Of the hundreds of homilies, there exists the Lenten series entitled Hexaemeros which provide valuable parabolic moral teachings. These would articulate the moral chassis which would form the underpinnings of his Christian philanthropic worldview. Philanthropy Emerges From Worship, Prayer, and Ascetic Practice As with Basil’s delving into the monastic life, his approach to high academic theology does not remain merely in the theoretical. He makes it relevant precisely because he makes it applicable to the lives of the common members of society. Thus, in doing so, he makes it a ministry which reflects the Incarnation of Jesus Christ coming in the flesh and of life in communion with the Holy Trinity. This can be seen in his homily Sermon to the Rich where he instructs the hearer to treat the needs of other as we would treat our own, regardless of what those needs are. 5 In the realm of liturgical theology, Basil is attributed with many prayers within the Eastern and Western rites. Most notably however are two that stand out above the rest and they come down to us through the Byzantine liturgical tradition: the Divine Liturgy of St. Basil the Great and the “Kneeling Prayers” at Pentecost Vespers. To what extent, these are the exact words penned by Basil verbatim is not the question that is important, the fact that they are attributed to him is reflective of his enduring influence and legacy of his focus on the synthesis of good liturgy through the formalization of liturgical prayers and hymnography with a sound theological basis. Throughout all of these works, Basil’s deep concern for the sick, the suffering, the hurting, the poor, the disadvantaged, and the oppressed is present throughout. Inn the anaphora (Eucharistic prayer) attributed to him in the Liturgy, the celebrant prayers, “defend the widows; protect the orphans; liberate the captives; heal the sick…For You, Lord, are the helper of the helpless, the hope of the hopeless, the Savior of the afflicted, the haven of the voyager, and the physician of the sick. Be all things to all, You know each person, his requests, his household, and his need.” 6

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The Fathers were united in their view that theology is the organized exposition of the Christian doctrine, but they expressed their approach to it differently. A sharp contrast to Clement’s discursive definitions of theology, for example, is Evagrius Ponticus’s famous affirmation that theology is prayer: “If you are a theologian you will pray truly and if you pray truly, you are a theologian.” 117 This remark makes the invaluable point that truth, which is a subject of a theologian’s inquiry, is accessible only through personal participation in this truth through prayer – prayer that forms the living experience of truth, and it is only through prayer that the experience of truth is possible. In the quote above, Evagrius develops the ideas of his teacher St. Gregory the Theologian (Nazianzus) that the necessary condition to be a theologian is to live an ascetic life, to be virtuous and go through moral purification. 118 More categorically, theology is not possible without purification (katharsis); the reference to this dimension of theology can be found in the New Testament: “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God” (Matt. 5.8). Elsewhere, Evagrius employs the notion of communion in the context of prayer: “Prayer is communion of the intellect with God” – that is, theology is communion with God. 119 This aspect of theology is especially emphasized by St. Maximus the Confessor. According to Maximus, theology is the last and the highest “stage” of spir­itual development in man; it is the accomplishing mode of a Christian’s experience of deification. Maximus interprets this experience as a liturgical one, exercised by man in the world before God. As a culmination of this “cosmic liturgy,” man receives in grace God’s communication, that is, the knowledge of the Holy Trinity in theolo­gia. 120 Maximus writes: “When the intellect practices the virtues correctly, it advances in moral understanding. When it practices contemplation, it advances in spiritual knowledge… Finally, the intellect is granted the grace of theology when, carried on wings of love beyond these two former stages, it is taken up into God and with the help of the Holy Spirit discerns – as far as this is possible for the human intellect – the qualities of God.” 121 It is clear from this passage that theology for Maximus – that is, the knowledge of God as he is in himself – is granted only in the mystical union with God, at the last stage of deification, which is not an instant act but is preceded by a long spiritual development (katharsis).

