| 6880 Cicero Cae1. 29.69. 6881 Aeschines Timarchus 1–3; cf. Musonius Rufus frg. 32, p. 132 (applying the principle to moral exhortation). 6882 E.g., Acts John 94. 6883 Von Wahlde, «Apocalyptic Polemic» (comparing esp. 1QS 3.13–4.26 on pp. 426–29; Γ. 12 Patr. on pp. 430–34). 6884 Cf. Motyer, «Anti-Semitic»; Bondi, «Abraham.» 6885 Falk, Jesus, 118, even thinks Hillelites could speak thus about Shammaites (b. Yebam. 16a); but given the need for Pharisaic schools to work together in the first century, one wonders if the evidence is not anachronistic. 6886 E.g., CD 4.15–17; Perkins, «John,» 966, cites the Scrolls» pervasive contrast between children of God (or light) and children of the devil (Belial), 1QS 1.18, 23–24; 2.19; 3.20–21; 1QM 13.11–12 (for Satan in ancient Judaism, see Elgvin, «Devil»). Charges of being «from the devil» also become part of intra-Christian polemic (1 John 3:8; Po1. Phi1. 7.1) 6887 For this sort of rhetorical question, compare the note on 8:43. 6888 E.g., Lysias Or. 24.24, §170; 27.12–13, §178–179; 29.5, §181; Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 41, §27; 49, §37; Estate of Nicostratus 9; Cicero Rose. Amer. 29.79; Pro Flacco 15.34; Mur. 6.13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lit. Comp. 3; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 242, §75D; Hermogenes Issues 45.1–2; 45.21–46.8; Acts 24:13. 6889 Cicero Rose. Amer. 23.64–65. 6890 Aulus Gellius 12.12.1; Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.16–17; 5.11.32; Acts 24:14. One could also gain pardon by confessing (Phaedrus 3, Epi1. 22). 6891 Cicero Sest. 69.145; cf. Epaminondas in Appian R.H. 11.7.41. 6892 Appian R.H. 11.7.40–41. 6893 Aeschines Timarchus 49; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.58.2; Acts 6:3; 24:16; 1Tim 3:2, 7 ; Tit 1:6; 2:8 ; cf. sources in Keener, Marries, 86–87. 6894 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 44–45, 55–56,65, 77–78,80, 89; False Embassy 14; Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 40; Acts 26:5. 6895 Lysias Or. 25.14, §172, picking a crime he obviously did not commit but related to the charges. Pleading that one had been wronged might create juror sympathy (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24). |
| 5394 Occasionally pagans also suggested that mortals who rejected deities did so because they did not recognize who they were (e.g., Apollo to Daphne, albeit in erotic circumstances, in Ovid Metam. 1.514–515). 5395 Boers, Mountain, 166. Most interpreters through history have viewed her as a model for conversion, but Reformed commentators also typically portrayed her as insolently ridiculing Jesus (see Farmer, «Samaritan Woman»). But given some portrayals of bold flirtation in sources of this period, if the narrative is at all already headed in that direction (4:17), a somewhat more curious and playful banter might be in view (cf. also the widely coveted woman in dialogue with Socrates in Xenophon Mem. 3.9.18). 5402 Cf., e.g., Pesiq. Rab. 47:3, where God asks Job if he considered himself greater than Adam, Abraham, Isaac, Moses, or Aaron; the question assumes that any normal person recognizes that he or she is not. 5403 That Jesus made such claims is historically likely; cf. the Q material in Matt 12:41–42; Luke 11:31–32. 5404 Whitacre, Polemic, 89; Lightfoot, Gospel, 134. For John " s use of «greater,» see comment on 1:50. 5405 For 4:13, cf. perhaps Xenophon Oec. 7.40, where drawing water with a leaky jar was an old Greek figure for laboring in vain. 5406 E.g., Sipre Deut. 32.5.10; see comment on 1:17. Greeks and Romans spoke of wine as του δρου του Διονσου (Plutarch frg. 54, from Scholia on Hesiod Op. 368–369 in Plutarch LCL 15:146–47) and (sometimes coupled or contrasted, e.g., Euripides Bacch. 