| 3614 Boismard, Prologue, 48–49; Morris, John, 103–4; survey of background in Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 31–63; against Barrett, John, 165. Jesus thus becomes the new temple (Jerusalem was God " s tabernacling-place, κατασκνωσις–Tob 1:4); see comment on 2:19–21; 4:21–24; 7:37–39; 10:36; 14:2–3; and cf. Brown, Community, 49; Painter, John, 57; cf. commentators on the hidden manna and ark under Rev 2:17. 3615 Stuart, «Examination,» 311; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; Gaston, Stone, 209; contrast Barrett, John, 165. 3616 Sir 24:8 ; the parallel is widely noted (Harris, «Origin»; Vos, «Range,» 404; Haenchen, John, 1:119; Gaston, Stone, 209; Glasson, Moses, 66; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; cf. Barrett, John, 166). Cf. Bar 3:37 ; Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.46 and Congr. 116 (the tabernacle represents Wisdom); Posterity 122 (the λγος θεος ενοκει among those who contemplate eternal things); cf. T. Levi 2:11; 5:2; 6:5; the name in Did. 10.2. 3618 On the sukkah recalling the wilderness cloud of glory, hence God " s sheltering presence, in rabbinic texts, see Rubenstein, «Sukkah» Isa 4suggests an eschatological cloud of glory for a new exodus (even more emphatic in Tg. Isa. 4:5). 3619 Wis 12:1; See further Isaacs, Spirit, 23. Isaacs suggests that Philós doctrine of immanence may reflect dependence on biblical tradition as well as on the language of the Stoa (Spirit, 29). 3620 «Abot R. Nat. 1 A; b. Yoma 4a (early Tannaitic attribution); Num. Rab. 11:6; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1(citing m. »Abot 3:2, the oldest comment on the Shekinah); Abelson, Immanence, 143–45; with the Word, 146–49. Wisdom has glory in Wis 9:11, and functioned as God " s glory or Shekinah in the wilderness, guiding the righteous and being a covering by day and flame of stars by night (Wis 10:17; cf. Exod 13:21). 3621 4Q504 4.2–6; Num. Rab. 12:3; 14:22; Song Rab. 3:11, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7, 9; 7:4; Tg. Neof. on Exod 25:8; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:51–53; for transferral of the idea to synagogues, see Lev. Rab. 11:7; glory is associated with booths in the wilderness, but again only rarely (b. Sukkah lib, attributed to R. Eliezer vs. R. Akiba). Some Amoraim sought to harmonize the universality of God " s presence with its localization in the tabernacle (e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:2; Num. Rab. 12:4; Song Rab. 3:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7). On glory and the tabernacle, see Exod 40:32–36; 1 Kgs 8:10–11; Boismard, Prologue, 144. |
| John further emphasizes here the inseparable relationship between the Father and the Son, repeatedly emphasized and clarified throughout the Gospel (e.g., 1:1–2). The Spirit «proceeds» from the Father (cf. Rev 22:1) 9148 but is sent by the Son (15:26; 16:7; cf. Luke 24:49) as well as by the Father (14:16,26); yet even in sending the Spirit, Jesus first receives the Spirit from the Father (15:26; Acts 2:33; cf. Rom 8:11 ). John attempts no precise disinction between the roles of the Father and the Son here except in acknowledging the Father " s superior rank; the Father often delegates his own roles to the Son in the Gospel (5:20–29). Various other early Christian texts likewise appear unconcerned to make stark differentiations between the roles of Father and Son here; some portray the Spirit as from the Father (e.g., Acts 2:17; 5:32; cf. Eph 1:17 ; Phil 3:3 ; 1Pet 1:12 ), others perhaps from the Son (cf. Rom 8:2, 9 ; Phil 1:19 ; 1Pet 1:11 ). Early Christians probably regarded the alternatives as complementary rather than contradictory (see esp. Gal 4:6 ). On the title «Spirit of truth,» see comment on 14:17. 