| Само имя святого, ирландское Mael-Ruain, указывает на то, что он прибыл на юг графства Мит (Mit), в места, где в IX веке викинги заложат Дублин (Dub Linn, буквально «Черный пруд» (The Black Pool) из монастыря святого Руадана в Лорре (Lorrha), графство Типперери (Tipperary)). На древнеирландском «Маэл» означает «постриженный в монашество». При сложении с «Руайн» получается: «постриженный в монашество Руайном», или «в обители Руайна». Предположительно, он был учеником упоминаемого в тексте «Устава» Фердахриха, известного ирландского аскета VII – VIII вв. (Ferdá-Chrich). В774 году, согласно «Книге Лейнстера» (Book of Leinster XI в.),преподобный пришел в Таллагхт. Сейчас это южный район Дублина. Мартиролог Таллагхта (The Martyrology of Tallaght) сообщает, что «святой пришел с мощами святых мучеников и дев». Монастырь, основанный им, представлял собой большое, экономически крепкое монашеское хозяйство, не поощрявшее практику «миссионерских путешествий», не закрытую, но со строгими порядками общину Céli Dé. Из «Устава» сложно понять, являлся ли Маэлруайн только лишь игуменом или, по давней кельтской традиции, совмещал настоятельство с епископским служением. Нигде не сказано о каких-либо священнических рукоположениях, им совершенных, но «Анналы Ольстера» (Annals of Ulster) фиксируют, что 7 июля 792 года «Маэлруайн Таллагхта, епископ и воин Христов в мире уснул» («Maelruain Tallachta episcopus et miles Christi in pace dormivit»). Монастырь, им основанный более ста лет до набегов викингов, играл большую роль в истории ирландского христианства. Окончательно его уничтожили карательные религиозные вылазки войск Кромвеля в 1650-х годах. В 1829 году на месте обители построили церковь в честь святого Маэлруайна. От прежнего архитектурного наследия сохранились большая каменная купель, высокий кельтский крест и башня. И литература. Удивительно живая, настоящего голоса. Что именно писал Маэлруайн, диктовал, а что по памяти восстанавливали другие писцы, установить практически невозможно. Традиционно не оспаривается его авторство«Устава» и сохранившихся на древнеирландском «Поучений святого Маэлруайна». Под его влиянием был создан стихотворный «Мартиролог святого Оэнгуса» (The Martyrology of Oengus), служебник с древними ирландскими литургическими текстами, молитвенными последованиями «Stowe Missal» и «Мартирология Таллагхта» (Martyrology of Tallaght). Текст «Устава» сохранился в Королевской Ирландской Академии (Royal Irish Academy 3. В 23 рр. 3352, by Tadg ua Rig-Bardan, whose name is found in another manuscript dated to 1473), в Британском национальном музее (British Museum Additional30512, f.33v and in «The Monastery of Tallaght», Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 29 (1911) 115179) и в Библиотеке францисканцев (Dublin, Franciscan ms G, a paraphrase) |
| 1885. Vol. 5. P. 120-160; idem. À propos du martyrologe hiéronymien//AnBoll. 1898. T. 17. P. 421-447; idem. Un dernier mot sur le martyrologe hiéronymien//Ibid. 1901. T. 20. P. 241-245; D ü mmler E. Das Martyrologium Notkers und seine Verwandten//Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte. 1885. Bd. 25. S. 197-220; Krusch B. Zum Martyrologium Hieronymianum//NA. 1895. Bd. 20. S. 437-440; idem. Zur Afralegende und zum Martyrologium Hieronymianum//Ibid. 1899. Bd. 24. S. 289-337; Manteyer G., de. Les légendes saintes de Provence et le martyrologe d " Arles-Toulon (vers 1120)//MArHist. 1897. Vol. 17. P. 467-489; Morin G. Un martyrologe d " Arles antérieur à la «Tradition de Provence»//RHLR. 1898. Vol. 3. P. 10-24; Urbain A. Ein Martyrologium der christlichen Gemeinde zu Rom am Anfang des V. Jh. Lpz., 1901. (TU; 21); Chapman J. À propos des martyrologes//RBen. 1903. Vol. 20. P. 285-313; Delehaye H. Le témoignage des martyrologes//AnBoll. 1907. T. 26. P. 78-99; idem. Cinq leçons sur la méthode hagiographique. Brux., 1934. P. 42-74; Quentin H. Les martyrologes historiques du Moyen Âge. P., 1908; Kirsch J. P. Der stadtrömische christliche Festkalender im Altertum. Münster, 1924; MartHieron. Comment; Stern H. Le Calendrier de 354: Étude sur son texte et ses illustrations. P., 1953; Gaiffier B., de. Les notices hispaniques dans le martyrologe d " Usuard//AnBoll. 1937. T. 55. P. 269-283; idem. De l " usage et de la lecture du martyrologe: Témoignages antérieurs au XIe siècle//Ibid. 1961. T. 79. P. 40-60; Hennig J. Studies in the Literary Tradition of the «Martyrologium Poeticum»//Proc. of the Royal Irish Academy. Sect. C. Dublin, 1953-1954. Vol. 56. P. 197-226; idem. Kalendar und Martyrologium als Literaturformen//AfLW. 1961. Bd. 7. S. 1-44; idem. Martyrologium und Kalendarium//StPatr. 1962. Vol. 80. P. 69-82; idem. Studies in the Latin Texts of the «Martyrology of Tallaght», of «Félire Oengusso» and of «Félire Húi Gormain»//Proc. of the Royal Irish Academy. Sect. C. 1970. Vol. 69. P. |
