| 2608 Cf. the parallel construction in 1:25; see Sanday and Headlam, Romans, 233–38; Fahy, «Note»; Cullmann, Christology, 313; Cranfield, Romans, 2:467–68; Longenecker, Christology, 138; Ladd, Theology, 421. Those who dissent, noting that this is not Paul " s usual terminology, nevertheless concur that a doxology to Christ as «God» remains the most likely interpretation of the grammar (Hunter, Romans, 90; idem, Paul, 62–63). 2609 See Lightfoot, Notes, 106; Longenecker, Christology, 138–39; Bultmann, Theology, 1:129; but cf. Bruce, Thessalonians, 156–57. 2610 On Tit 2:13 , see Lock, Epistles, 144–45; Harris, «Deity,» 271; Cullmann, Christology, 313; Longenecker, Christology, 138; Bultmann, Theology, 1:129; cf. also 2Pet 1:1 . Greek-speaking Judaism typically extolled the «great» God (see Tob 13:15; 2Macc 3:36; 3Macc 7:2,23; cf. 1 En. 1:3; Epictetus Diatr. 1.16.16–17), esp. in Sib. Or. (1.165,268,282,316,323; 2.27,219; 3.56,71,91,97,162,194,246, 284, 297, 306, 556–557, 565, 575, 584,656–657,665, 671, 687,698, 702, 717, 735, 740, 773, 781, 784, 818; 4.6,25, 163; 5.176, 405). For the «Granville Sharp Rule» applicable here, see Blass, Debrunner, and Funk, Grammar, 144–45, §276, 228, §442; Dana and Mantey, Grammar, 147. 2611 Nock, Christianity, 32–33; Hengel, Son, 77; Ladd, Theology, 416; Longenecker, Christology, 132; idem, Ministry, 97; Bruce, Acts (English), 74; although this title becomes more prominent in Diaspora usage (cf. Schweizer, Jesus, 72; Bultmann, Theology 1:124; Conzelmann, Theology, 82–83), there is no extant stratum of earliest Christianity that completely excludes it. The supposed connection with the Mysteries (cf. Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 128) is weak (Hengel, Son, 77–78; Sheldon, Mysteries, 87–90). 2612 Hengel, Acts, 105; Longenecker, Christology, 121–24; Fee, Corinthians, 839; Ladd, Criticism, 210. Some regard the original meaning of the term as ambiguous (Simon, Stephen, 66; cf. Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 114–20), but a use in early Christian liturgy (eschatological, eucharistie, or both, e.g., Robinson, Studies, 154–57; idem, Coming, 26–27; Conzelmann, Corinthians, 300–301; Cullmann, Christology, 201–2; Hunter, Paul, 65; cf. Did. 10) would constitute a divine invocation (Fee, Corinthians, 838–39; Ladd, Theology, 341, 416–17; for divine usage elsewhere, cf. Marmorstein, Names, 62–63; Betz, Jesus, 108; Bruce, Paul, 117). |
| 1380 Cf. Safrai, «Education,» 960; Scholem, Trends, 42. Contrast the metaphoric use of the chariot in Gen. Rab. 47:6; 69:3; 82(Resh Lakish, early Amoraic). 1382 Abelson, Immanence, 340–56; cf. Scholem, Trends, 11–12, who argues that the mystics were near rabbinic Judaism " s center, not its fringes. 1383 Jewish mystical texts vary in the degree to which they emphasize the mystic " s responsibility to his community; see Chernus, «Individua1.» 1385 Halperin, «Midrash»; Goodenough, Symbols, 1:221, 8:17; cf. 12:198.4QS140 maybe significant here; cf. Patte, Hermeneutic, 290; Gaster, Scriptures, 285–88; Vermes, Scrolls, 210–11; Dupont-Sommer, Writings, 333–34; Alexander, «3 Enoch,» 235. Cf. the chariot in 1.A.E. 25.2–3; 28:4; cf. Apoc. Mos. 22:3; 33:2; similar language is used of Job " s throne in T. Job 33 (cf. 33:9). 1386 Alexander, «3 Enoch,» 232; Scholem, Trends, 8; on the development, cf. Neusner, «Development»; idem, Legend, 5–6. 1388 Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 149–51. Gaster, Studies, l:369ff., more accurately finds gnosticism in the Zohar. 