3A. The Spirit Testifies against the World Certainly the Spirit " s witness is not limited to prosecuting the world as in 16:8–11; the Spirit can witness to believers to confirm their relationship with God, as both the Johannine tradition (1 John 5:6–8, 10) and other early Christian tradition ( Rom 8:16 ; cf. 9:1; Acts 15:8) concurs. But in this context the emphasis lies on prophetic witness to the world (cf. Rev 19:10). Certainly «witness» appears in a forensic sense in some Jesus tradition reported in Mark 13 : believers will be brought before authorities for a witness to (or against) them ( Mark 13:9 ), which will be empowered by the Holy Spirit ( Mark 13:11 ). Although the world could not receive the Spirit (14:26), the Spirit could witness to it (15:26–16:11), just as Jesus testifies but no one receives his witness (3:11,32; 1:10–11). The Spirit of truth and the disciples would both testify concerning Jesus. It is possible that this Paraclete saying is a general statement that summarizes the next two: when the Spirit comes, he will bear witness both to the world (16:8–11) and to the community (16:13–15); both of these sayings are introduced in a manner similar to the ταν ελθη of 15:26, and in each instance the Spirit comes to believers (15:26; 16:7,12–13). 9149 |
| 9992 «Purple» could mean scarlet (e.g., Rev 17:4; 18:16; Appian C.W. 2.21.150; cited in Brown, Death, 866; cf. Dupont, Life, 260), though the Gospel tradition probably preserves it for its symbolic value, both to the soldiers and to Jesus» later followers. Egyptian gentry in nome capitals purchased green, red, and especially blue outer apparel (Lewis, Life, 52–53). 9994 For its association with wealth, see, e.g., Lucretius Nat. 5.1423; Horace Carm. 1.35.12, 2.18.7–8; Cicero Sen. 17.59; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.159d; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.73; 1Macc 10:20, 62, 64, 14:43–44; lQapGen 20.31; Sib. Or. 3.389, 658–659; 8.74; Petronius Sat. 38, 54; Epictetus frg. 11; Martial Epigr. 5.8.5; 8.10; Juvenal Sat. 1.106; 4.31; Apuleius Metam. 10.20; Chariton 3.2.17; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7, 15:3; T. Ab. 4:2A; Jos. Asen. 2:2/3, 8/14–15; 5:5/6. Some writers complained about its extravagance (Seneca Dia1. 12.11.2; Plutarch T.T. 3.1.2, Mor. 646B; 1 En. 98MSS). 9995 Cf. Brown, John, 2:875. Derrett, «Ruber,» suggests that the red alludes to Isa 1and (somewhat less unlikely) 63:1–2; Lukés white robe in Luke 23characterized Jewish kings as well (Hill, Prophecy, 52). 10003 Flusser, Judaism, 600 (cf. Suggit, «Man»); Flusser argues (Judaism, 602) that on the historical level it is perfectly in character to suppose that Pilate joined in the ridicule of Jesus. Cf. Smith, John, 346. 10006 For the emphasis on Jesus» humanity here, see also Sevenster, «Humanity»; Koester, Symbolism, 187; Smith, John, 346. Schwank, «Ecce Homo,» finds an answer to Pilatés own question in 18:38; but the connection, while possible, is unclear. 10007 John elsewhere juxtaposes announcements of Jesus» humanity with his messianic identity (4:29; cf. 5:27) though more often those who do not recognize Jesus» fuller identity call him «human» (5:12; 7:46, 51; 9:16,24; 10:33; 11:47,50; 18:17,29); he may link his humanity and mortality in 3:14; 6:53; 8:40; 12:23, 34; 13:31. 10010 A familiar accusation; they may allude in part to Jesus» claims to authority to revise the Sabbath law (5:18; cf. Wead, «Law»); but cf. esp. 10:33. Less probably, Barrett, John, 541, thinks the law of blasphemy is particularly in view. |