| In any case, this building was soon regarded as a repositorium of exceptionally holy objects and such monasteries as Charroux and Cassino claimed to possess relics handed down by Carolingian Emperors; in the 11 and 12 centuries, texts like the Iter hierosolymitanum, telling a fanciful journey of the Emperor to the Holy Land and his encounter with the holy bishop Daniel of Nablus, attributed to him the translation to Aachen of such precious cult objects as the crown of thorns and one of the nails (later handed down to the royal abbey of Saint-Denis near Paris), the chalice, the bowl and even the knife of the Last Supper, as well as St. Peter’s beard and hair 648 . Such literary works stressed the association of the Roman Emperor, both as a man and an institutional subject, with Christ as the Saviour of mankind and fulfilled that process of christomimesis which had got under way already under the early Carolingian sovereigns. This well-known trend of Western royal ideology had its deeper roots, as scholars have often pointed out, in Byzantium and its conception of power so often labelled as “caesaropapism”. The basileis’ alleged sacredness, relying on a nearly explicit comparison with Christ as the Lord of the universe, as it was brought out by both court ritual and literature, constituted the necessary premise and model for every other institution aiming at asserting an equivalent authority; and in the 11 and 12 century such claims were most strongly laid by a religious institution, the Papacy, which longed for both spiritual and political primacy. The Gregorian Church, while promoting the Popes’ role as legitimate holders of power over Western Europe, clashed more and more increasingly with both the German Empire and Byzantium over its temporal claims, which were inevitably intermingled with its growing independency from the other Patriarchal sees. It was no accident that, in the shaping and refining of its symbolic apparatus, the Papacy appropriated both Imperial habits and religious models and reworked them, by conveying the idea of Rome as the sole heir of both St. Peter and Constantine. The very center of such a symbolic contamination is to be recognized in the basilica of the Holy Saviour on the Lateran, which was the town cathedral and also a ‘palatine church’, because of its direct connection with the Pontifical Palace nearby. Officiated by a congregation of canons which was a sort of vanguard army of the Gregorian Reformation, the church housed the most solemn Papal ceremonies and was more and more frequently described by authors as “the mother of all churches”, “the most holy shrine of the Divine Roman Church”, boasting its «domination and primacy over all the churches on earth” and its title of “Apostolic head and Roman Empire”: all these privileges had been motivated, according to John the Deacon’s 12 century description of the basilica 649 , by the donation of Constantine, who was also the founder of the church itself. |
| Эпоха крестовых походов способствовала прочтению М. к. как библейского прообраза священной войны ( Richtscheid. 2005). На миниатюрах этого периода Иуда Маккавей и его воины обрели облик рыцарей, их изображения служат источником для изучения обмундирования и вооружения XII в. ( Fischer. 2005. P. 59-71; Auffahrt. 1994). Иллюстрации к 1 Макк содержались в сокращенной Библии, созданной в 1250-1254 гг. в Акре, вероятно, по заказу франц. кор. Людовика IX Святого во время 7-го крестового похода (Paris. Arsenal. 5211. Fol. 339). В средневек. рукописях часто упоминали о подвиге Елеазара, повергающего слона; как Елеазар, так и его противники Селевкиды изображались рыцарями (инициал к началу 1 Макк из Библии 3-й четв. XIII в., созданной, очевидно, в Оксфорде - Lond. Brit. Lib. Royal. 3 E III. Fol. 160v; миниатюры из нем. (кон. XIV в.) и франц. (1462) рукописей стихотворного «Зеркала человеческого спасения» - Lond. Brit. Lib. Harl. 3240. Fol. 28; Lyon. Bibl. municip. 245. Fol. 144). Воинам Маккавеям часто приписывали воображаемые гербы и флаги, которые помещали в гербовниках, напр. на гербе Иуды Маккавея - лев в еврейской шапке (St. Gallen. Stiftsbibl. Sang. 1084. Fol. 17, XV в.), 2 ворона (Paris. fr. 5930. Fol. 57, XV в.). Остроконечные «еврейские шапки», появившиеся в иконографии в кон. XI в., изображались на воинах Маккавеях на многочисленных миниатюрах из «Толкования на Книги Иеронима, Даниила, Маккавеев и Юдифи» Николая де Лиры (Basel. Universitätsbibliothek. A II 5. Fol. 128, 135v, 170, кон. XIV в.). На флагах Иуды Маккавея помещали Моисеевы скрижали, напр. на миниатюре в «Библейской истории» (Lond. Brit. Lib. Royal. 15 D I. Fol. 128, 70-е гг. XV в., Нидерланды). В эпоху Ренессанса образ Иуды Маккавея был осмыслен как воплощение воинской добродетели и вошел в число «девяти достойных» или «девяти мужей славы», считавшихся образцом для подражания европ. дворян. Его изображение в этом качестве распространено в живописи, графике и скульптуре. Особо выделяется написанная в позднеготической манере фреска «Девять достойных мужей и жен» (ок. 1420) в Кастелло-делла-Манта близ Салуццо, Италия, где в образе Иуды изображен один из правителей Салуццо - Манфред IV ( Wyss. 1957. S. 73-106; Holtgen. 1959. Vol. 77. P. 279-309; Hansmann. 1993). |