1391 E.g., Conzelmann, Theology, 11; Jonas, Religion, 32–33; Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 187, 245. For a survey of the view " s development, see Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 21–24; Ridderbos, Paul, 27–28. 1394 Compare gnosticism with descriptions of neoplatonists in Dillon, Platonists, 7, 385; cf. Plotinus Enn. 2:9. 1395 Koester, Introduction, 1:194; Jonas, Religion, 38; Bultmann, Christianity, 161; but contrast Hengel, Son, 28. 1397 For gnosticism " s debt to earlier Christianity, see Wilson, Gnostic Problem, 68,256; Yamauchi. Gnosticism, 20; Burkitt, Gnosis, viii; Grant, Gnosticism, 13–14. 1398 See Albright, Stone Age, 282, 306; Munck, «Gnosticism,» 236; Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 16–18; Smalley, John, 51; Wilson, Gnosis and NT, 30, 142; idem, Gnostic Problem, 97; Arrington, Theology, 186; Ladd, Criticism, 204–5. 1401 Robinson, «Trajectory,» 263; Schnackenburg, John, 1:543–57, allows for some assimilation to this myth but places John " s roots instead in Wisdom speculation (556). |
| 1073 Cf., e.g., ] Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, passim; in Greek oracles, see Aune, Prophecy, 51–52. Some philosophers also strove to make their teachings enigmatic to outsiders (Culpepper, School, 50, cf. 92). 1074 See Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 239; Haenchen, Acts, 559 n. 2; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 99–100; cf. Ramsay, Cities, 229–30. On public lectures in philosophical schools, cf., e.g., Aulus Gellius Attic Nights 1.26 (Stowers, «Diatribe,» 74); Malherbe, «Life» 35; Latourette, Expansion, 1:16. Early Christian congregations naturally appeared to many outsiders as philosophical schools or associations (Wilken, «Collegia,» 277; idem, «Christians,» 107–10; cf. idem, «Social Interpretation,» 444–48), and Paul may have been fulfilling this function even if the hall he was renting from Tyrannus was a guild hall (Malherbe, Aspects, 89–90). Some have seen even in Romans evidence of the teaching style he employed with students (Stowers, Diatribe, 183). 1075 Even in rhetorical schools, different disciples of a single teacher might exhibit widely diverging styles (Cicero Brutus 56.204). 1076 That authors adapted style to genre is commonly noted; e.g., Stowers, Diatribe, 69; cf. Cicero Yam. 9.21.1. 1077 Compare, e.g., Diogenes Laertius 3.8; Ps-Melissa Ep. (Letter to Kleareta in Malherbe, Exhortation, 82). 1078 This is an argument by analogy, not implying that later Christian perspectives should be read back into the NT documents (though this happens, as Brown, Community, 163, for instance notes, when the inclusion of John [Kysar " s «maverick gospel " ] in the same canon with the Synoptics provides interpretive boundaries for both). But the DSS indicate major variations of genre and perspective within the same community and perhaps from the same ultimate author (e.g., the community " s rules and hymns), which were not viewed as in conflict with one another (cf. Keck, «Ethos,» 448–49; cf. also the compatibility of rabbinic and apocalyptic piety in Sanders, Judaism, 8). 1081 Cf. also καθστημι in Acts 7:10; 17:15; perhaps λαμπρν in Luke 23:11; Acts 10:30. Similarly, ομοθυμαδν is common (ten times) in Acts, but never appears in Luke (and only once elsewhere in the NT). |