| 5842 Though ργον is a common term (over 130 occurrences in the LXX of the Pentateuch alone) it is significant here that it can apply to God " s act of creation ( Gen 2:2–3 LXX; Wis 13:1; Sib. Or. 1.22; cf. the verb in Philostratus Hrk. 25.8). Less likely is the proposal of Manns, «Oeuvres,» that Jesus carries out Jewish tradition " s «works of mercy.» 5843 For a probable implicit traditional link between Gen 2and Ezek 37 , see comment on John 20:22 . 5844 E.g., L.A.E. 51:1–2; 2 En. 33:1–2 J; Barn. 15.8; possibly T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; see further the comment on John 5:25–30 . 5845 It may be associated with the feast in 7and perhaps identified as the (partly realized) eschatological «day» in John 8:56; 9:4; 11:9; 14:20; 16:23,26 ), perhaps partly associated with the cross (12:7; 19:31) and/or resurrection (the first day, 20:1,19). 5846 John 6does not count because «make» is properly attached to «sit down.» 5847 Elsewhere God «made» the human mouth, a synecdoche for God making people in various physical conditions (Exod 4:11). 5848 Such a relationship often invited reciprocity: Israel must love God ( ; Josh 22:5; 23:11; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ). 5849 Possibly Ign. Magn. 7.1 (δι» εαυτο) alludes to John here (even in the shorter recension), especially in view of Ignatius " s νευ του πατρς οδν εποησεν. 5850 Meeks, «Agent,» 55. On the activity of the agent, see «agency» under Christology in our introduction, pp. 310–17. 5851 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.32, εξ εμαυτο (John consistently prefers π, as in, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 396, §135D). In John 10it indicates Jesus» independence from those who want him dead, but explicitly not independence from the Father; cf. 18:34. 5852 Sipre Deut. 5.1.1; 19.1.1; 25.5.1. 5853 Talbert, John, 125–26, takes the language of honor here as cultic (citing Josephus Ant. 1.156; 6.21; 1Tim 1:17; 6:16 ; Rev 4:9, 11; 5:12). On the early Christian understanding of Jesus receiving worship within the identity of the one God, see Bauckham, God Crucified, 34–35. |
| 5714 See Burridge, Gospel, 228. Van der Waal, «Gospel,» 35, argues that the transposition also negates the sequence of feasts in the story world to which 7alludes. 5715 Smith, Composition, 130; Beasley-Murray, John, xliii. 5716 E.g., Judg 1:9; 16:4 ; 2Sam 3:28; 8:1; 10:1; 13:1; 15:1; 21:18; 1 Chr 20:4; 2 Chr 20:1; Tob 11:1; Let. Aris. 179; Xenophon Anab. 6.4.12; cf. 1 En. 89:30; Josephus Life 427; see more fully the comment on John 5:1 . 5717 For a fuller exploration of the pattern, cf. Lee, Narratives, 12–13. 5718 The parallels with Marks story of the paralytic, based on the use of κραβαττς in both ( Mark 2:4, 9, 11–12 ; John 5:8–11 ), are inadequate to suggest a common source (Nunn, Authorship, 18; Schnackenburg, John, 2:96; cf. Mark 6:55 ; Acts 5:15; 9:33). The Markan term can denote «a «poor man " s bed»» (Horsley, Documents, 2:15), which may be why Matthew and Luke change it (Thiselton, «Semantics,» 93)–and why the same term would fit this story, which would be consistent with Mark on Jesus» healing methods. 5719 So Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681, adding that John «has to " tack on» the motifs of Sabbath and sin (5:9b, 14)» to unite the story with the discourse that follows. 5720 See Witherington, Christology, 66. 5721 John 3:22; 5:14; 6:1; 7:1; 19:38; 21:1 ; cf. 13:7; Rev 1:19; 4:1; 7:9; 9:12; 15:5; 18:1; 19:1; 20:3. Elsewhere in the NT see esp. Luke (Luke 5:27; 10:1; 12:4; 17:8; 18:4; Acts 7:7; 13:20; 15:16; 18:1) but also Mark 16:8 ; Heb 4:8; 1Pet 1:11 ; cf. Mark 16:12 ; in the LXX, e.g., Gen 15:14; 23:19; 41:30 ; Exod 5:1; Num 8:22; 12:16 ; Esth 1:4; 3:1; 1 Esd 1:14; 5:1, 51; Tob 10:14; 1Macc 1:5; 11:54; 13:20; 14:24. 5722 Bowman, Gospel, 36–38, 99–159 (99–109, establishing the possibility, is better than 111–59, drawing parallels between Purim and John 5 ); Watkins, John, 111–12; this would fit between 4and 6(but only assuming a strict and unbroken chronology). 5723 Bruns, Art, 26; Rigato, «Quale»; cf. Brown, John, 1:225, who sees this as possible because of the discussion of Torah in John 5 . |