275–280) bread as the «gift of Ceres» (Ovid Metam. 11.122). Origen Comm. Jo. 13.26–39 thinks the point of this passage is that Jesus» water is greater than that of Scripture (allegorizing the well). 5407 E.g., m. " Abot 1:4, 11; 2:8; Mek. Vay. l:74ff.; see much more fully the comment on John 1:25–26 . Schnackenburg, John, 1:430, cites the late Yalqut Shim " oni 2.480 for Torah becoming a spring within a student. Greeks could compare oracular prophecy to streams of water (Plutarch Obso1. |
| 6753 See Schnackenburg, John, 2:207; cf. Sanders, John, 227. 6754 E.g., Borchert, John, 304. 6755 See, e.g., Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Shelah 115). This is not a dominant motif in Deuteronomy, where λευθερ- is always used for literal slaves. 6756 E.g., m. " Abot 6:2; b. B. Mesi c a 85b; Qidd. 22b (attributed to ben Zakkai); Gen. Rab. 92:1; Num. Rab. 10:8; Pesiq. Rab. 15:2; see further Abrahams, Studies, 2:213; Odeberg, Pharisaism, 50. 6757 Crates Ep. 8, to Diogenes; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.17; cf. similarly Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.68; Iamblichus V.P. 7.33; 17.78. Euripides Hec. 864–867 says all are enslaved by something (money, fate, or law). 6758 E.g., Arrian Alex. 3.11.2; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.7; 27.4; Plutarch Lect. 1, Mor. 37E; Superst. 5, Mor. 167B. One is also a slave of goals one serves (Philostratus Hrk. 53.2). 6759 A pervasive topic, e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42; Xenophon Oec. 1.22–23; Hel1. 4.8.22; Apo1. 16; Mem. 1.3.8, 11; 1.5.1, 5; 4.5.3, 5; Sophocles Ant. 756; Trach. 488–489; Plato Phaedrus 238E; Isocrates Demon. 21, Or. 1; Nic. 39, Or. 3.34; Arrian Alex. 4.9.1; Diodorus Siculus 10.9.4; 32.10.9; Sallust Cati1. 2.8; Speech to CaesarS.2; Cicero Amte. 22.82; Off. 1.29.102; 1.38.136; 2.5.18; Sen. 14.47; Horace Sat. 2.7.83–87; Tibullus 2.4.1–3; Cicero Prov. cons. 1.2; Appian C.W. 5.1.8–9; Musonius Rufus 3, p. 40.19; Seneca Benef. 3.28.4; Ep. Luci1. 14.1; 39.6; 47.17; 110.9–10; 116.1; Nat. 1.16.1; Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.70–71, 75; Plutarch Bride 33, Mor. 142E; Maximus of Tyre Or. 36.6; Porphyry Marc. 34.523–525; Achilles Tatius 1.7.2–3; 5.25.6; Longinus Sub1. 44.6; Diogenes Laertius 2.75; 6.2.66; Diogenes Ep. 12; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Socratics Ep. 14; Pyth. Sent. 21,23; Apuleius Metam. 11.15; Arius Didymus Epitome 1 lh, pp. 76–77.10–11; Sir 47:19 . Derrett, « John 8,32–36 ,» also finds the idea in ancient Buddhist texts, though these are much further removed geographically. 6760 E.g., Seneca Benef 3.20.1–2; Epictetus Diatr. 1.11.37; 1.19.8; 3.24.68; 4.7.16–18; Aulus Gellius 2.18.9–10; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.121–122; cf. Philo Cherubim 107. Epictetus regarded as freedom pursuing only what one can control (see Pérez, «Freedom»). |
| 4969 E.g., Pesiq. Rab. 23:8. Socrates also reportedly compared the soul with winds that are invisible yet yield clear effects (MacGregor, John, 73, cites Xenophon Mem. 4.3). 4970 One could speak similarly of a quickly disappearing pirate (Chariton 2.4.7: ν οκ οδας οδ» οπθεν λθεν οδ» που πλιν πλθεν); a Tanna spoke of inability to see the womb (where one came from) or the grave (where one was going; " Abot R. Nat. 32, §69B). More analogously, a Tanna commented on Dan 12that the righteous, like the stars, are sometimes visible but sometimes invisible (Sipre Deut. 47.2.8). 