; 12: 3–4, 8–11, 13; 15:45; 2 Corinthians 1:22; 3:3, 17–18; 5:5; Galatians 3:5, 14; 4: 6; Ephesians 1:13, 17; 2:18. 22; 3:5, 16; 4:30; 5:9; Philippians 1:19; 1 Thessalonians 1:5–6; 4:8; 2 Thessalonians 2:8, 13; 1 Timothy 3:16; 4:1; 2 Timomhy 1:14; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 2:4; 3:7; 6:4; 9:8, 14; 10:15, 29; Revelation 2:7, 11, 17, 29; 3:6, 13, 22; 14:13; 22:17). |
| Sedekiah became king after Hezekiah (29), Manasseh (55), Amon (2), Josiah (31), Jehoahaz (3 months), Joachim (11) and Jeconiah (3 months) in the (245±3) + 29 + 55 + 2 + 31 + 0.25 + 11 + 0.25= 373.5(±3) year (from D.S.K.). It should be noted that according to 4 Kings 21:1, Manasseh reigned 50 years, while the number 55 used in the calculation is cited in 2 Chron. 33:1, in the book by Prof. Lopukhina and in two books of the Tanakh. 2 The Babylonian captivity began when Nebuchadnezzar resettled Jehoiachin (and his family) from Jerusalem to Babylon, taking “princes, mighty men of valor, carpenters, artisans, builders… with the treasures of the house of the Lord and the royal house (cf. 4 Kings 24:11-16; 2 Chron. 36:6-7). In enslaved Jerusalem Nebuchadnezzar made Zedekiah king (cf. 4 Kings 24:17-18), taking an oath from him that he would serve him loyally (cf. 2 Chron. 36:11-13), and therefore the beginning of the Babylonian captivity should be considered the year 4608 + (373.5±3)=4981.5(±3) from the D.S.K. According to the prophecy of Jeremiah (cf. Jer. 25:11-12; 29:10-14) and according to the chronicles (cf. 2 Chron. 36:20-21), the Babylonian captivity lasted 70 years. The captivity ended with the decree by Cyrus, king of Persia, for the building of a temple in Jerusalem, after which the captives returned to “their cities” along with the returned treasures (cf. 2 Chron. 36:22-23; 1 Ezdra 1:1-11, 2; 2 Ezdra 2:1-15). This event happened in year (4981.5±3) + 70=5051.59±3) from the D.S.K. The period between the liberation from Babylonian captivity and the giving over to death of Christ the Savior predicted by the prophet Daniel is repeated twice in Dan. 9:24-27: Seventy weeks (in translation, semiletiy ) are determined upon thy people and upon thy holy city… Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto the Messiah the Prince shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks… And he shall confirm the covenant with many for one week: and in the midst of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease… Jesus Christ began His ministry at the age of 30 years (cf. Luke 3:23) and ministered three and a half years, accepting death on the Cross at age 33.5—thus writes Archbishop Averky in his book The Four Gospels . Thus, the Birth of Christ occurred in year (5051.5±3) + (70x7) – 33.5=5508(±3) from the day of the creation of man (men and women), which coincides with the number, “5508 years”, in the Orthodox chronology. |
| The same Prophet Hosea, proclaiming the name of God and addressing the chosen people, says: “for I am God, and not man; the Holy One in the midst of thee” (Hosea 11:9). God defines Himself as such, which means that holiness is one of the most important definitions of God (Cf., Leviticus 11:44–45; 19:2; 20:3, 7, 26; 21:8; 22:2, 32. Jesus of Navi [Joshua] 24:15, 19. 1 Kings Samuel] 2:2, 10; 6:20; 2 Kings Samuel] 22:7; 4 Kings Kings] 19:22. 1 Paralipomena Chronicles] 16:10, 27, 35; 29:16. 2 Paralipomena Chronicles] 6:2; 30. 