| 9490 Beasley-Murray, John, 302. 9491 Ibid., 307. 9492 Pamment, «17:20–23.» Contrast the oneness (unum) of Stoic writers, who tended toward pantheism (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.52). 9493 Cf. Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 100. 9494 See esp. Epp, «Wisdom,» 144. 9495 The Father " s love for the Son before the «foundation of the world» (17:24) is equivalent to «in the beginning» (1:1–2; cf. 9:32; καταβολ in Matt 13:35; Luke 11:50; Heb 4:3; 9:26; it often appears in the NT in predestinarian contexts, such as Rev 13:8; 17:8; Matt 25:34; Eph 1:4 ; 1Pet 1:20 ); they shared glory before the world began (17:5). 9496 Sipre Deut. 97.2 , on Deut 14:2 . 9497 With Beck, Paradigm, 132 (following Kurz, «Disciple,» 102), which he rightly takes (pp. 133–36) as evidence for reader identification with the beloved disciple. 9498 This refers to the experience of the Spirit, not merely to heaven after death (pace, e.g., Witherington, Wisdom, 271). 9499 Even Glasson " s moderately worded connection with Moses» préexistent mission in As. Mos. 1(Moses, 77; cf. Bernard, John, 2:580, based on a few words) is too far from the mark; the preexistence here is divine (Barrett, John, 514), the sort of préexistent glory attributed to Wisdom and Torah (see comment on 1:1–2). 9500 The long discourse of chs. 13–17 concludes with a note that Jesus had «said these things» (18:1), a familiar way for a narrator to close a discourse (Jub. 32:20; 50:13; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 66.26; Acts 20:36; it becomes standard in Matthew–7:28; 11:1; 13:53; 19:1; 26:1; cf. Keener, Matthew, 256). 9501 Cf. 1 En. 90(«Lord of righteousness,» which could be rendered «righteous Lord»). This was appropriate for a ruler (cf. Prov 20:28; 25:5 ); cf. the address to Ptolemy (βασιλε δκαιε) in Let. Arts. 46. 9502 See Painter, John, 61. Cf. Isa 1:27; 56:1; 58:8; 1QS 10.11; 11.2, 5, 9, 12–14; 1QH 4.29–32, 36–37; Przybylski, Righteousness, 37–38; in the LXX and elsewhere, see Stendahl, Paul, 31; Dahl, Paul, 99; Piper, Justification, 90–96; in the rabbis, e.g., Gen. Rab. 33:1; Ruth Rab. proem 1. |
| 6449 Hunter, John, 82; Cadman, Heaven, 103; Haenchen, John, 2:16; Michaels, John, 118; ÓDay, «John,» 620. Commentators cite 1 En. 48:6; 4 Ezra 13:52; Justin Dia1. 8.4; 110.1; for rabbinic documentation, see Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 137–39; our comment on 8:59. See further 1 En. 62:7 (no later than first century C.E.). 6450 E.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Song Rab. 2:9, §3; Pesiq. Rab. 15:10; Glasson, Moses, 103. 6451 Smalley, John, 65, declares that the hidden Messiah appears only in rabbinic sources, but this is true only of its developed form. Wrede, Secret, 213–14, thinks the early Jewish concept is too far from the Christian idea. 6452 In this case, agnosticism on the matter. But Greek polemic against the Skeptic school suggests that the philosophical principle of agnosticism was much debated among Greek thinkers (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.5; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.2.5–6; Aulus Gellius 11.5.8). 6453 Cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 1.10 (which warns against evaluating a philosopher by appearance, age, or status rather than by his wisdom); Eunapius Lives 472–473; 2Cor 5:16 . 6454 The crowd wondered if Jesus was «truly» the Christ (7:26; cf. 1:9; 7:40); Jesus now speaks of the one who sent him as «true» (7:28; cf. 8:26; 17:3). 