| Allow me to describe briefly some premises underlying this volume and the entire programme aimed to bring to the foreground the research and cultural theme of Eastern Christian relics. Though essential in Eastern Christian cultural heritage, relics were in semi-oblivion in the tradition, and practically out of the do-main of public attention and historical research. Suffice to say that a major part of the unique royal collection of relics in the Moscow Kremlin has never been published or exhibited, and was almost unknown to the majority of experts, let alone the public at large. Not a single book about Eastern Christian relics has ever appeared in Russian, in dire contrast to the vast literature on Roman Catholic relics regularly exhibited in the numerous expositions hosted by many countries in Western Europe. For too long relics have been regarded both by scholars and the public as a secondary topic, curious but not essential, and so ousted to the margins of basic humanitarian disciplines. That stance ruled out true evaluation of the historic role of Eastern Christian relics, which played a tremendous role in consolidation of the mediaeval community. Many fundamental political concepts often centred round relics. For several centuries, Byzantine Emperors collected relics from the Holy Land in Constantinople. They spent considerable sums on them and sometimes started military campaigns to acquire relics. Their efforts were aimed not merely at the possession of objects of worship, but at the transfer of holiness to the imperial capital, which was thus likened to New Jerusalem – the mystical chosen city of the Second Coming. Russian Grand Dukes and Tsars, those dedicated and legitimate successors to Byzantium, made it a point to bring ever more relics to Moscow, perceived as a city protected by the Lord and regarded as the ‘Third Rome’ and ‘Second Jerusalem’. Preserved in the Royal treasury and exhibited on important church feast days, Christian relics guaranteed a sacral unity of the ruler and the people. The population regarded relics as the surest token of the holiness of their country, and a pledge of absolute priority for the Kingdom of Heaven. This graphic example in no way exhausts the historic significance of relics, which usually have histories of breathtaking interest, providing unique information absent in other sources. |
| Completed in the 18th century, this church is one of the oldest in the city. It has two stories, with the lower church dedicated to St. John Damascene and the upper to the Vladimir Icon. Its alternative name is the Vladimirskaya Church, not to be confused with Prince Vladimir Cathedral. The design of this five-domed sanctuary straddles the line between Baroque and Classicism, with some predominance of the former. Baroque architecture is a style that emerged in Italy in the late 16th century. It spread widely across America, Europe and Russia in the 17th and 18th centuries. Portuguese sailors first used the word " Baroque " to refer to pearls of irregular shape. In Italian, the term came to describe an extravagant style with excessive decor and complication. Erratic forms, extravagance, abundant ornamentation and complexity are some of the keywords for Baroque. Its most typical features include: In a nutshell, baroque is a byword for exuberance and extravagance. Classicism has its roots in the ancient philosophical tradition of rationalism. In many ways, it is the opposite of Baroque. Some of its characteristics are: In summary, classicism is the style of reason and harmony. The building of the Vladimirskaya Church combines the seemingly incompatible features of Baroque and Classicism without creating an impression of chaos or eclecticism - an outstanding architectural feat. The church stands in the city centre, near Vladimirskaya Square and Nevsky Prospect. Centuries ago, this area - called the Moscow Suburb - was outside the city limits. To enter the city, a traveller would have to cross the bridge over the Fontanka river at the Anichkov outpost. The first permanent residents settled the suburb in 1737 after a spate of devastating fires of 1736 and 1737 that destroyed many homes. Later, Empress Anna Ioannovna signed a high order that allocated an area beyond the outpost to a housing development for the employees of the Royal Court. The area received the name Pridvornye Slovody (or Royal Court Quarters). The master plan for the development included a marketplace and a church near it. However, in practice, construction did not start until eighteen years later, in 1745, at the initiative of the head of the cabinet of Her Imperial Majesty, Baron Ivan Cherkasov. |
