Norman Baynes . The first Compaign of Heraclius against Persia. Eng. Hist. Rew. XIX (1904), 694–702. The Date of the Avar surprise. Byz. Zeitsch. XXI (1911), 110–128. The military operations of the Emperor Heraclius. 609–630 A. D. 4 Butler. The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the thirty years of the Roman dominion. Oxford. 1902. Maspero. Organisation militaire de l’Egypte byzantine. Paris. 1912. Patkanian. Essai d’une histoire de la dynastie des Sassanides. Journal Asiatique.Six. Sér. t. VII (1866), 101–235. Duval. Histoire d’Edesse, ib. VIII Sér. t. XIX (1892), 5–102. Ю. Кулаковский. К критике известий Феофана о последнем годе правления Фоки. Виз. Врем. XXI (1914), 1–14. Васильевский. Авары, а не русские, Феодор, а не Георгий. Виз. Врем. III (1896), 81–95. Brooks. The Sicilian Expedition of Constantine IV. –Who was Constantinus Pogonatus? Byz. Zeitsch. XVII (1908), 455–462. –The Brothers of the Emperor Constantine IV. Eng. His. Rew. XXX (1915), January, 42–51. Görres. Justinian II und das rômische Papsttum. Byz. Zeitsch. XVII (1908), 332– 454. Успенский. О вновь открытых мозаиках в церкви св. Димитрия в Солуни. Изв. Рус. Арх. Инст. в К-поле, XIV (1901), 1–61. Ch. Diehl. Les mosaïques de Saint Démétrius de Salonique. Acad. des. Inscr. et Belles Lettres. Comptes rendus. 1911, 25–32. S. Vailhé. Sophrone le Sophiste et Sophrone le patriarche. Rev. de l» Or. Chr. VII (1902), 360–385; VIII (1903), 32–69; 356–387. Hefelle. Conciliengeschichte. В. III, 2-te, Autl. Freiburg. 1877. G. Owsepian. Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Monothelismus nach ihren Quell geprüft und dargestellt. Leipzig. 1897. Audollent. Carthage Romaine. Paris. 1899. Кекелидзе. Сведения грузинских источников о препод. Максиме Исповеднике . (Труды Киевской Духовной Академии, 1912, т. 3, 1–41, 451–486). Епифанович. Максим Исповедник  и византийское богословие. Киев. 1915. Weìl. Geschìche der Chalifen. I. Manheim. 1846. Мюллер. История Ислама. I–II. Перев. под ред. Медникова. Пбр. 1895. De Goeje. Mémoires d’Histoire et de Géographie orientales, 2, Leiden. 1900.

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John probably does know the same tradition as Mark. Whatever the traditions behind the Gospels, however, Mark " s and John " s approaches at least imply (perhaps for theological reasons) the Passover on different days, yet derive from it the same theology: Jesus» death is a new passover, a new act of redemption (cf. also 1Cor 5:7 ). 2. Pilate and the Chief Priests (18:29–32) John focuses on the responsibility of the Judean elite; Jewish Christians in his own day felt repressed by a Jewish elite whom they viewed as analogous, and would view this elite as more culpable than the Romans precisely because they claimed to speak for Israel " s God and for Judaism. While this is John " s emphasis, however, he does not deny the Roman involvement; a public crucifixion in a Roman province demanded a Roman sentence. 2A. Pilatés Historical Involvement Few historians would dispute that Jesus in fact appeared before Pilate (outside the Gospels and Acts, e.g., 1Tim 6:13 ; Tacitus Ann. 15.44); 9819 only the governor could order a person crucified. Further, if Pilate wished some semblance of order, he would provide at least a brief hearing. True, Pilate was known for his brutality (e.g., Josephus Ant. 18.85) 9820 and sometimes had reportedly executed Jews without trial (Philo Embassy 299, 302). But that Pilate executed Jesus without some form of hearing is improbable, for this is the very sort of breach of normal procedure the earliest Christian sources would be most likely to report; yet they mention nothing of the kind. 9821 Likewise, Jesus» own countrymen would normally perform the function of delatores, or accusers, to charge him with sedition. 9822 The substance of the events in John " s account match historical expectations: «It begins with a formal delation ... and ends with a formal condemnation pro tribunali " (18:29; 19:13). 9823 (The «governor» in Judea in this period was technically a «prefect,» rather than the later term «procurator» as in Tacitus Ann. 15.44; the Gospels simply use the general title «governor,» which could have covered either.) 9824 That Jesus was crucified by the Romans is likewise inevitably historical; 9825 Christians would hardly have invented execution at all, but certainly not Roman execution, which would have painted them thereafter as subversives in the Roman world. 9826 Pilate often went to great lengths to quell so much as public complaints, including violent suppression of a crowd, leading to many deaths (Josephus War 2.176–177; Ant. 18.60–62). Romans had borrowed an earlier custom of hanging people, 9827 and the victims of the punishment were disproportionately slaves 9828 and the provincial poor. 9829 Roman citizens could not be crucified legally, but slaves and provincials could be. 9830 Although dangerous criminals (Suetonius Julius 4), like slaves, were regularly crucified, crucifixions of free persons in Palestine usually involved the charge of rebellion against Rome. 9831 2B. Provincial Politics and Law (18:29–31a)