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The place-name ‘Morphonou’ preserves the name of this house, which became the famous imperial monastery of the Amalfitans (variously referred to in the sources as μον τν μαλφηνν or, later, τν Μολφηνν μον). 247 All that remains now of this once thriving Latin and Benedictine house is its imposing tower, emblazoned with a single-headed eagle, together with a few lesser ruins. The house fell into disrepair in the thirteenth century, at which time Lavra assumed responsibility for the buildings and for the continuation of monastic life there, a responsibility it has done little to fulfil. There were, however, some significant restoration and rebuilding works at both the monastery and its maritime fortress in 1534–5 paid for by the Voyevod of Wallachia, Petru Rare. These works give the ruins considerably more substance than they would otherwise have had. 248 But in its heyday this community provided an eloquent and living statement of the integrity of the Latin monastic and liturgical tradition at the heart of Athos. And, intriguingly, it did so well into the period conventionally dated as post-schism (i.e. after AD 1054). Vivid details of the foundation are to be found in the Life of St John and St Euthymios, the Georgian founders of the monastery of Iviron. 249 In this Life, which is of considerable historical value, we have a record of the arrival of a certain monk Leo, brother of the Duke of Benevento, with six companions, on Mount Athos – perhaps around AD 980. It is quite conceivable that the John and Arsenius who signed the acts of 984 and 985 were among these companions. The two Georgian saints are recorded as having greeted Leo with great enthusiasm as fellow foreigners. They go on to offer their full support, material and spiritual, in establishing a Latin monastery. In response to this encouragement and to requests from fellow ‘Romans’ in Constantinople who wished to join him, Leo established a large community patterned on the rule and teachings of St Benedict and soon to enjoy an enviable reputation for piety and integrity, not to mention a delightful situation. The date of the foundation may be put between 980 and 984.

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Bornert Bornert R. Les commentaires byzantins de la Divine Litur- gie du VII-e au XV-e siécle//Archivée de 1Orient Chré– tien. Paris, 1966. 9. Botte B. La Tradition Apostolique de s. Hippolyte. Essai de reconstruction//LQF. Münsteг/1963. 39. Brightman Brightman F. E. The «Historia Mystagogica» and other Greek Commentaries on the Byzantine Liturgy//JTS. 1908. 9. P. 248267; 387397. Brooks E. W. Hymns Brooks E. W. The Hymns of Severus and Others in the Syriac Version of Paul of Edessa as Revised by James of Edessa//PO. Paris, 1911. 6. Fasc. 1. P. 1179; fasc. 5. P. 593802. Brooks E. W. Letters Brooks E. W. A Collection of Letters of Severus of Antioch, from Numerous Syriac Manuscripts//PO. Paris, 1920. Vol. 14. Fasc. 1. Cabaniss Cabaniss A. The Harrowing of Hell, Psalm 24 , and Pliny the Younger: A Note//Vigiliae Christianae. 1953. Vol. 7. P. 6574. Catergian-Dashian Catergian J. Die Liturgien bei den Armeniern, Fünfzehn Texte und Untersuchungen/Hrsg. von Dashian J. Wien, 1897 (на армянском языке). Charon Charon С. Le rite byzantin et la liturgie chrysostomienne dans les patriarcats melkites (Alexandrie-Antioche-Jérusalem)//XPYCOCTOMIKA. P. 473718. Cochlaeus Cochlaeus J. Speculum antiquae deuotionis circa missam, et omnem alium cultum Dei: ex antiquis, et antea nunquam euulgatis per typographes autoribus, a Ioanne Cochlaeo laboriose collectum... Mainz, 1549. Codrington Codrington H. W. The Liturgy of St. Peter//LQF. Münsterz 1936. 30. Connolly R. H. Didascal. Didascalia Apostolorum. The Syriac Version Translated and Accompanied by the Verona Latin Fragments/Connolly R. H. (ed.). Oxford, 1929. Connolly R. H. Narsai The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai. With an Appendix by Edmund Bishop/Connolly R. H. (ed.)//Texts and Studies. Cambridge, 1909. 8, 1. Connolly-Codrington Two Commentaries on the Jacobite Liturgy by George, Bishop of the Arab Tribes and Moses Bar Kepha, together with the Syriac Anaphora of St. James and a document entitled The Book of Life. Text and English translation/Connolly R. H., Codrington H. W. (edd.) London, 1913.