| Chapter IV “Old chronological accounts of the New Babylonian kings” Chapter 4 consists of two parts. In the first part, pp. 6675, which I will call part A, Furuli reviews some of the ancient secondary and tertiary sources that contain information about NeoBabylonian kings and their reigns. In the second part, pp. 7592, which I will call part B, he discusses six of the Biblical passages that mention a period of 70 years, claiming that they all refer to the same period–namely, a period of complete desolation of Judah and Jerusalem during the Jewish exile in Babylonia. This accords with the view of the Watchtower Society. Secondary and tertiary sources Furuli’s presentation of the secondary and tertiary sources for the NeoBabylonian chronology seems to be based mainly on the surveys of R. P. Dougherty in Nabonidus and Belshagyar (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929, pp. 710) and Ronald. H. Sack in Neriglissar–King of Babylon (Neukirchen– Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1994, pp. 122). Most of the ancient authors that Furuli mentions lived hundreds of years after the NeoBabylonian era, and their writings, which are preserved only in very late copies, often give distorted royal names and regnal years. Most of these sources, therefore, are useless for chronological purposes. (See GTR 4 , Ch. 3, A). This can be seen in Furuli’s table on page 74, in which he lists the concordant chronology for the NeoBabylonian era given by Berossus (3rd century BCE) and Ptolemy’s Royal Canon, together with the conflicting figures of Polyhistor (1st century BCE), Josephus (1st century CE), the Talmud (5th century CE), Syncellus (c. 800 CE), and, strangely, a totally corrupt kinglist from 1498 CE. Putting such distorted sources in the same table with Berossus and the Ptolemaic Canon–the two most reliable chronological sources for the NeoBabylonian era next to the cuneiform documents themselves–suggests that the sources are equally unreliable and should not be trusted. That this is the purpose of the table is obvious from Furuli’s comments on its conflicting figures: |
| There remain four lines of evidence which have sound claim to independence. (4) Economicadministrative and legal documents Tens of thousands of economic, administrative and legal texts, dated to the year, month, and the day of the reigning king, have come down to us from the NeoBabylonian period. A large number of dated tablets are extant from each year during this whole period. The length of reign of each king may, then, be established by these documents, sometimes almost to the day. The results arrived at are in good agreement with the figures given by Berossus, the Royal Canon, the chronicles, and the contemporary royal inscriptions from the reign of Nabonidus. The twenty years demanded by the chronology of the Watch Tower Society are totally missing. The business and administrative documents are original documents, contemporary with the NeoBabylonian era itself, which makes this line of evidence exceedingly strong. These documents definitely point to 587/86 B.C.E. as Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth regnal year, when he desolated Jerusalem. (5) Prosopographical evidence The prosopographical study of the cuneiform tablets provides various checks on the accuracy of the NeoBabylonian chronology. The careers of scribes, temple administrators, slaves, business men, and others may be followed for decades, in some cases through almost the whole NeoBabylonian period and on into the Persian era. Thousands of dated documents give insight into the business, legal, religious, family and other activities of these individuals. Many texts deal with matters that extend over weeks, months, or even years, such as inventories, lease of land or houses, instalments of debts, hire of slaves and livestock, runaway slaves, court proceedings, and so on. The activities of some individuals may be followed through almost their whole lives. But never do we find that their activities cross the established chronological borders of the period into some unknown twentyyear period that the Watch Tower Society would add to the NeoBabylonian era. The insertion of these twenty years would, in fact, not only distort the understanding of the careers, activities, and family relations of many individuals, but it would also give many of them abnormal Efe spans. |