6455 Schillebeeckx, Sacrament, 27–28, plays on both aspects of being «going from» a father in Jewish tradition: going on a mission for the father and rupturing family relations (here in embracing the world " s sin); but probably only the former is intended. 6456 The term πιζω contains no double entendre but is characteristically Johannine (7:30, 32, 44; 8:20; 10:39; 11:57; 21:3, 10; cf. Rev 19:20; only three other times in the NT and only once in the LXX). Their attempts to «lay hands» on Jesus (7:30, 44; 10:39) might contrast with the Father " s authority (10:29) that the Father assigned to Jesus» «hands» (3:35; 10:28; 13:3), but it may simply be idiomatic, as it usually is (e.g., Mark 14:46 ; Acts 4:3; 5:18; 12:1; 21:27; cf. also Menander Rhetor 2.1–2, 375.15–17, which exempts those who have fled to sanctuaries from such violence). |
| 10185 Malina and Neyrey, «Shame,» 64. Mother-son bonds may have been even closer than sibling bonds (Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 212-Th, based on knowledge of Mediterranean societies). 10187 Stauffer, Jesus, 138; Witherington, Women, 95–96; Beasley-Murray, John, 349. Cf. esp. Seneca Controv. 7.7.12 (unless this means he simply wants them to hurry away because he is embarrassed by their presence, 7.7.20; but this interpretation is less likely). In earliest Rome, soldiers would name their heirs in front of witnesses before a battle (Plutarch Cor. 9.2); one might bequeath possessions as one lay dying (cf. Philostratus Hrk. 28.1). 10190 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Menecles 10, 25, 46; Estate of Astyphilus 4, 7; cf. Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.1.565 (instructions for his freedmen, but his fellow citizens buried him honorably like a father). 10191 Stauffer, Jesus, 138, wrongly assumes that her allegiance to Jesus at the cross would cut her off from support from his brothers; 7refers to unbelief, but does not imply overt hostility. 10194 Tilborg, Love, 13, suggests that Jesus frees her from dependence on a male patron here, rightly recognizing the nature of guardianship; but surely her genetic sons would have deferred to her not much less than a guardian. 10195 E.g., Socratics Ep. 21 (Aeschines to Xanthippe, Socrates» widow, concerning her children). Cross-gender bonds (father to daughter, mother to son) were often viewed as the strongest (Plutarch Bride 36, Mor. 143B). 10196 Cf. Brown, Death, 1077. Τελω appears in this Gospel only in 19:28, 30, but its cognate τελειω is more frequent (4:34; 5:36; 17:4, 23; 19:28). Luke also emphasizes Jesus completing his work (Luke 12:50; 13:32; 18:31; 22:37); for Jesus» agents, see Rev 11(for eschatological prerequisites, see Rev 10:7; 15:1; 16:17; cf. 6:11). 10198 lf γναι in 4connects the Samaritan woman with Jesus» mother in 219(the expression is not incongruous for a stranger), the appearance of Jesus» mother in the context of 19(19:26–27) may be significant. |
| 5899 E.g., 2 Bar. 51:1–2; cf. t. Ber. 6:6. For distinction after death, see 1 En. 22:9–11; cf. sources in Keener, Matthew, 129, on Gehinnom, and 710–11, on the resurrection of the dead. 5900 It appears in most streams of NT tradition and is denied in none: Acts 24:15; 2Cor 5:10 ; Rev 20:4–6; Matt 25:46; cf. Matt 5:29–30; 10:28; Luke 11:32; Bernard, John, 1:245. 5901 1QS 4.13–14; Gen. Rab. 6:6; most sinners in t. Sanh. 13:3,4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 11:5; cf. 2Macc 12:43–45. By contrast, the souls of the wicked will remain in hell on the day of judgment in 1 En. 22:13; 61:5; 108:6; 4 Macc 9:9; 12:12; t. Sanh. 13:5; probably L.A.B. 38:4; Ascen. Isa. 1:2; 3 En. 44:3; t. Ber. 5:31. 