4971 Ezek 37 figures prominently in 4Q386; 4Q388; 4Q385 frg.2, lines 7–8; and a Dura Europos mural; perhaps Acts 2:2. See, e.g., Chevallier, Souffle, 23; Robinson, «Baptism,» 17; Bruce, Commentary, 54. Some diverse cultures link «spirit» and «wind» (Kaplan and Johnson, «Meaning,» 205; Egyptian language in Görg, «Wehen») or «wind» with the divine (Mbiti, Religions, 70). 4972 Commentators often recognize «wind» and «Spirit» as a double entendre here (e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 131; Hunter, John, 38; Sanders, John, 125; Brown, John, 1:131; Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 9; Shedd, «Meanings,» 255). 4973 Bernard, John, 2:313, contends that in John κοω with the genitive implies «hearing with appreciation and intelligence» as distinct from the accusative usage. This observation may summarize too simplistically, but a pattern does emerge. Genitive nouns follow this verb in 1:40; 3:8, 29; 4:42, 47; 5:24–25, 28; 6:45, 60; 7:32, 40; 8:38, 40, 47; 9:35, 40; 11:4; 12:34, 47; 14:24; 15:15; 18:37; 19:13. Nouns in the genitive or dative follow in 1:37; 3:29, 32; 4:1, 47; 5:24, 30, 37; 7:32; 8:26, 43; 9:31–32,35; 10:3; 11:4,6,20,42; 12:12,18,29,34,47; 14:28; 19:8,13; 21:7, which account for most of the book " s secondhand reports, and appear theologically significant far more rarely (esp. in 3:29,32; 5:24, 30, 37; 8:26, 43; 10:3; very rarely in the remainder of the book). 4974 «Hear» is also used in its regular narrative sense, which is not specifically theological, probably in 1:37,40; 4:1,47; 6:60; 7:32,40, 51; 9:27,31, 32, 25,40; 11:4,6,20,29,41–42; 12:12,18,29, 34; 14:28; 18:21; 19:8, 13; 21:7. |
| 3751 Philo may have claimed that God authored only the Ten Commandments by himself, to allow Moses more involvement in authoring other components of the law (Myre, «Caractéristiques»). Gnostics may have developed Philonic thought in constructing their view that God is not the source of all the law (Fallon, «Law»). 3752 See Whitacre, Polemic, 51. Cf. the contrast between Moses the servant and Christ the king of 1in Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 3.16. 3755 Greek views seem to have varied (cf., e.g., Xenophon Mem. 1.4.9; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.19; Plutarch Isis 9, Mor. 354D; Isis 75, Mor. 381B; Chariton 1.14.1; Maximus of Tyre Oration 8.10 in Grant, Religions, 168; PGM 13.62 in Grant, Religions, 47; cf. Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 383A; Dio Cassius frg. 1.6.3; Hippolytus Haer. 1.16); for deities» selective revelations, see, e.g., Callimachus Hymns 2.9–10 (cf. Acts 10:41); for the danger of seeing them, e.g., Callimachus Hymns 5.98–102,111–116. Cf. some analogous ideas of God " s transcendence in traditional societies (Mbiti, Religions, 64). 3756 1QS 11.20; 2 En. 48:5; " Abot R. Nat. 2, 39 A; Sipra VDDen. pq. 2.2.3.2–3; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 16:13 ; Tg. Neof. on Exod 33:23; Tg. Onq. on Exod 33:20,23; see further under «Vision of God» in our introduction. This could apply even despite partial throne revelations (1 En. 14:19,21). 3757 Rissi, «Word,» 401, thinks John 1 " is directed against» those who claim «another and direct access to God» besides Jesus. See in more detail DeConick, Mystics, though she focuses on the Thomas tradition. 3758 Names 7; Creation 69; Spec. Laws 1.47; 2.165; see further Hagner, «Vision,» 82–84; Isaacs, Spirit, 30; Lee, Thought, 17; citing Cherubim 101; Names 2; Rewards 40 as direct parallels, and close parallels in Dreams 1.67; Unchangeable 56; Alleg. Interp. 2.36; Names 9–10; Rewards 44. 3759 Sib. Or. 3.12 (αρατος), 17 (probably pre-Christian); frg. 1, lines 8–11 (date unclear). 3761 Also, e.g., Rom 1:20 ; 1Tim 1:17 ; Aristobulus frg. 4 (second century B.C.E., in Eusebius Praep. ev. 13.13.5, in OTP 2:840); Orphica long version 11–12 (OTP 2:799); a line attributed to Euripides but possibly from a Jewish work in Clement of Alexandria (OTP 2:828, in «Fragments of Pseudo-Greek Poets,» third to second century B.C.E., intr. and trans. H. Attridge, 2:821–30); T. Ab. 16:4A. Cf. the danger of beholding death in T. Ab. 17:9–18:1A; 13:15–14(cf. the Greek Medusa?). |