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For the heirmoi, the classical chants in syllabic style are collected in a book called the Heirmologion, which may contain as many as 2,000 model stanzas. Like the Western Tonary, the Heirmologion is divided into one section per mode. The nine canticles are: 1 The song of Moses (Exodus 15.1–19) 2 The song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32.1–43) 3 The prayer of Hannah (I Kings 2.1–10) 4 The prayer of Habbakuk (Habbakuk 3.1–19) 5 The prayer of Isaiah (Isaiah 26.9–20) 6 The prayer of Jonah (Jonah 2.3–10) The prayer of the Three Children (the Benedicite, Apoc. Daniel 3.26–56 ) 7 The prayer of the Three Children (Apoc. Daniel 3.57–88 ) 8 The Magnificat and the Benedictus (Luke 1.46–55 and 68–79) Whatever the object of a canon may be (the celebration of a feast of the Lord or of the Virgin, or the commemoration of a saint or martyr), the hymn writer had to allude in each of the nine odes to its scriptural model. Church traditions (wrongly) attribute the invention of the canon to St. Andrew of Crete (ca. 660–740) and his famous Great Kanon of mid-Lent contains the excep­tional number of 250 stanzas. But canon composition reached its peak in the 8th and 9th centuries, first in Palestine with examples by St. John Damascene (ca. 675-ca. 749) and St. Kosmas of Jerusalem (also known as St. Kosmas the Melodist or Kosmas of Maiuma; first half of the 8th century), then in Constantinople with St. Theodore, abbot of the Studion Monastery (759–826), and his brother Joseph (d. 833), the two Sicilians Methodios (d. 846) and Joseph the Hymnographer (d. 883), and the nun Cassia (ca. 810–65). SEE ALSO: Kontakion; Liturgical Books; Music (Sacred); Orthros (Matins) REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS Grosdidier de Matons, J. (1980–1) “Liturgie et hymnographie: Kontakion et Canon,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34–5: 31–43. Hannick, C. (1990) “The Performance of the Kanon in Thessaloniki in the 14th Century,” in D. Conomos (ed.) Studies in Eastern Chant, vol. 5. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, pp. 137–52.

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The unique characteristics of the Chicago-Streator parish community demanded of Fr. John a deft combination of pastoral-liturgical skills, with missionary ones. These abilities would permit him not only to stabilize the membership of his parish community spiritually and administratively, but to enlarge his flock continually by means of conversions, or by the return to Orthodoxy of the ethnically diverse Christians living in Illinois. Already during the first three years of Fr. John’s parish service 86 Uniats and 5 Catholics were added to the Orthodox Church, 7 bringing the number of permanent parishioners up to 215 men in Chicago, and 88 in Streator. There were two functioning church schools affiliated with the parishes, with more than 20 pupils enrolled in them. The course consisted of Saturday classes during the school year, and daily classes during the school vacations. 8 In his work, Fr. John continued the best traditions of the Russian Orthodox Diocese in North America. He organized, in Chicago and Streator, the St. Nicholas and Three Hierarchs Brotherhoods, which established a goal of setting up a program of social and material mutual aid among the parishioners of the Chicago-Streator parish, as members of the Orthodox Mutual Aid Society. 9 Father John’s abundant labors for building up a healthy, flourishing parish life in the communities entrusted to him did not hinder him from fulfilling other important diocesan responsibilities that were laid upon him. So it was that, on April 1, 1897, Fr. John was appointed to be one of the members of the newly created Censorship Committee of the Diocese of Alaska and the Aleutians on texts in the Russian, Ukrainian, and English languages, 10 and on May 22, 1899, Fr. John was appointed Chairman of the Board of the Mutual Aid Society 11 by a decree of Tikhon, Bishop of Alaska and the Aleutians, who had recently arrived in the diocese. The varied labors of Fr. John were soon rewarded; after just the first years of his pastoral service, he received the marks of priestly distinction from the Most Reverend Bishop Nicholas. 12