5902 Ps 62:12 ; Prov 24:12 ; Sir 16:12,14 ; Matt 16:27; Rom 2:6 ; 2Cor 11:15 ; Rev 22:12; Pesiq. Rab. 8:2; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.2.3. 5903 It continued in widespread use (Josephus Life 256; Ant. 4.219; b. Sanh. 37b, bar.; p. Git. 4:1, §2; cf. m. Roš Haš. 1:7; 2:6); see further the comment under 8:13. Early Christians also employed this rule; see 2Cor 13:1 ; 1Tim 5:19 ; Matt 18:16. 5904 Boring et al, Commentary, 270–71, cites Cicero Rose. Amer. 36.103. Witnesses confirmed a matter (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 26), and a claim offered without them might be scathingly contested (Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111). 5905 E.g., Lysias Or. 4.5–6, §101; 7.12–18, §§109–110; 12.27–28, §122; 19.24, §154; 29.7, §182; Cicero Quinct. 24.76. Establishing a credible motive was standard procedure for the prosecution (Cicero Rose. Amer. 22.61–62). 5906 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 31–32, §37; Estate of Hagnias 6; Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111; 7.43, §112. Cf. the preference for multiple and diverse testimonies, e.g., in Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 61, §19D; for challenging the credibility of opposing witnesses, see, e.g., Hermogenes Issues 45.5–10. 5907 Cicero Quinct. 23.75. 5908 The witness of one person was inadequate in many kinds of cases (Boice, Witness, 47, cites m. Ketub. 2:9; Roè Haï. 3:1); self-accusation, by contrast, could invite condemnation (Achilles Tatius 7.11.1; though in early Judaism cf. Cohn, Trial, 98). In some matters, however, onés self-testimony was held reliable (e.g., m. Ketub. 2:10), even against two witnesses (m. Tehar. 5:9). |
| Craig S. Keener 6. Revelatory Motifs: Knowledge, Vision, Signs GIVEN JOHN " S PERVASIVE USE of his distinctive theological vocabulary, we cannot pause to comment on various Johannine motifs every time one occurs; indeed, the careful reader familiar with the Fourth Gospel will notice such prominent motifs without a commentary " s aid. Because many of these motifs reflect Johns broader milieu, however, the commentary " s commitment to provide extrinsic context for readers means that we must address them at least in introductory fashion. Some pervasive Johannine themes presuppose a significant cultural context which cannot be redescribed under each text where one is mentioned. For this reason, a number of the Fourth Gospel " s themes and theological perspectives will be traced in the remaining two chapters of this introduction. While in the next chapter we will address Jesus» deity and some other particularly Christian themes primarily in the context of their early Christian and Jewish background, in this chapter we will examine some revelatory themes or motifs which also have a significant context in the ancient Mediterranean world. If one seeks to locate Johannine Christianity within general trajectories of early Christianity in the final five decades of the first century, one is struck by its distinctive, or better, composite nature. Yet, as noted above, the term «sectarian» applies to it in only a qualified sense, though it certainly applies in the sense in which it applied to early Christianity in genera1. John moves within a predominantly Jewish framework, like Matthew, though he emphasizes the Gentile mission less; his is likely also the Judaism of the Apocalypse, of the seven congregations portrayed as menorahs like the synagogue communities of the ancient Mediterranean world (Rev 1:12–13, 20). The Apostle John was linked with Peter in the Jewish mission ( Gal 2:7–9 ), and it is not surprising that a Gospel associated with John " s name initially circulated in such circles. |
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