| Saints, Myths and Mineshafts The ancient Christian tradition of long processions has been revived in Russia in recent years, and the night-long marches from Yekaterinburg to Ganina Yama and from Alapayevsk to the scene of Elizabeth’s murder are by no means the longest. Some take several days. The procession is often associated with repentance. 07/23/2010 The Scenes of the Royal Murders Have Become Places of Pilgrimage, but the Church still Does not Recognize the Recovered Remains of the Romanovs, and Archaeologists are Fearful for the Future of the Historic Site Alapayevsk, Sverdlovsk Region – It’s 4.20 a.m. last Sunday, the Divine Liturgy in the Holy Trinity Cathedral of this old industrial town has just finished, and several hundred people, most of them women, but quite a few men and children as well, are stepping into the pre-dawn twilight to begin a 12-kilometer procession. “O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on us, sinners,” sing the believers in time with their rather fast pace. The Alapayevsk procession is one of the annual events which mark what are known here as the “Royal Days.” In the early hours of July 17, 1918, the deposed Tsar Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, their five children and four servants were shot in the mining engineer Ipatyev’s house in Yekaterinburg. The following night, in Alapayevsk, 150 kilometers north-east of Yektaterinburg, the empress’ sister and founder of the famous Convent of Martha and Mary in Moscow, Grand Duchess Elizabeth, her closest aide, Sister Varvara, and five dukes imprisoned with them, were thrown alive down an abandoned mineshaft. Today these dates are remembered with a host of church services and processions, and a “festival of Orthodox culture” including exhibitions, concerts and conferences. The fifth International Festival of Orthodox Christian Documentaries is also on the agenda. According to local police estimates, about 20,000 people walked in the early hours of Saturday morning from the imposing Church-on-the-Blood, which is built on the site of Ipatyev’s house, to the monastery at Ganina Yama 20 kilometers away. It was here that the Bolsheviks and Chekists attempted to destroy the bodies of the royal family in an abandoned mine. And although their remains have since been discovered about two kilometers away from Ganina Yama, in a place known as “Porosyonkov Log,” the vast majority of believers do not recognize this discovery, while Ganina Yama has over the past decade become one of the main holy sites in the region. |
| Berossus himself indicates that it was impossible to give a trustworthy history of Babylonia before Nabonassar, as that king “collected and destroyed the records of the kings before him in order that the list of Chaldaean kings might begin with him.” 159 Despite these problems, however, for later periods, and especially for the critical NeoBabylonian period, it has been established that Berossus used the generally very reliable Babylonian chronicles, or sources similar to these documents, and that he carefully reported their contents in Greek. 160 figures he gives for the reigns of the NeoBabylonian kings substantially agree with the figures given by those ancient cuneiform documents. A2: The Royal Canon Ptolemy’s Canon or, more correctly, the Royal Canon is a list of kings and their lengths of reign beginning with the reign of Nabonassar in Babylon (747734 B.C.E.), through the Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine rulers. The kinglist had been included in the Handy Tables prepared by the famous astronomer and geographer Claudius Ptolemy (70165 C.E.), who ended the list with the contemporary Roman ruler Antoninus Pius (C.E. 138161). 161 That is why it has become known as Ptolemy’s Canon. (See the facing page.) There is, however, evidence that kinglists of this type must have been in use long before the time of Claudius Ptolemy. The reason why the kinglist could not have originated with Claudius Ptolemy is that a table of this kind was a prerequisite for the research and calculations performed by the Babylonian and Greek astronomers. Without it they would have had no means for dating the astronomical events their calculations showed as occurring in the distant past. Ancient fragments of such kinglists written on papyrus have been found. 162 renowned expert on Babylonian astronomy, F. X. Kugler, concluded that the socalled Ptolemy’s Canon “had evidently been worked out by one or more experts on the Babylonian astronomy and chronology, and through the use in the Alexandrian school successfully had passed scrupulous indirect tests.” 163 |
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