| 7052 In either case, the works are plainly from the Father (cf. 5:20, 36; 10:25, 32, 37; 14:10–11; 15:24); believers» opponents could not accuse them of diverting God " s glory. That one «must» perform Jesus» works during the light is Johannine language for divine necessity (3:7,14, 30; 4:4, 24; 10:16; 12:34; 20:9). That people could not work after nightfall because it had grown dark was common knowledge (applicable to battles and other activities; 7053 used as an image in 11:10; 12:35); obviously, modern lighting was not available. John applies this image figuratively, as he does light, darkness, and night elsewhere (e.g., 1:4–5; 3:2; 11:10; 12:35; 13:30); but whereas in 11:9–10 the emphasis lies on Jesus» obedience to the Father " s timing, here it lies on Jesus» power as the light to impart sight to the blind, both literally (9:6–7) and figuratively (9:39–41). Jesus parabolically demonstrates that he is the light of the world (9:5; see comment on 1:4), alluding to his announcement earlier that day (8:12), by healing the blind. 1C. Spittle (9:6) The use of spittle appears elsewhere in the Jesus tradition ( Mark 7:33 ), including for healing blindness ( Mark 8:23 ). Many ancient reports of cures mention the use of a curative drug, 7054 even when Asclepius appeared to suppliants in his temple in dreams. 7055 Spittle was sometimes used superstitiously, to avert an ill, 7056 and sometimes associated with curative powers. 7057 That Vespasian reportedly healed blindness with spittle (Tacitus Hist. 4.81; Suetonius Vesp. 7) 7058 may suggest that John contrasts Jesus with the Roman emperor (Vespasian " s son Domitian was then reigning); the account seems to have circulated widely. More likely, however, the stories about both Vespasian and Jesus draw on purportedly curative properties of spittle more widely known. Jewish tradition sometimes reports curing through spittle, 7059 though Jewish custom probably borrowed it from the more widespread ancient custom. 7060 Such usage would have rendered its symbolic effect more comprehensible. |
| and was chosen by the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem to be commander-in-chief in Galilee. Showing great shrewdness to ingratiate himself with Vespasian by foretelling his elevation and that of his son Titus to the imperial dignity, Josephus was restored his liberty after 69 when Vespasian become emperor. Justin Martyr (c. 100/110–165, fl. c. 148–161). Palestinian philosopher who was converted to Christianity, “the only sure and worthy philosophy.” He traveled to Rome where he wrote several apologies against both pagans and Jews, combining Greek philosophy and Christian theology; he was eventually martyred. Leander (c. 545-c. 600). Latin ecclesiastical writer, of whose works only two survive. He was instrumental is spreading Christianity among the Visigoths, gaining significant historical influence in Spain in his time. Leo the Great (regn. 440–461). Bishop of Rome whose Tome to Flavian helped to strike a balance between Nestorian and Cyrilline positions at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. Letter of Barnabas (c. 130). An allegorical and typological interpretation of the Old Testament with a decidedly anti-Jewish tone. It was included with other New Testament works as a “Catholic epistle” at least until Eusebius of Caesarea (c. 260/263–340) questioned its authenticity. Letter to Diognetus (c. third century). Essentially a refutation of paganism and an exposition of the Chriscian life and faith. The author of this letter is unknown, and the exact identity of its recipient. Diognetus, continues to elude patristic scholars. Lucifer (fl. 370). Bishop of Cagliari and fanatical partisan of Athanasius. He and his followers entered into schism after refusing to acknowledge less orthodox bishops appointed by the Emperor Constantius. Macarius of Egypt (c. 300-c. 390). One of the Desert Fathers. Accused of supporting Athanasius, Macarius was exiled c. 374 to an island in the Nile by Lucius, the Arian successor of Athanasius. Macarius continued his teaching of monastic theology until his death. |