27. Tobit 3:11; 8:5, 15; 12:12, 15. Judith 9:13; Job 6:10; Psalms 2:6; 3:5; 5:8; 10 14 15 17 19 21 23 26 27 32 42 45 46 47 50 64 67 70 76 77 54; 78 88 97 98 5, 9; 101 102 104 42; 105 110 137 144 21; Proverbs 9:10; Wisdom of Solomon 1:5; 9:8, 10, 17; 10:20. Wisdom of Sirach 4:15; 17:8; 23:9–10; 43:11; 47:9, 12; 48:23. Esaias [Isaiah] 1:4; 5:16, 19, 24; 6:3; 8:13; 10:17, 20; 11:9; 12:6; 17:7; 29:19, 23; 30:11–12, 15; 31:1; 37:23; 40:25; 41:14, 16, 20; 43:3, 14–15; 45:11; 47:4; 48:17; 49:7; 52:19; 54:5; 55:5; 56:7; 57:13, 15; 58:13; 60:9, 14; 63:10–11; 65:11, 25; 66:20. Jeremias [Jeremiah] 23:9; 31:23; 50:29; 51:5. Baruch 2:16; 4:22, 37; 5:5; 20:39–40; 28: 14; 36:20–22; 39:7, 25. Ezekiel 43:7–8; Daniel 3:52–53; 4:5–6, 10, 14–15, 20; 5:11; 9:16, 20, 24. Joel 2:1; 3:17; Amos 2:7. Abidias 1:16. Jonas 2:5, 8; Michaias [Micah] 1:2; Abbacum [Habbakuk] 1:12; 2:20; 3:3; Sophonias [Zephaniah] 3: 11–12; Zacharias [Zechariah] 2:13; 2 Maccabees 8:15; 14:36; 15:32; 3 Maccabees 2:2, 11, 16; 5:8; 6:1–2, 4, 17, 26; 7:8; 2 Esdras 14:22; Matthew 1:18, 20; 3:11; 12:32; 28:19. Mark 1:8, 24, 29; 12:36; 13:11; Luke 1:15, 35, 41, 49, 67, 72; 2:25–26; 3:16, 22; 4: 1, 34; 11:13; 12:10, 12. John 1:33; 7:39; 14:26; 17:11; 20:22; Acts 1:2, 5, 8, 16; 2:4, 33, 38; 3:14; 4:8, 25, 27, 30–31; 5:3, 32; 6:3, 5; 7:51, 55; 8:15, 17–19, 39; 9:17, 31; 10:38, 44–45, 47; 11:15–16, 24; 13:2, 4, 9, 35, 52; 15:8, 28; 16:6; 19:2, 6; 20:23, 28; 21:11; 28:25. 1 Peter 1:12, 15–16; 2 Peter 1:21; 1 John 2:20; 5:7. Jude 1:20; Romans 5:5; 9:1; 14:17; 15:13, 16; 1 Corinthians 2:13; 3:17; 6:19; 12:3; 2 Corinthians 6:6; 13:13. Ephesians 3:5; 4: 30; 1 Thessalonians 1:5–6; 4:8; 2 Timothy 1:14; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 2:4; 3:7; 6: 4; 9:8, 14; 10: 15; Revelation 3:7; 4:8; 6:10; 15:3–4; 16:5). |
| 544 See esp. Schenkeveld, «Prose,» 213–30. Cicero testifies that some of his friends wanted him to use their names as characters in his (probably mostly fictitious) dialogues (Cicero Att. 12.12; for other dialogues that likely are fictitious or at least contain considerable embellishment, see his Brutus 3.10–96.330; Fin. passim). But none of this is in a genre even resembling biography. Later writers also understood Xenophon s Cyropedia (like Platós Dialogues) as a pedagogic device, not primarily historical or biographic (Cicero Quint, fratr. 1.1.8.23). By the middle of the first century C.E., even a Stoic such as Musonius Rufus adapted some Socratic methods (see Lutz, «Musonius,» 27). 545 Watkins, John, 437. As Moody Smith rightly points out, however, the sayings are rarely in the same context, except where necessary to the story (Smith, John 122). 546 Cf. Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 27, who thinks (certainly rightly) that Jesus as a Jewish teacher undoubtedly taught in such forms. 547 E.g., Plutarch Sayings of Kings and Commanders, Mor. 172B-194E. Many of these sayings also occur in other sources, as the Loeb footnotes indicate (LCL 3:8–153). Such compilations of maxims were used in the progymnasmata, school rhetorical exercises in which the sayings were adapted (Malherbe, Exhortation, 109,117) and in the process their sense was learned (for the importance of learning maxims, cf. Isocrates Demon. 12, Or. 1; Aristotle Rhet. 2.21.15, 1395b; Petronius Sat. 4; Sir 18:29 ; Plutarch Poetry 14, Mor. 35EF; also Epicharmus Gnomai C.l-15 in Sei. Pap. 3:440–43); often they upheld aristocratic social values (Sinclair, " Sententia»). 548 E.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.27–28; also Aune, Environment, 34, on Platós sayings, gathered into Gnomologia (maxim collections) only in the fifth century C.E. Some also professed to know during what incidents various sayings were uttered, however (e.g., Plutarch Themistocles 11.2). 550 Not all chreiai were as brief as the most basic form (cf. Robbins, «Chreia,» 3), however, and the examples in the Gospels are the elaborated rather than basic form usually used in rhetorical exercises (see Mack and Robbins, Patterns, 196–97). One should not infer too much from Hellenistic forms in the gospel tradition (Mack, Myth, 179; cf. Guenther, «Greek»); Palestine was hellenized, and others besides Cynics employed such forms (see Boyd, Sage, 160; Wright, People of God, 427–35; Theissen, Gospels, 120). |
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