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The 200 bishops present at the Council condemned and repudiated the heresy of Nestorius and decreed that one should recognize that united in Jesus Christ at the time of the incarnation were two natures, divine and human, and that one should confess Jesus Christ as true God and true Man, and the Holy Virgin Mary as the God-bearer (Theotokos). The Council also affirmed the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, and strictly prohibited making any changes or additions to it. The Fourth Ecumenical Council. The Fourth Ecumenical Council was convened in 451 A.D., in the city of Chalcedon, under Emperor Marcian. The Council met to challenge the false doctrine of an archimandrite of a Constantinople monastery, Eu-tychius, who rejected the human nature of the Lord Jesus Christ. Refuting one heresy and defending the divinity of Jesus Christ, he himself fell into an extreme, and taught that in the Lord Jesus Christ human nature was completely absorbed in the Divine, and therefore it followed that one need only recognize the Divine nature. This false doctrine is called Monophysitism, and followers of it are called Monophysites. The Council of 650 bishops condemned and repudiated the false doctrine of Eutychius and defined the true teaching of the Church, namely that our Lord Jesus Christ is perfect God, and as God He is eternally born from God. As man, He was born of the Holy Virgin and in every way is like us, except in sin. Through the incarnation, birth from the Holy Virgin, divinity and humanity are united in Him as a single Person, infused and immutable, thus reputing Eutychius; indivisible and inseparable, reputing Nestorius. The Fifth Ecumenical Council. The Fifth Ecumenical Council was convened in 553 A.D., in the city of Constantinople, under the famous Emperor, Justinian I. It was called to quell a controversy between Nestorians and Eutychians. The major points of contention were the well-known works of the Antiochian school of the Syrian church, entitled «The Three Chapters.» Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Ibas of Edessa, clearly expressed the Nestorian error, although at the Fourth Ecumenical Council, nothing had been mentioned of their works.

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Similarly the understanding of the external marks of catholicity takes on a new emphasis as we believe is shown in the following example. Irenaeus mentions 1 Clement at one point 465 and refers incidentally to apostolic succession. But the interpretation of it that he gives is noteworthy and forms a clear picture of the development that had taken place in the understanding of the marks of catholicity. Whereas Clement, as we have seen, connects apostolic succession with the offering of the Gifts, meaning the Divine Eucharist – the dismissal from which of the Apostles’ successors had prompted the composition of the letter – this is overlooked by Irenaeus who sees the purpose of 1 Clement as being instead the renewal of apostolic faith in Corinth. The disturbance in Corinth which 1 Clement attempts to quell is for Irenaeus a matter of faith rather than of liturgy. Because apostolic succession, for the Church of his time, meant principally the guarantee of orthodoxy and the transmission of the apostolic tradition. In Tertullian, it is equally clear that “Catholic Church” is a technical term denoting the “Orthodox Church” in contradistinction to the heresies 466 . The term “Catholic Church” also has the sense of “orthodoxy” in the fragments of the so-called Muratori Canon. In this text, a distinction is made between those books of the New Testament which the “Catholic Church” accepts and uses and those which the heretics accept and which, therefore, “cannot be accepted by the Catholic Church” 467 . Here, too, the term “Catholic Church” means the true and Orthodox Church which possesses the correct canon of Holy Scripture in contrast to the heretical groups. It should be noted that the term does not indicate the “universality” of the Church in this text either, given that, when it is a matter of her “universality”, the Church is described as “one Church, spread over all the world” 468 . After Irenaeus and at the beginning of the third century, the term “Catholic Church” continues to be connected mainly with the notion of orthodoxy.