| 1704 T. Šabb. 13:5; " Abot R. Nat. 16 A; b. Git. 45b; Šabb. 116a (purportedly Tannaitic); cf. t. Β. Mes?a 2:33; Herford, Christianity 173–80; Schiffmann, «Crossroads,» 144–46. 1708 Christ " s significance in this way provided a strong deterrent to apostasy both in the Fourth Gospel and in Hebrews (Painter, «Israel,» 112). Matsunaga, ««Theos,»» thinks that faith in Jesus» Deity gave them reason to withstand persecution; Herford, Christianity, 383–84, that their high Christology is what made them minim. Fuller, ««Jews,»» 35–36, also sees Christology as centra1. The view of Fortna, «Christology,» may thus be contested. 1709 A motif in Revelation (Rev 5:8–14; 7:9–10; 22:3; cf. 1 En. 48:5–6 in the Similitudes); also the pagan perception of Christianity: Pliny Ep. 10.96; cf. Lucian Peregr. 11. 1710 Justin claimed that rabbis conceded the Messiah " s deity in some sense (Dia1. 68:9), but this is plainly false (see Higgins, «Belief,» 305); the Fourth Gospel itself criticizes existing Jewish views as inadequate (cf. Jonge, «Expectations,» 266). 1713 Cf. McGrath, Apologetic Christology, who argues that Johannine Christology developed in conflict with the synagogue, but much of the Christology was pre-Johannine. 1716 Note the charge of deicide, e.g., in Melitós Paschal Homily, 96 (in Hawthorne, «Translation,» 172). 1717 M. Sanh. 4:5; Sipre Deut. 329.1.1; b. Sanh. 38ab (mainly third century but with some second-century tradition); Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; 3 En. 16(but cf. 12:5); cf. b. Menah. 110a (purportedly Tannaitic); Justin Dia1. 55, 63; Klausner, Jesus, 34–35. Akibás famous error with the two thrones in Daniel almost certainly addresses this charge (b. Sanh. 38b; Hag. 14a). Exod. Rab. 29accepts the late Christian equation of God and «Son of God» but rejects the possibility of God having a son. Cf. Irsai, ««ny mkzb hw.»» Some evidence in the Palestinian Targumim, however, calls into question whether the «ditheists» were always Christians; gnostic dualists are sometimes possible (cf. Bassler, «Cain»). |
| Началник . Taken from Faber, Dominica 2 Post Pascha, No. 1 «De Officio Magistrate et subditorum erga se muto». The poem summarises the entire sermon, as follows: 11. 1–4 cf Thema: «Iuxta Evangelicam doctrinam, ego illam approbavero rempublicam, in qua Magistrates est velut pastor, cives velut oves.» 11. 5–10 cf sect. 1 «Subditi honorent et ament Magistratum; Magistratus non contemnat subditos»: «Oves venienti pastori de via cedunt: sic subditi debent honorare et amare Magistratum suum. Primo, scriptum enim est Exod. Honora patrem tuum.» 11. 11–12 cf Faber, ibid.: «Secundo, quia personam Dei repraesentant.» 11. 13–20 cf Faber, ibid.: «Vicissim pastor ovem perditam non contemnit, sed quaerit et ponit super humeros suos ac reportât ad caulam: sic Magistratus memores esse humilitatis debent, nec contemnere subditos suos aut quasi canes habere.» 11. 21–32 cf Faber, sect. 2 «Subditi Magistratum timeant; Magistratus gerat se, ut timeatur»: «Oves unicum pastoris sui sibilum aut baculum timent: sic subditi Magistratum timeant; scriptum enim est ad Rom. 13 Si malum feceris, time: non enim sine causa gladium рогтат (Magistratus) Dei enim minister est: vindex in iram ei, qui male agit. ... Vicissim pastor baculum in manu gerit ad coercendas oves, et quandoque in ipsum gregem iacit. Sic Magistratus gerat se ut timeatur. ... Debet tarnen magis inclinatus esse ad clementiam, quam ad severitatem, ideoque gladio uti sicut eques virgula, magis ad terrendum, quam ad feriendum.» 11. 33–40 cf sect. 3 «Subditi obediant suis Superioribus; Magistratus ita praesit, ut audiatur»: «Oves pastoris vocem audiunt, et sequuntur eum. Ita subditi obediant suis superioribus. Sic enim scribit Apostolus ad Rom. 13 Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit.» 11. 