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The Masoretic text simply makes no sense, and obviously at some point a scribe skipped an entire line or two of the text. This is obvious because of the reference to the Urim and Thummim, which were two objects used by the priest of the Old Testament for discerning the will of God on matters such as that described in 1 Samuel 14. Another example is the text quoted in Hebrews 1:6 ( And let all the angels of God worship him ) which is nowhere to be found in the Masoretic text, but is found in both the Septuagint and the Dead Sea Scrolls Hebrew text in Deuteronomy 32:43. It should be pointed out that the Hebrew text should not be ignored entirely. Particularly when the Septuagint and the Hebrew text are in agreement, we will better understand the Septuagint as a translation if we compare it with the Hebrew text that it is clearly a translation of. It is extremely helpful to understand the range of meaning of the original Hebrew text (when we clearly have it). For example, it is helpful to know that Hebrew does not have a past or future tense, but only a perfect and imperfect tense … and so just because an English translation is clearly in either the past, present, or future tense, it does not necessarily mean that this is what is implied by the Hebrew original. One often encounters the use of the “prophetic perfect,” where a prophecy of something that has not yet come to pass is in the perfect tense, and so is often translated with the English past tense, e.g. … with His stripes, we were healed (Isaiah 53:5), when from the perspective of the prophet, he was speaking of something in the future. There are at present only limited options available in terms of English translations of the Septuagint. There is the translation of Sir Lancelot Brenton , which is often awkward and wooden. There is also a very well done revision of the KJV by Michael Asser, which corrected the KJV based on the Septuagint, but while the complete text is available online , only the Psalter is actually in print. For the Psalms there is the Psalter According to the Seventy, published by Holy Transfiguration Monastery ; A Psalter For Prayer, published by Holy Trinity Monastery ; and the Psalter of the Prophet and King David, published by the Center for Traditionalists Orthodox Studies —this text is based on the edition by Michael Asser, but it differs in some respects. There are also various editions of the Old Testament readings that are used liturgically.

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Armenian communities, the Armenian Orthodox Church currently has the cathol- icate of Etchmiadzin in the Armenian Republic, as the dominant leadership center, and the catholicate of the Great House of Cilicia (currently with a jurisdictional remit over Lebanon, Syria, Cyprus, Greece, Iran, and parts of Canada and the Americas), along with two subordinate patriarchates (Constantinople and Jerusalem). Armenian Church art used the fresco extensively, but the cult of icons was never developed as significantly as in Byzantium, and the cross (especially in the form of distinctive stone carvings) received a higher focal symbolism. Armenian Church build­ing styles are very distinctive. The balance of pro-Roman Armenians to the Greater Armenian Church (sometimes called the “Gregorian Armenians” by Latin commen­tators) is now estimated as in the ratio of approximately 100,000 to something over 5 million. The Armenian clergy are divided into two classes, the vardapets (doctors) from whose ranks the bishops are normally selected, who are easily recognized from their high-pointed cowls, and the parish priests who marry before ordination unless they chose the monastic lifestyle. Liturgically, they follow the ancestral liturgical tradition of the Church of Cappadocia, following the Gregorian calendar since 1923 (except at Jerusalem) and using St. Basil’s Liturgy in Armenian. Unleavened bread is used and communion is given under two species by intinction. There are several later Latin influences in the ritual. The common priestly vestment is the shurjar, which is reminiscent of the Latin cope, and the bishops wear the pointed mitre. In accordance with the earliest level of Eastern Christian liturgical observances, Christmas is not celebrated in late December as a separate festival, but is part of the Theophany celebrations that last over the week following January 6. The catholicate of Etchmiadzin operates two seminaries at present, one at Lake Van and the other at Etchmiadzin; while the Great House of Cilicia organizes a seminary in Lebanon. There are other seminaries at Jerusalem and in New York State (St. Nerses, at New Rochelle, which collab­orates in its instructional program with St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Seminary).