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d. Quell, u. Liter, pag. 393–394). Баллерины, со своей стороны, доказали, что последний 105 канон, которого не достает в первоначальном испанском и исидоровском сборниках, прибавлен или внесен из Ургелленского (Urgellensi) кодекса полного испанского собрания, и что этот канон, по всей вероятности, принадлежит какому-либо африканскому собору, как это видно из находящихся в упомянутом каноне слов: placuit omnibus patribus per provinciam carthaginis consistentibus, указывающих на карфагенское происхождение сего канона. При этом теже Баллерины прибавили, что карфагенское происхождение названного канона отнюдь не дает права и прочие каноны приписывать африканскому же собору, так как этого канона не достает во всех других, кроме Ургелленского, манускриптах, и он по самой форме своей отличается от прочих канонов. Сверх сего, приведенные слова, указывающие на карфагенское происхождение рассматриваемого канона, могут быть отнесены только к собору одной проконсульской провинции, в которой главным городом был Карфаген и не могут быт приложены к общему собору 214 епископов, на котором присутствовали епископы от других областей. Ballerini, Dissert, de vetust. coll. et collect, pag. 143 n. VII. Hefele, t. II, 69–70. Карфагенский собор 419 г. приводит под именем рассматриваемого собора двадцать канонов, равным образом и Дионисий Малый, следуя актам того же собора приписывает рассматриваемому собору тоже двадцать правил, т. е. с 66 по 85 включительно. Между тем карфагенский же собор, бывший при Вонифатие 525 г., называя рассматриваемый собор шестым, бывшим при Аврелие, в числе девяти приведенных им с именем этого собора правил, привел два канона, 1 и 6, таких, которых нет ни в актах собора 419 г., ни в собрании Дионисия Малого в составе канонов рассматриваемого собора (Mansi, t. VIII. pag. 644). Равным образом в Испанском собрании карфагенских правил в числе пятнадцати канонов, приписанных им пятому карфагенскому собору, находятся два канона 4 и 11 такие, которые сходствуют по содержанию с названными двумя правилами.

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66 Первый из этих канонов, т. е. 38, рассуждает о числе епископов потребных для законной епископской хиротонии, последний 39 говорит о крещении тех найденных младенцев, о которых достоверно не известно: были ли они крещены или нет. В Квеснельском экземпляре бревиария, которым вместе с другими источниками пользовались Баллерины, оба эти канона представляются прибавленными к бревиарию; между тем как в других сборниках вовсе не встречается этих канонов. Вследствие сего, еще Баллерины признали означенные каноны не принадлежащими к бревиарию, и вместе не принадлежащими собору Иппонийскому (Ballerini, Dissert, devetust. coll.et collector.conon par II cap. III § III pag. 139–140, cp. Mansi, t. III pag. 937 not. 10. 938 not. 18). Первый из названных канонов, соответствуя 49 и 50, по собранию -Дионисия Малого; 60 и 61 правилам книги правил, совмещает в себе два канона Карфагенского собора 397 г.; последний, отвечая 72 Дионисия и 83 книги правил, принадлежит Карфагенскому же собору 13 сентября 401 г. (Iustelli, Bibliotheca juris canon veter. t. I pag. 151 и 157 cp. Mansi, t. III pag. 925). Маассен, соглашаясь в сем случае с мнением Баллерин, дает заметить, что только в собрании Феодосия диакона рассматриваемые каноны причислены к бревиарию (Maassen, Geschicht d. Quell, und Liter, pag. 160). Впрочем, и относительно 37 канона необходимо заметить, что в том виде, как он изложен нами, сего канона также нет в списках бревиария. Баллерины восстановили этот канон из разных источников 6ревиария, в которых встречается одна первая часть, т. е. о принятии донатистов клириков в православную церковь , или одна вторая о принятии в клир детей, крещенных донатистами, и историческими соображениями доказали, что обе эти части должны составлять один канон, содержаний распоряжение Иппонийского собора о том, чтобы спросить мнения римской церкви об означенных предметах. Последняя часть рассматриваемого канона находится между прочим и в собрании Дионисия Малого, где и составляет 47 канон, соответствующий 57 правилу нашей книги правил (Iustelli, Bibliotheca juris conon.