41–48 cf Faber, ibid.: «Vicissim etiam pastor ante oves vadit. Sic Magistratus ita praesit, ut populus incitetur ad prompte obediendum.» 11. 49–56 cf sect. 4 «Subditi sint grati Superioribus; Magistratus vigilet pro subditis»: «Oves praebent pastori suo lac. Pari modo subditi debent esse grati erga superiores suos. ... Vicissim vero paastor pro ovibus vigilat, earum curam agit, etc. Similiter praepositi vigilare pro gregibus debent eosque defendere, quo modo David dum pascebat oves, apprehendebat mentum leonis et ursi, et eruebat oves ex ore ipsorum. 1. Reg. 17.[ 1Sam. 17.34–35 ].» 11. 57–64 cf sect. 5 «Subditi sublevent Magistratum; Magistratus moderetur exactiones»: «Oves praebent lanam pastori, in anno semel aut bis. Sic debent etiam subditi suis facultatifs iuvare Magistratum, onerum gestatione, tributi pensione, etc. ... Vicissim pastor, etsi tondet oves, non excoriât tarnen aut deglubit. Huius igitur exemplo meminerit Magistratus moderari exactiones.» Published in PLDR. |
| 4379 Koester, Symbolism, 81. On the prominence of Dionysus in Ephesus, see Tilborg, Ephesus, 95–98. 4380 B. Ber. 5b; cf. Haenchen, John, 1:174, who rightly rejects Billerbeck " s parallel from Num. Rab. 16 (merchants showing poorer goods first). Bowman, Gospel, 208, connects this miracle with the Jewish prayers for fertility leading up to the feast. In some Jewish stories God still miraculously created food to help his servants (e.g., b. Ta c an. 24b-25a in Boring et a1., Commentary, 98). 4381 Cf. b. Šabb. 53b, where an Amora argues that while miracles often happen, the miracle of creation of food is rare. 4382 See Glasson, Moses, 26; Smith, «Typology,» 334–35; cf. Exod 7:19; Jub. 48:5; Rev 8:8; Job " s festal wine turned to blood in Tg. Job 2:11; a Stoic mentions a similar portent in Cicero Div. 1.43.98; cf. Virgil Aen. 4.453–463; Valerius Maximus 1.6.ext.l; Liv. Pro. 4.20 (ed.Schermann, §27); cf. esp. the contrast in Josephus Ant. 3.17, 38. John " s transformation of Exodus " s blood into wine need not imply a sacramental reading, but it may provide a clue that John at least could accept the interchange of blood and wine on a symbolic leve1. 4383 If the relatively isolated Philonic connection between ecstatic inspiration and intoxication (cf. Keener, Spirit, 24–25; Philo Creation 69–71; Drunkenness 146) may be read in here (cf. Acts 2:13; Eph 5:18 ), the Spirit of prophecy may also lie in the background; but there is no explicit indication that such is in view in our text. 4385 See Brown, John, 1:98; Derrett, Law, 235 n. 2; Mackowski, «Qanah,» 282–83; Riesner, «Fragen.» 4387 Mackowski, «Qanah,» 282. Although Roman and Byzantine pottery also appear at Kefar-Kenna, these do not seem to include remains from the first Roman period (Loffreda, «Scavi»). 4390 Weddings were normally seven days; cf. Tob 11:19; Jos. Asen. 21(OTP 2:236)/21(Greek); Sipra Behuq. pq. 5.266.1.7; b. Ketub. 8b; p. Meg. 4:4, §3; Ketub. 1:1, §6 (one pericope attributing the tradition to Moses!); probably Judg 14:17 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 28(a seven-day feast for the king " s son, to parallel Sukkoth); Lam. Rab. 1:7, §34. The fourteen days of Tob 8:19–20 was apparendy exceptional, a celebration due to Sarás deliverance. Cf. analogously seven days of mourning for the dead ( Sir 22:12 ). |