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(StAnselm; 99. Analecta Liturgica; 12); Taft R. A Tale of Two Cities: The Byzantine Holy Week Triduum as a Paradigm of Liturgical History//Time and Community: In Honor of Th. Talley/Ed. J. N. Alexander. Wash., 1990. P. 21-41; Quinlan A. Triodion Sinait. Gr. 734-735: Diss. R., 1991; Fenwick J. R. K. The Anaphoras of St. Basil and St. James: An Investigation into Their Common Origin. R., 1992. (OCA; 240); Bermejo Cabrera E. La proclamación de la Escritura en la liturgia de Jerusalén: Estudio terminológico del «Itinerarium Egeriae». Jerusalem, 1993. (SBF. Coll. Maj.; 37); Eger. Itiner./Ed. P. Maraval. P., 1997. (SC; 296); Hebdomadae Sanctae Celebratio: Conspectus Historicus Comparativus/Ed. A. G. Kollamparampil. R., 1997. (BEL.S; 93); Tovey Ph. The Liturgy of St. James as Presently Used. Camb., 1998; Ray W. August 15 and the Development of the Jerusalem Calendar: Diss. Notre Dame (Ind.), 2000; Garcia del Valle C. Jerusalén, la liturgia de la Iglesia Madre. Barcelona, 2001; Пентковский А. М. К-польский и иерусалимский богослужебные уставы//ЖМП. 2001. 4. С. 70-78; он же. Иерусалимский типикон в К-поле в Палеологовский период//Там же. 2003. 5. С. 77-87; Morozowich M. M. Holy Thursday in the Jerusalem and Constantinopolitan Traditions: The Liturgical Celebration from the IV to the XIV Cent.: Diss. R., 2002; Frøyshov S. L " Horologe «géorgien» du Sinaiticus ibericus 34: Diss. P., 2003; Verhelst S. Les lieux de station du lectionnaire de Jérusalem//Proche-Orient chrétien. 2004. Vol. 54. P. 13-70, 247-289; Καζαμας Α. Η θεα λειτουρϒα το ϒου Ιακβου το Αδελροθου κα τ να σινατικ χειρϒραφα. Θεσσαλονκη, 2006. Рубрики: Ключевые слова: ГЕОРГИЯ МТАЦМИНДЕЛИ ТИПИКОН богослужебный устав, составленный на груз. языке ок. 1042 г. деканом (впосл. игуменом) афонского Иверского мон-ря прп. Георгием Святогорцем (Мтацминдели) († ок. 1065) АКАФИСТ 1. Хвалебно-догматическое песнопение ко Пресв. Богородице; 2. жанр позднейших церковных песнопений Богородице АКОЛУФ в древней Римско-католической и Армянской Церквах - церковнослужитель, помогающий священнослужителям совершать богослужение

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    1984 Books (booklets and pamphlets) 1984a      with Mark Collier, Beginning Now , Part 1: Peacemaking Theology: A Study Book for Individuals and Groups , London: Dunamis 1984b      (ed. with David Nicholls) in Politics and Theological Identity: Two Anglican Essays , London: The Jubilee Group, 1984, including ‘Preface’ (with David Nicholls) and ‘Liberation Theology and the Anglican tradition’ (see 1983f); pp.5-6, 7-26 Articles and Lectures 1984c      ’Butler’s Western Mysticism : Towards an Assessment’, Downside Review 102 (July), pp.197-215 1984d      ’“Religious Realism”: On Not Quite Agreeing with Don Cupitt’, Modern Theology 1.1 (October), pp.3-24; reproduced in Wrestling with Angels , pp.228-254 1984e      ’A Response’ in Colin Ogilvie Buchanan (ed.) Essays on Eucharistic Sacrifice in the Early Church: A Sequel to Liturgical Study no 31 , Grove Liturgical Study 40, Bramcote, Notts: Grove Books, pp.34-7 1984f      ’Violence and the Gospel in South Africa’, New Blackfriars 65 (774) (December), pp.505-13 1984g      ’Women and the Ministry: A Case for Theological Seriousness’, in Monica Furlong (ed.) Feminine in the Church , London: SPCK, pp.11-27 Book Reviews 1984h      ’Leach’s Bible’, review of Edmund Leach and D. Alan Aycock (eds), Structuralist Interpretations of Biblical Myth , Cambridge: CUP, 1983 in RAIN (Royal Anthropological Institute News) 61 (Apr 1984), pp.11–12 1984i      Review of Eric F. Osborn, The Beginning of Christian Philosophy , Cambridge: CUP, 1981, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 35 (January), pp.145-7     1985 Articles and Lectures 1985a      ’The Son’s Knowledge of the Father in Origen’, in Lothar Lies (ed.) Origeniana Quarta: Die Referate des 4. internationalen Origeneskongresses (Innsbruck, 2.-6. September 1985) , Innsbrucker theologische Studien, ed E. Coreth, W. Kern, H. Rotter, 19, Innsbruck: Tyrolia Verlag, pp.146-153 Book Reviews 1985b      Review of Gillian R. Evans, Augustine on Evil , Cambridge: CUP, 1982, Religious Studies 21.1 (March), pp.95-97

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