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Many of those innocent people are Christians. Alheri Bawa Magaji, a member of the largely Christian Adara tribe in Nigeria, said the persecution of Christians by Boko Haram terrorists is equivalent to genocide. Magaji  told Fox News  Christians “are being phased out.” In the spring, not long after Leah was kidnapped, Islamic groups  systematically targeted  at least seven predominantly Christian villages, killing more than 300 people. “Most Nigerians don’t even know what is really happening in these remote parts of the country because it is being suppressed,” she said. “The militants come to remote areas, leaving dead bodies and limbs and the blood of children all over the place.” The 38-year-old Magaji is far from alone in her characterization of the situation in Nigeria. The country’s former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, recently  wrote a letter  to current President Muhammadu Buhari, warning of a serious risk of a “Rwandan-style genocide” of Christians if the government doesn’t take immediate steps to quell the violence. Despite President Donald Trump  raising the issue  of Christian persecution with Buhari during their meeting together last April, the Nigerian leader has been largely silent on the topic. There’s no doubt this matter needs more attention. Nigeria is the 12th most dangerous place in the world for Christians, according to Open Doors’ annual  World Watch List , and it’s only becoming more perilous. Christians, too, must be more aware of what is happening to our brothers and sisters around the globe. Churches  need to devote time  each week to talking about and praying for persecuted believers, according to Open Doors CEO David Curry. The systematic persecution of Christians is undoubtedly plaguing Nigeria, and the world needs to know about it. We cannot afford silence. Code for blog Since you are here… …we do have a small request. More and more people visit Orthodoxy and the World website. However, resources for editorial are scarce. In comparison to some mass media, we do not make paid subscription. It is our deepest belief that preaching Christ for money is wrong.

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Volk: Dich feiern wir! Der Archidiakon ruft: Wie schaurig ist diese Stunde, wie furchtbar diese Zeit, da der heilige Geist aus den oberen Höhen sich erhebt und herabkommt und sich lagert auf dieses Oel und es heiligt! Mit Schweigen und Furcht stehet und betet! Der Hierarch vollzieht gebeugt die Epiklesis des heiligen Geistes: Gott, der du gross bist in Rathschlüssen und mächtig in Werken, der du in deiner Liebe zum Menschengeschlechte und in deiner Gnade uns gegeben hast, vor deinem Altare zu stehen, um zu vollziehen diesen priesterlichen und schrecklichen Dienst, du, o allheiliger Herr, erhöre uns nach der Fülle deiner Erbarmungen und schaue in deiner Gnade auf uns, und sende uns aus deinen heiligen Höhen und aus deiner bereiteten Wohnung, aus deinem unendlichen Innersten den Tröster, deinen Geist, jene Hypostasis, jenen Herrn, den Urheber des Lebens, der durch das Gesetz und die Propheten geredet hat, den Allgegenwärtigen und Alles Erfüllenden, der da wirket mit der Macht des Herrschers, nicht gleich wie ein Diener, die Heiligung an denen er will, nach deinem Wohlgefallen, der einfach ist dem Wesen und vielfach der Kraft nach, den Quell der göttlichen Gaben, der Eines Wesens ist mit dir und von dir ausgeht, der mittheilhaftig ist des Königssitzes deiner Majestät und deines einzig gezeugten Sohnes, unsere Herrn und Gottes und Heilandes Jesu Christi. Und er wirft sich vor dem Altare nieder, sprechend: Die Augen des Herrn seien über uns und über dieses hingestellte Oel und heilige dasselbe, auf dass es Allen, die mit demselben gesalbt und bezeichnet werden, sei ein heiliges Salböl, ein priesterliches Salböl, ein königliches Salböl, ein leuchtendes Gewand, ein Kleid des Heiles, Bewahrung des Lebens, geistliche Salbung, Heiligung der Seelen und Leiber, Jubel des Herzens, Freude in Ewigkeit, nimmer endende Wonne, unverletzliches Siegel, Rüstung des Glaubens, furchtbarer Panzer gegen alle Macht des Teufels, damit die damit Geheiligten und Gesalbten seien mögen furchtbar und unbezwinglich den Widersachern, und vor dir am Tage des Gerichtes stehend gleich Sternen am Himmel leuchten mögen im Glanze deiner Heiligen und in die ewigen Gezelte deiner Heiligen aufgenommen werden mögen nach deinen untrüglichen Verheissungen, und damit sie den Erstgeborenen, welche im Himmel angeschrieben sind, zugezählt werden, in Christo Jesu, unserm Herrn, durch den und mit dem dir gebühret Lob und Ehre und Macht mit deinem allheiligen und guten Geiste.