| [лат. Cadocus; валлийское Cadoc, Catwg] (VI в.?), св. (пам. в Соборе святых, в земле Британской и Ирландской просиявших, зап. 25 сент.), основатель мон-ря Лланкарван (Нанткарван; ныне сел. Лланкарван, Юго-Вост. Уэльс). Основные источники сведений о К.- 2 Жития, составленные в XI-XII вв. Ливрис, автор пространного Жития К. (кон. XI в.), сын Гламорганского (Лландафского) еп. Херевальда (1056-1104), был архидиаконом Гламоргана и главой школы в Лланкарване. Текст Жития с рядом более поздних вставок и дополнений, в т. ч. авторских, сохранился в 3 рукописях, самая ранняя - Lond. Brit. Lib. Cotton. Vespasian. A. XIV (ок. 1200). Житие, составленное Ливрисом, получило известность в Уэльсе и повлияло на творчество валлийских агиографов. Менее популярной оставалась переработка Жития, выполненная в 1-й пол. XII в. Карадоком из Лланкарвана, ему принадлежит также Житие св. Гильды (BHL, N 3542) и, возможно, еще нек-рые жития валлийских святых ( Davies J. R. 2003. P. 133-138). Текст Жития К., составленного Карадоком, сохранился только в рукописи Goth. MS 1. 81. Fol. 156r - 161r (нач. XIV в.), где приведено лат. двустишие: «Это сочинение Карадока Нанткарванского; кто прочтет, пусть поправит - так пожелал сочинитель» (Nancarbanensis dictamina sunt Caradoci: qui legat, emendet; placet illi compositori). В сб. «Новая легенда Англии» содержится краткая версия Жития К., составленная Иоанном из Тайнмута (BHL, N 1493). В средние века в аббатстве Св. Креста в Кемперле (Бретань) хранилась рукопись Жития К., впосл. утраченная. Вероятно, к ней восходят чтения оффиция на день памяти святого в бревиарии мон-ря Кемперле. Эти чтения были положены в основу сказания о К., составленного Альбером Ле Граном. О К. упоминается в житиях др. валлийских святых, прежде всего св. Ильтуда (BHL, N 4268) и св. Татея (Татана) (BHL, N 7987), а также в ирл. и лат. версиях Жития св. Финниана (Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae ex Codice olim Salmanticensi nunc Bruxellensi/Ed. W. W. Heist. Brux., 1965. P. 97-99; Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore/Ed. W. Stokes. Oxf., 1890. P. 75-76; там К. назван Катмаэлом). В рукописи Cotton. Vespasian. A. XIV к Житию, составленному Ливрисом, приложены родословия К., согласно к-рым святой якобы происходил от имп. Октавиана Августа и от ирл. правителей, а также документы по истории Лланкарвана. |
| 7058 The report in Tacitus emphasizes Vespasian " s medical caution (cf. Theissen, Stories, 93), but Tacitus tended toward rationalism and may have modified a more dramatic propagandists Flavian tradition here; Tacitus also claims the eyewitnesses continued to attest the miracle in his day. 7059 For binding a demon, Γ. So1. 7:3. Together Lachs, Commentary, 250 (on Mark 7:33 ), and Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 65, cite at least six rabbinic sources; Lachs, Commentary, 250, also notes a few sources (including t. Sanh. 12:10, also in Barrett, John, 358) that condemned the practice as magical (to which add b. Sebu. 15b); it functions medicinally in p. Šabb. 14:4, §3. For Jewish therapeutic connotations, see further Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 27–29 (she notes it is difficult to attest before the Mishnaic period, pp. 32–33; but our total evidence from that period is limited). 7060 Drane, «Background,» 121; Barrett, John, 358; see especially the many citations in Bultmann, Tradition, 233; Aune, «Magic,» 1537; Yamauchi, «Magic,» 137–39. Spitting is used alongside a wide variety of other gestures (speaking into onés hand, stroking onés face, etc.) in PGM 3.420–423; in some traditional societies, spittle functions as a symbol of blessing and part of the prayer (Mbiti, Religions, 84). But apart from magic, Romans, Egyptians and rabbis attest spittiés use in treating eye diseases (Yamauchi, «Magic,» 139), which may have led to its symbolic application in miracle stories (Theissen, Stories, 63). 7063 E.g., b. Nid. 33b; 55b. Cf. Zoroastrian teaching; see Yamauchi, Persia, 451. Aelian 7.26 reports that human spittle kills animals; African sorcerers often use spittle in malevolent magic (Mbiti, Religions, 261). 7064 Abot R. Nat. 19, §42B. In God " s eyes the nations are like spittie (L.A.B. 7:3; 12:4; 4 Ezra 6:56; 2 Bar. 82:3–9), though this claim contextually emphasizes their inconsequence rather than their uncleanness). 7066 Spitting was a means of Gentile shaming in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:8; Matt 27:30; it could function as an insult (Cicero Quint, fratr. 2.3.2; Musonius Rufus 10, p. 76.20; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.18), a sign of disgust (Tibullus 1.2.96), or of rude manners (Xenophon Cyr. 8.1.42). |