| 4165 Not exalted (as for Moses in Tg. Ps.-J. to Deut 9:19 ). John translates both «Rabbi» and «Rabboni» on their first appearances in the Gospel, but it may be noteworthy that these also constitute the first and last appearances of the «Rabb-» title, which occurs nine times in the Gospel, always for Jesus or (once, 3:26) for John. Tilborg, Ephesus, 99–100, provides information on the office of «teacher» in Ephesus, but it would have been widespread. 4167 Some purist stylists objected to including foreign words in their works; see, e.g., [Virgil] Cata1. 7. 4170 Jewish texts especially speak of «following after» God (rather than onés own desires); see Helfmeyer, «Gott.» 4171 See, e.g., Wis 1:1; Jub. 1:15; 21:2; Matt 6:33; in the DSS, e.g., 1QS 1.1–2; 5:9,11; CD 1.10; 6.6; 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 1, lines 8–12; 4Q416 frg. 2 (with 4Q417 in Wise, Scrolls, 384–85), co1. 3, lines 12–14; cf. Garcia de la Fuente, «Bûsqueda»; «seekers of smooth things,» negatively, 4QpNah. 2.2, 4; 3.3. For Wisdom, e.g., Sir 51:13–14,21 ; Wis 8:2; the law, Sir 35:15 ; for seeking out a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1; on the application to study of Torah, see CD 6.7, and esp. Culpepper, School, 291–99, with John 5:39; 7 (pp. 298–99). On seeking and «finding» (cf. John 1:41,45 ) God, cf. Wis 1:2; Jub. 1:15; Matt 7:7; a prophet, cf. Sipre Deut. 62.1.1. 4172 Stibbe, Gospel, 1, finds an inclusio between 1and 20:15. For this as Johannine discipleship language, see Collins, Written, 52, 94–127. 4173 For reticence in responding, as in Luke 24:28–29, see, e.g., Bailey, Peasant Eyes, 108. One might protest that another of higher status has no time (Ovid Metam. 5.333–334) and await their assurance to the contrary before proceeding (5.335–336). A teacher might converse in a low-key manner to arouse the hearers» interest to learn more (e.g., Philostratus Hrk. 1.1–5.6). 4174 See Liefeld, «Preacher,» 223, noting Dio Chrysostom as an exception due to his exile. Most of Socrates» students wished to be with him as much as possible (Xenophon Mem. 4.1.1; 4.2.40). Musonius Rufus advocated this approach (11, p. 84.9–14; cf. 6, p. 52.7). |
| 4142 An almost certainly historical tradition; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 98–101. Variations in the lists of names support this, indicating that the number existed before the lists were standardized (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 101). The names may have varied because people often had multiple names (Acts 1:23; CIJ 1:24, §30; 1:279, §279; 2:111, §879; CP J 2:140, 143, 146–147, §§261, 269–270,274–276; 2:151,153–154,156, §§298,304,311,321; 3:9, §453; see Leon, Jews, 107,111–12); cf. also OT examples, which, regardless of their origins, were by the early Christian period regarded as from one source (e.g., Horeb as Sinai, Exod 3:1; 19:11; 24:13; Jethro as Reuel, Exod 2:18; 4:18; 18:1–12; Num 10:29 ). On nicknames, see below; nor is twelve an exorbitant number for disciples (e.g., Diogenes Laertius 8.1.39). 4144 Dodd, Tradition, 303–4; cf. the slightly different parallel between John and the five disciples of b. Sanh. 43a also in Bammel, «Name.» 4149 Talbert, John, 83–84, finds parallels for both forms of drawing disciples– another " s witness and Jesus» special character (1:36–39, 40–42, 45–49; Epictetus Diatr. 