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Sandherr , Susanne, Die heimliche Geburt des Subjekts. Das Subjekt und sein Werden im Denken Emmauel Levinas " . Stuttgart u.a. 1998. Scharlemann, Robert P. (Hg.), Theology at the end of the century: A dialogue on the postmodern. Charlottesville-London 1990. Ders., The reason of following: Christology and the ecstatic. Chicago 1991. Schneider-Stengel, Detlef, Christentum und Postmoderne. Zu einer Neubewertung von Theologie und Metaphysik. Münster: Lit-Verlag 2002 (Religion - Geschichte - Gesellschaft. Fundamentaltheologische Studien Bd. 19). Schnell, Matthias, Die Herausforderung der Postmoderne-Diskussion für die Theologie der Gegenwart. Tübingen 1994 (Dissertation). Taubald, Benjamin, Erinnerung und Traum. Ethik ‚nach " dem Holocuast: Postmoderne Philosophie und Politische Theologie im Gespräch, in: Jahresbericht der Societas Ethica 2000, 109-126. Taylor, Charles, Die Formen des Religiösen in der Gegenwart. Frankfurt a.M. Suhrkamp 2002. Taylor , Mark C., Reframing postmodernism. In: Berry, Phillipa/Wernick, Andrew (Hg.), Shadow of spirit. Routledge: Taylor & Francis 1993, 11-29. Ders., Erring: A postmodern a/theology. Chicago 1984. Ders., De-constructing Theology. Atlanta 1982. Track, Joachim, Die Moderne im Kreuzfeuer gegenwärtiger Kritik. In: Brosseder, Johannes/Ignestam, Evah (Hg.), Die Ambivalenz der Moderne. Uppsala: Tro & Tanke 1999, 15-41. Tracy , David, Theologie als Gespräch. Eine postmoderne Hermeneutik. Mainz: Grünewald 1993. Türk, Hans Joachim, Postmoderne. Christliche Orientierung im religiösen Pluralismus. Stuttgart: Quell 1992. Valentin , Joachim, Atheismus in der Spur Gottes: Theologie nach Jacques Derrida. Mainz 1997. Ders., Certeau im Plural. Ein Tagungsbericht. In: Orientierung 66 (2002) 117f. Ders., Das Echo Jacques Derridas in der angelsächsischen Theologie. ThRv 97 (2001), 18-29. Ders., Das Komische als Dekonstruktion des Schreckens. Theologisch-philosophische Überlegungen zu Roberto Benignis Film " Das Leben ist schön " . In: Orth, Stefan/Valentin, Joachim/Zwick, Reinhold (Hgg.): Göttliche Komödien. Religiöse Dimensionen des Komischen im Film. (Reihe Film und Theologie 2). Köln (Katholisches Institut für Medieninformation und Schüren) 2001, 125-143.

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The senior UN Food and Agriculture Organization representative in Syria termed the situation “a perfect storm.” And so tens of thousands of frightened, angry, hungry, and impoverished former farmers were jammed into Syria’s towns and cities, where they constituted tinder ready to catch fire. The spark was struck on March 15, 2011, when a relatively small group gathered in the southwestern town of Daraa to protest against government failure to help them. Instead of meeting with the protesters and at least hearing their complaints, the government saw them as subversives. The lesson of Hama must have been at the front of the mind of every member of the Assad regime. Failure to act decisively, Hama had shown, inevitably led to insurrection. Compromise could come only after order was assured. So Bashar followed the lead of his father. He ordered a crackdown. And the army, long frustrated by inaction and humiliated by its successive defeats in confrontation with Israel, responded violently. Its action backfired. Riots broke out all over the country. As they did, the government attempted to quell them with military force. It failed. So, during the next two years, what had begun as a food and water issue gradually turned into a political and religious cause. The Civil War Takes Shape While we know a good deal about the Syrian government because it is much like many other governments around the world, we don’t know much about the rebels. Hundreds of groups and factions—called “brigades” even when they are just a dozen or so people—have been identified. Some observes believe that there are actually over 1,000 brigades. A reasonable guess is that, including both part-time and full-time insurgents, they number about 100,000 fighters. As in the Afghan war against the Russians, the insurgents are split into mutually hostile groups. This has made them impossible to defeat and very difficult to engage in negotiations. In Afghanistan, the Russians won all the battles and occupied the entire country sporadically but could never identify any leadership with which they could negotiate. Indeed, even while fighting the Russians, the Afghan guerrilla groups fought against each other for territory, money, weapons, access to smuggling routes, leadership, old ethnic hatreds, and more. Consequently, despite massive foreign aid, they were never able to defeat the Russians. As we shall see, this pattern has been repeated in Syria. There the war has reached a stalemate in which neither side, regardless of the promise or provision of weapons and money by outside powers, is likely to prevail.

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