| Of these kings, Herod and the tetrarchs are merely the most familiar to modern ears. The protégés of Pompey the Great form another group – Samsiceramus of Emesa, Tarcondimotus of the Cilician mountains, Ptolemy of the Iturean kingdom in Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. 492 There were yet smaller units, such as the principality of Theodore, son of Zeno, around Philadelphia, which included three other cities, and that of the Iturean Ptolemy, who ruled Arca in the northern Lebanon. Similar was the dominion of that obscure Lysanias who ruled in Abilene, between Anti-Lebanon and Damascus, and is known to Luke and to Josephus. 493 These provide another sort of illustration for the story of the king and his servants. 494 A.H.M. Jones’s account of southern Syria in the Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces brings out the diversity of the little kingdoms in the period after the breakdown of the Seleucid and Maccabean powers. The pattern persisted into the early Roman empire as long as the Herodian tetrarchies and the Nabatean monarchy survived. But it is past its prime by the time of Claudius, and the second half of the first century A.D. saw the disappearance of the last kingdoms and their incorporation into Roman provinces. The principality of Commagene lasted until Vespasian’s reign. Agrippa II and a certain Aristobulus survived in the Iturean area until about A.D. 93, and the last kingdom vanished with the annexation of the Nabatean realm in A.D. 105. 495 This little world forms the historical reality behind the ‘kingdom’ parables. It belongs to a definable historic period, beginning at the end of the second century B.C. and continuing into the early Roman period. But from the time of Trajan until the Arab conquest such a situation did not exist. In the age of the Antonines the little kingdoms must have been a dim memory. In Graeco-Roman literature their last impact appears faintly in the discourse delivered in the time of Vespasian by the philosopher Musonius Rufus, on the subject of kingly rule, to a personage described as a ‘Syrian king’, some last scion of the Iturean or Herodian line, or else an Antiochus of Commagene. |
| 1467 Most notably the fiscus Judaicus, a redirection of the half-shekel temple tax to the temple of Jupiter; see CPJ 1:80–81,2:119–36, §§160–229; Dio Cassius 65.7.2; Hemer, «Ostraka»; cf. Carlebach, «References.» Domitian broadened the scope of this taxation even to Jewish sympathizers ca. 90 C.E. (Gager, Anti-Semitism, 60); Appian R.H. 11.8.50 charges that Jews pay a higher poll-tax because they revolted so often. 1471 For numismatic evidence for imperial apotheosis in the Julio-Claudian period see Kreitzer, «Apotheosis.» 1472 E.g., Ovid Metam. 15.745–750, 843–851; Strabo Geog. 4.5.4; 17.1.6; Suetonius Julius 76; Aulus Gellius 15.7.3; Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 19.2; Dio Cassius 51.20.6; Pausanias 3.11.5; in Alexandria, cf. Philo Embassy 151; Fishwick, «Caesar»; idem, «Caesareum.» 1473 E.g., Pliny Ep. 10.65.3; Tacitus Ann. 1.10–11,41–42; 2.20; 3.62; Dio Cassius 56.46.1. See further discussion in Filson, «Ephesus,» 77; Fishwick, «Ovid»; Deissmann, Light, 344–46; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 17, 28. 1475 Tiberius (e.g., Tacitus Ann. 4.13); Caligula (e.g., Philo Leg. 81; Suetonius Calig. 22); Claudius (Tacitus Ann. 12.66, 13.2; Suetonius Nero 9); Nero (Suetonius Nero 31; cf. Tacitus Ann. 15.22, 73; Massa, Pompeii, 116); and Vespasian and Titus (Pliny Ep. 10.65.3; Paneg. 11.1); later, Hadrian (Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.25.534). 1476 See Yamauchi, Cities, 57, 66, 83–85; Ramsay, Seven Churches , 231–32, 283, 366–67, 410; Aune, Revelation, 775–79. 1477 See, e.g., Tilborg, Ephesus, 174–212 (on pp., 40–47, rightly suggesting a contrast with John). 1478 See Horsley, Galilee, 121. For the impact even in Judea and Galilee see Horsley, Galilee, 120–22. 1480 P.Lond. 1912.48–51. Cf. the similar humility of Tiberius (Tacitus Ann. 4.38; Sinclair, «Temples»). 1481 Like Caligula, Nero, Domitian, and Commodus; e.g., Herodian 1.14.8. This inspired flattery during their lives (e.g., Lucan C. W. 1.63–66) but cost them their posthumous «deification» (e.g., Dio Cassius 60.4.5–6; Herodian 1.15.1). |