| 4430 Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Diogenes Laertius 7.7.184; 10.1.15; Apuleius Metam. 7.12; Plutarch Poetry 1, Mor. 15E; T.T. 1.4.3, Mor. 62ICD; Diodorus Siculus 4.4.6; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.10.588; Athenaeus Deipn. 10.427AB, 432A; cf. Wasson, Hofmann, Ruck, Eleusis, 90. Though one might devote undiluted wine to Dionysus, one might dilute wine dedicated to Zeus (as in Diodorus Siculus 4.3.4). 4431 Plutarch Alex. 70.1; 75.3–4; less disastrously, Alciphron Farmers 30 (Scopiades to Cotion), 3.32; cf. Isa 5:22. 4437 P Ha1. 1.193–195; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Menander maxims 2, 5 in Sei. Pap. 3:260–61; Demosthenes Against Conon 7; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 83.19–20; Plutarch Isis 6, Mor. 353C; Statecraft 3, Mor. 799B; T.T. 3, introduction, Mor. 645A; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.109; Anacharsis Ep. 3.1–3; Crates Ep. 10; Chariton 4.3.8; Phaedrus 4.16; cf. L.A.B. 43:6. For further references, see Keener, Paul, 261–63. 4438 See, e.g., Euripides Cyc1. 488–494,678; Isocrates Demon. 32; Horace Sat. 1.3.90–91; Polybius II. 3; Livy 33.28.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.11.3; Diodorus Siculus 15.74.2; Athenaeus Deipn. 1.10e; cf. 1 Esd 3:17–24; Jdt 13:15; Josephus Life 225, 338. 4440 Alciphron Farmers 15 (Eustachys to Pithacnion), 3.18, par. 2, also emphasizing that they would sing and dance a lot. Cf. Athenaeus Deipn. 9.377AB. 4441 On varieties of wine (including some made without vines), see Pliny Nat. 14.6.53–14.22.118. Egyptian social clubs employed plenty of wine (P.Tebt. 118). 4444 E.g., t. Ber. 3:8; b. B. Qam. 69b (R. Meir); Pesah. 102a, bar.; Šabb. 23b; cf. perhaps Jub. 2:21. For regular blessings of wine at meals, cf. b. Ber. 33a; 51a; in much earlier Qumran texts, cf. firstfruits in 1QS 6.4–5. 4445 In general, see Safrai, «Home,» 747; Let. Arts. 274; among Greeks, see Menander Rhetor 2.7, 408.32–409.1. 4446 Homer Od. 18.304–305; Euripides Herac1. 892–893; Babrius 80.1–2; L.A.B. 51:7; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Ecc1. Rab. 10:19, §1; Luke 15:25. In religious celebrations, see the discussion of dancing at Sukkoth under John 8:12–20 . |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 9006 Diodorus Siculus 17.31.6; 17.39.2; 17.100.1. For friends of Cassander, see Diodorus Siculus 18.55.1. 9008 Epictetus Diatr. 4.1.45–50; Martial Epigr. 5.19.15–16; Herodian 4.3.5; inscriptions in Deissmann, Light, 378; cf. Friedländer, Life, 1:70–82, 4:58–74. Of Jewish tetrarchs and rulers, only King Agrippa I adopted this title in his coins; see Meyshan, «Coins.» The probably late and fabricated evidence of CPJ2:71–72, § 156a, and 2:76, §156b, nevertheless reflect earlier custom. 9009 1Macc 10:20; 15:28, 32; 2Macc 7:24; Let. Aris. 40–41, 44, 190,208, 225, 228, 318; Josephus Ant. 12.366 (though cf. 12.391); 13.146, 225; Life 131; Cornelius Nepos 9 (Conon), 2.2; 18 (Eumenes), 1.6; Chariton 8.8.10; cf. Sipre Deut. 53.1.3; Gen. Rab. 34:9. Cf. perhaps Sib. Or. 3.756 (probably second-century B.C.E. Alexandria); Deissmann, Studies, 167–68. The Roman title «Friends of the People» reflects an office advocating for the people but of less rank than being a leader in the Senate (Cicero Sest. 49.105; Prov. cons. 16.38). 9011 See Sherwin-White, Society, 47; also many commentators (Brown, John, 2:879; Barrett, John, 543; Michaels, John, 309; Stauffer, Jesus, 133). By contrast, Westcott, John, 271, thinks that in 19the phrase is «used in a general and not in a technical sense.» 