3.23.27) and calling disciples (Plat. Apo1. 19E; Diogenes Laertius 2.48). 4152 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.3. In less permanent fashion, Socrates allegedly sent a student to hear another " s lecture, then sent him back with more questions (Xenophon Mem. 3.1.1–3, 11). Greek adult students were free to move from one teacher to another (Cicero Brutus 91.316) or even attend different lectures on the same days (Eunapius Lives 469). 4153 Other Palestinian fishing cooperatives existed; see Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 69; Applebaum, «Life,» 685. Though fishermen were not rich landowners, they «were among the more economically mobile» members of ancient society (Freyne, Galilee, 241), working a critical industry around the lake of Galilee (see Safrai, «Home,» 747). 4154 Also, e.g., Barrett, John, 180; Fenton, John, 42. «Following» also appears literally, e.g., in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 18:5. |
| 6188 Although «from the Father» follows «hears» and not «learns,» word sequence interference was common in Greek (cf. the more extreme rhetorical device hyperbaton; Rowe, «Style,» 136; Anderson, Glossary, 121–22; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 580; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 87), though it has been abused as an exegetical expedient (Blass, Debrunner and Funk, Grammar, §477.1, p. 252); cf. anastrophe (Anderson, Glossary, 18–19; Rowe, «Style,» 136). 6190 Borgen, Bread, 150–51; idem, «Agent,» 145; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52. Philós heavenly Israel «who sees God» (Philo Confusion 146; Alleg. Interp. 1.43, cited by Borgen, «Agent,» 145) probably reflects Philós love for etymology rather than broader tradition. 6191 Verses 50 and 58 employ language characteristic of Johannine confessions (οτς στ, e.g., 1:30, 33–34; 4:29, 42; 6:14; 7:40–41). For the «descent» and «from heaven/above» motifs, see comment on earlier passages. 6192 Cf. the rhetorical techniques of διλογα (Anderson, Glossary, 37; Rhetorical Theory, 228, noting its value for grandeur and vividness, citing Demetrius 103, 211); διαλλαγ (emphasis through using different terms; Anderson, Glossary, 33; Rhetorical Theory, 170, citing Quintilian 9.3.49); anaphora (following 6:48; Rowe, «Style,» 131; Anderson, Glossary, 19; idem, Rhetorical Theory, 170). 6194 Cf., e.g., Anderson, Christology, 87–89, 135; Segalla, «Struttura»; Barrett, Essays, 48. Dwelling on a point (επιμον; see Anderson, Glossary, 53) and developing matters through expansion (see pp. 18–19) were accepted rhetorical techniques. 6196 See esp. Apocrit. 3.7–8. Some sophists used shock techniques to grasp their hearers» attention (e.g., Philostostratus Vit. soph. 2.29.621; cf. the figure of controversia in Quintilian 9.2.65–95; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 88; cf. emphasis, giving a term an unusual sense to grab attention, Rowe, «Style,» 127; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579); others used obscure teachings to weed out less committed disciples (see Xenophon Mem. 4.2.8–40; Diogenes Laertius 3.63; 8.1.15; Keener, Matthew, 378–79). |