| Following normal English usage, translators have usually employed the definite article when rendering the words kairoi ethnon as, “the times of the Gentiles.” In Greek, the use of the definite article would point to a definite and wellknown period. Since, however, the definite article is not found in the Greek text, the phrase “times of Gentiles” can refer to an imprecise period rather than one specific period already known to the readers (or listeners). The words kairoi ethnon have been variously interpreted throughout the centuries. Bible commentator Dr. Alfred Plummer observed: The ‘“seasons of the Gentiles” or “opportunities of the Gentiles” cannot be interpreted with certainty. Either (1) Seasons for executing the Divine judgements; or (2) for lording it over Israel; or (3) for existing as Gentiles; or (4) for themselves becoming subject to Divine judgements; or (5) Opportunities of turning to God; or (6) of possessing the privileges which the Jews had forfeited. The first and last are best, and they are not mutually exclusive. 437 A few comments may be necessary to clarify what may be implied in each of these alternatives: (1) Seasons for executing the divine judgments A number of expositors understand the “times of Gentiles” as the period allotted to the Gentile armies of Rome for executing the divine judgment upon the Jewish nation and its capital. As the period required for crushing the Jewish rebellion and recapturing Jerusalem lasted for about three and a half years – from the arrival of Vespasian’s armies in Galilee in the spring of 67 until the desolation of Jerusalem by Titus’ armies in the autumn of 70 C.E. – these expositors usually also equate the “times of Gentiles” with the “42 months” of Revelation 11:2 period the Gentiles would “trample on the holy city.” 438 (2) Seasons for lording it over Israel In this view the “times of Gentiles” are understood as referring to the period of Gentile domination of Jerusalem, dating either from 70 C.E. or from an earlier point of time. |
| 5864 Dan 7:22 ; Wis 3:7–8; 1 En. 95:3; 98:12; lQpHab 5.3–4, misinterpreting Hab 1:12–13; 1QM 14.7; 16.1. In Dan 7 , the «saints» must represent God " s people (Di Leila, «Holy Ones»; Poythress, «Holy Ones»; Hasel, «Saints»), not angels (pace Dequeker, «Saints»). 5865 See, e.g., m. " Abot 4(God " s prerogative alone); Deut. Rab. 1:10; 2 Bar. 19:3; Urbach, Sages, 1:123; more broadly, Sib. Or. 4.183–184; 1 En. 9:4; 60:2; 62:2; 47with 46:2; T. Ab. 14:6A. This point is often noted by commentators (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 2:107; Morris, John, 319). 5866 E.g., 3 En. 31:1; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10:9. 5867 E.g., with reference to the new year; t. Roš Haš. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; 23:1. 5868 Cf. Carson, John, 254. 5869 E.g., Philo Sacrifices 9; Num. Rab. 15:13. 5870 Mek. Pisha 1.88ff. Some later rabbis even interpreted Isa 42:8, which reserves God " s glory for himself, to claim that God would not share glory with another besides Israel (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 21:2). 5871 Vespasian, linking himself with Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius, in CIL 6.930; ILS 244 (Sherk, Empire, 124–25). 5872 Realized and future eschatologies are hardly incompatible and need not suggest later redaction. Qumran " s collection includes various eschatological schemes (cf. Mattila, «Eschatologies,» on 4Q246 and 1QM). 5873 Cf., e.g., Dio Cassius 45.47.5; Lucretius Nat. 3.1046; Macrobius Comm. 1.11.2 (Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 224); Epictetus Diatr. 1.5.4; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Sir 22:11–12 ; Eph 2:1 ; Gen. Rab. 39:7; Exod. Rab. 5:4; Ecc1. Rab. 9:5, §1; Gen 2as understood in Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.106; perhaps 4 Ezra 7:92; cf. spiritual resurrection in Jos. Asen. 8:9/11. 5874 So the Targumim (Abrahams, Studies, 2:44; McNamara, Targum, 123). The twofold death in some MSS of Gen. Rab. 96simply refers to the pain of a Diaspora burial, as the «second death» of Phaedrus 1.21.11 refers to ridicule at death. For more on «life,» see comment on 1:4–5. 5875 E.g., Josephus Ant. 8.220–221; Dio Cassius R.H. 19.61; Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Moses in Josephus Ant. 3.85–87; 4.329; see further in introduction, pp. 310–17. |