9012 Cf. Strachan, Fourth Gospel, 179. That a contrast between closeness to Caesar and closeness to God " s agent could be intended is not impossible; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.7. 9015 E.g., Lysias Or. 2.2, §192; Aeschines False Embassy 30, 39; Demosthenes On the Navy-Boards 5; On the Embassy 62; Ep. 3.27; Strabo Geog. 8.5.5; Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.109 (but cf. similar interests in 1.111); 2.83; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4 (societates atque amicitias); Maximus of Tyre Or. 35.7–8; Philostratus Hrk. 35.4 (for individuals). 9016 E.g., Xenophon Cyr. 3.2.23; Arrian Alex. 1.28.1; 4.15.2, 5; 4.21.8; 7.15.4; Plutarch Comparison of Lycurgus and Numa 4.6; Plutarch Pelopidas 5.1, 29.4; Epameinondas 17 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 193DE; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.7; 5.3; 7.5; 14 (Datames), 8.5; 23 (Hannibal), 10.2; Josephus Life 30, 124. |
| 6761 E.g., Phaedrus 1.2.1–3, 11–31. 6762 E.g., 4 Macc 3:2; 13:1–2; T. Ash. 3:2; 6:5; T. Jos. 7:8; T. Jud. 18:6; Josephus Ant. 1.74; 4.133; 15.88; War 1.243; Philo Abraham 241; Alleg. Interp. 2.49; Creation 165; Good Person 17; Heir 269; Unchangeable 111; cf. Decharneux, «Interdits»; Let. Arts. 211,221–223; T. Jud. 15:2,5; Sim. 3:4; Rom 6:6; 16:18 ; Phil 3:19 . 6763 Odeberg, Gospel 297–301; idem, Pharisaism, 50–52,56; cf. Gen. Rab. 94:8; Wis 1:4. Cf. freedom from the hostile angel in CD 16.4–6; from the Angel of Death in late material in Exod. Rab. 41:7; 51:8; Num. Rab. 16:24; Song Rab. 8:6, §1; from astrological powers in t. Sukkah 2:6; b. Ned. 32a; Šabb. 156a; Sukkah 29a; Gen. Rab. 44:10; Pesiq. Rab. 20:2. 6764 Odeberg, Gospel 296–97; Whitacre, Polemic, 69,75–76; but cf. Schnackenburg, John, 2:208. 6765 Black, Approach, 171, comparing «abed and »abd. 6766 Also, e.g., Num 5:6–7 LXX; 2Cor 11:7 ; Jas 5:15; 1Pet 2:22 . 6767 Cf. the two spirits and ways in Qumran and elsewhere ( Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1:1 ; m. " Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; see further Keener, Matthew, 250, on 7:13–14). Barrett, John, 345, appeals especially to Greek thought here, but he cites for it only Philo and Corp. herm. 10.8. 6768 CPJ 1:249–50, §135; p. Ter. 8:1; Rawson, «Family,» 7; Dixon, Mother, 16; Safrai, «Home,» 750. 6769 They could be divided at inheritance (P.S.I. 903, 47 C.E.). 6770 Cf. abundant references to freedpersons, e.g., P.Oxy. 722 (ca. 100 C.E.); CIL 2.4332; 6.8583; ILS 1578. Such freedom sometimes had strings attached (see, e.g., Horsley, Documents, 4:102–3); cf. the freedwoman who inherited half her master " s debt (CPJ 2:20–22, §148). 6771 E.g., BGL/5.65.164; 5.66–67.165–70. 6772 E.g., P.Cair.Zen. 59003.11–22; P.Oxy. 95; Terence Self-Tormentor 142–144. 6773 For rare examples of disownment, see, e.g., P.Cair.Masp. 67353 (569 C.E.); Isaeus Estate of Menecles 35; 43; especially in hypothetical declamations, e.g., Seneca Controv. 1.1.intr.; 1.6.intr.; 1.8.7; 2.1.intr.; 2.4.intr.; 3.3; Hermogenes Issues 33; 40.20; 41.1–13; Berry and Heath, «Declamation»; in Roman law, see Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 137; for the revocation of wills, e.g., P.Oxy. 106 (135 C.E.); for the usual (but not certain) presumption of disinherited sons» guilt, see Hermogenes Issues 47.1–6; the disinheritance could be challenged at times if the grounds were inadequate (Hermogenes Issues 38.12–17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.3). For the son being greater than the servant in this Gospel, cf., e.g., John 1:27 . |
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