| 7932 Xenophon Mem. 1.1.4 (divine direction); Boring et a1., Commentary, 292–93, cites Plutarch Oracles at Delphi 21. 7935 McNeil, «Quotation,» and Whitacre, John, 318, also cite Targumic support for a use of Isa 9relevant to this passage, but cf. Chilton, «John xii34.» 7936 E.g., 1 En. 41:1; 2 Bar. 40:3; Midr. Pss. 72:17; cf. Pss. So1. 17:4; see introduction to Christol-ogy; Keener, Matthew, 487–88 and sources cited there. 7937 E.g., 1QS 2.16; 3.13,24,25; 1QM 1.1,9, 11, 13; 3.6; 13.14–15; 4Q176 frg. 12, 13, co1. 1, lines 12, 16; frg. 10–11, 7–9, 20, 26, line 7 (Wise, Scrolls, 235); 4Q298 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 1; 4Q548 lines 10–15. The parallel between Qumran and NT usage (also Luke 16:8; 1 Thess 5:5) is often noted, e.g., Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414; Vellanickal, Sonship, 36; Wilcox, «Dualism,» 95. The stereotypical expression «sons of light» is the only point at which the Gospel and the Johannine Epistles fail to observe the distinction between Jesus as God " s «son» (υις) and others as his «children» (τκνα, τεκνα, παιδα; see Snodgrass, «ΠΝΕΥΜΑ,» 197 η. 54). 7944 With Michaels, John, 218. See comment on 3:14. Tg. Isa. 52:13–53:4, however, speaks of the Messiah " s strength (52:13) and of only Israel " s sufferings (53:3–4). 7948 Evans, «Isaiah 6:9–10,» also noting that church fathers found in it a predestinarian emphasis. Hollenbach, «Irony,» suggests that the language is ironic because Isaiah " s Judah and John " s «Jews» do not wish to turn or see. 7950 In the NT as a whole, it appears 26 times, especially in Luke-Acts (15 times); and 61 times in the LXX. 7951 E.g., T. Dan 2:2, 4; T. Jos. 7:5; T. Levi 13(associated with hardness, as here); Seneca Ep. Luci1. 50.3; Benef. 5.25.5–6; Epictetus Diatr. 1.18.4; 2.20.37; 2.24.19; 4.6.18; Marcus Aurelius 4.29. For classical parallels, see Renehan, «Quotations,» 20 (though noting that the NT source is the OT– «Quotations,» 21). 7953 Perhaps referring to Sinai. In 2 En. 65:2, eyes to see and ears to hear constituted part of the divine image in humanity. |
| и Клет (Cletus) были поставлены епископами ап. Петром (Ibid. P. 209, 390). В Мартирологе, составленном мон. Узуардом († 877), память Л. с кратким сказанием на основании Мартиролога Адона, также приводится под 26 нояб. (MartUsuard. 1965. P. 349). В различных средневек. календарях и Мартирологах память Л. как папы Римского и мученика встречается под 23 сент. (MGH. Mem. II 2. S. 1317), под 7 окт. (MGH. Mem. II 3. S. 1373) и под 26 нояб. (MGH. Mem. II 3. S. 1527). В XVI в. кард. Цезарь Бароний внес его почитание под 23 сент., очевидно, на основании свидетельства из Liber Pontificalis (MartRom. Comment. P. 413). В Римском бревиарии XVI в. под 23 сент. приводятся дополнительные сведения о Л.: он происходил из г. Вольтерры и был обезглавлен в гонение Нерона по приказу консула Сатурнина, чью дочь он исцелил, изгнав злых духов (Breviarium Romanum: Ed. princeps (1568). Pars autumnalis. R., 1999. P. 562). В совр. Римском Мартирологе память Л. только как Римского папы встречается под 23 сент. со ссылкой на предание свт. Иринея Лионского. В 1615 г. гробница с мощами Л. была обнаружена в базилике св. Петра, однако совр. раскопки не подтверждают существования там его погребения. Основанием отождествления этих останков с мощами Л. служила надпись: «LINUS», к-рая, очевидно, являлась частью др. лат. имени, не связанного с Л. ( Leclercq. 1930; Erbes K. Das Alter der Gräber und Kirchen des Paulus und Petrus in Rom: Eine hist.-antiquarische Untersuch//ZKG. 1885. Bd. 7. S. 20). Почитание Л. как епископа Рима является общим для неразделенной Церкви, но на Западе сохранилась его память как апостола от 70, на Востоке - как мученика, хотя изначально он не был известен как священномученик на Востоке. Предание о Л. как о мученике впервые возникло и существовало только на Западе, но с течением времени перестало быть значимым для культа этого святого в католической Церкви. Тем не менее почитание Л. как священномученика ввел в свой «Новый Синаксарист» под 5 нояб. иером. Макарий Симонопетрит, к-рый, будучи французом, поместил ряд зап. |
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