| Его образ запомнили и сохранили те, кого озарила Его Божественная Личность, Его проповедь и дела. И свое видение они закрепили в слове, – это первое историческое свидетельство о Нем, овеянное всей живостью непосредственного личного общения. Это же видение они передавали в устной речи. Все первохристианство собирается вокруг живого исторического образа Иисуса из Назарета, Христа, Сына Божия. И согласным хором свидетельствует о Нем. Против этого свидетельства, восходящего к очевидцам и к живому общению, остается бессильным всякое сомнение, опирающееся только на предвзятую мысль о невозможности Богочеловека. 564 Древс (Drews) Артур (1865–1935) – немецкий философ, последователь Э. Гартмана, популяризатор так называемой «мифологической школы» в изучении истории религии (утверждавшей, что в основе всех религий лежат исторически сложившиеся мифы). 565 " Союз монистов« – основанное А. Древсом движение за «религию без Бога», за религиозность, направленную на безличное иррациональное начало бытия. 566 Гарнак (Харнак) (Harnack) Адольф ( 1851–1930) – немецкий протестантский богослов и церковный историк, автор фундаментальных трудов по истории раннего христианства, христианской литературы и истории догматов, которые он рассматривал как «создание греческого духа на почве Евангелия»; с 1888 г. профессор в Берлине, генеральный директор Прусской государственной библиотеки (1905–1921), президент Евангелическо-социального конгресса (1903–1912), с 1910 г. президент основанного по его инициативе Общества содействия науке императора Вильгельма (с 1948 г. – Общество Макса Планка). 567 Веспасиан (Vespasianus) (9–79) – римский император с 69 г., основатель династии Флавиев. Значительно шире, чем его предшественники, распространял на провинциалов права римского и латинского гражданства; участвовал в подавлении антиримского восстания в римской провинции Иудея (66–73). Римляне после 5-месячной осады, воспользовавшись междоусобной борьбой в Иудее, взяли и разрушили Иерусалим, в том числе, храм (70). |
| 2367 (Mark " s promises for faith, as in 11:20–25, are substantially greater than those of the Epidauros inscriptions, however; the former virtually made all believers «holy persons» with direct access to God, whereas the latter sought to «cushion disappointments» as well as «increase expectations.») 2368 Indeed, deities like Asclepius and Sarapis reportedly able to provide practical benefits like healings often supplanted more traditional deities in popular devotion. 2369 Miracles came to possess such propagandistic value that Romans could employ those of the Isis cult for political propaganda. 2370 Ancient writers report the healings attributed to Vespasian before the inauguration of his Flavian dynasty, undoubtedly a form of propaganda meant to authenticate his claim to rule. 2371 First-century philosophers emphasized the divine wisdom of true sages rather than miraculous authentication; by the second century, writers like Lucian contested the growing popular ideal of such authentication; by the third century, many thinkers had capitulated to the popular ideal, portraying the intellectual heroes of the past as wonderworkers as wel1. This trend increased as astrology, magic, and other customs from the East supplanted some of the traditional reliance on the rational cultus of Roman religion. 2372 Greek biographers normally attributed signs only to the divine sages, not to those who were considered merely human. 2373 The OT reported both miracles performed directly by God and those performed through his agents, certain kinds of prophets, 2374 and Jewish hopes for both kinds of miracles continued in the period of Christian beginnings. On a popular level, miraculous answers to prayer probably authenticated Hanina ben Dosa, 2375 Honi the Circle-Drawer, and other teachers Vermes has called «charismatic rabbis.» 2376 Because Honís relationship to God was like that of a special son to a father, Honi could change Gods mind on matters. 2377 Honi would draw a circle and refuse to step outside it till God sent rain, so God, honoring Honís confidence and piety, would grant the request. |
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