| 10594 Because she had already turned in 20:14, Schneiders, «Encounter,» 162–63, thinks the turning of 20symbolizes conversion (shuv; assuming John did not forget what he wrote in 20:14). 10595 Over one hundred uses in Pauline literature alone. 10596 E.g., Tob 5:10; 6:10; 7:3; 2Macc 1:1. 10597 Sipre Deut. 34.5.3 (cf. 34.3.1–3); b. c Abod. Zar. 18a, bar; cf. Matt 23:8. 10598 Burkert, Cults, 45. 10599 E.g., 1Macc 10:18; 12:6, 10, 21; 14:40; cf. Curty, «Propos.» 10600 Euripides Iph. taur. 497–498; Plutarch Many Friends 2, Mor. 93E; Marcus Aurelius 1.14; Ahiqar 49 (co1. 4). Cf. fictive parental language, e.g., Diodorus Siculus 17.37.6. 10601 E.g., CPJ 3:41, §479; Diodorus Siculus 1.1.3. Cf. its use in a conspicuous display of hospitality to a stranger (T. Ab. 2:5B). 10602 E.g., Abraham " s words to Isaac in Jub. 21:25. 10603 Gos. Pet. 12:50–13mentions women (plural) but begins with and names only Mary Magdalene. 10604 This is not because it would be physically impossible, as some have argued; Jerusalem can be cool in April (18:18), and a rock-hewn tomb would remain cool (Craig, «Tomb,» 184). 10605 Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 101. Taylor thinks the Markan chronology confirms the Johannine tradition here (Mark, 601); Jeremias observes that one could buy necessary food for Passover even on the Sabbath but pay later (Jeremias, Eucharistie Words, 77; m. Šabb. 23:1). 10606 E.g., Pomeroy, Goddesses, 44; see comment above. 10607 Discrediting opposing witnesses was a standard tactic (e.g., Cicero Pro Scauro 13.29; 17.38). 10608 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Yebam. 15:1,8–10; 16:7; Ketub. 1:6–9; t. Yebam. 14:10; Sipra VDDeho. pq. 7.45.1.1; cf. Luke 24:11; Keener, Paul, 162–63; Baumgarten, «Testimony»; Hooker, Mark, 119. Ilan, Women, 227, thinks that in practice the non-Pharisaic legal system «often» required women " s witness; even if this is overstated, women could testify concerning various matters, and some views of lQSa 1.10–11 suggest that Qumran was more open to the practice than Pharisees were (Ilan, Women, 163–66). |
| 675 In both, the Isaiah text indicates that Jesus» word hardens the stubborn. On the text in Mark, cf. Evans, «Note.» 676 For esoteric teachings, cf., e.g., 4 Ezra 14:45–47; t. Hag. 2:1; b. Hag. 13a-14b; Pesah. 119a; Šabb. 80b; p. Hag. 2:1, §§3–4; for other private teachings or those understood only within wisdom circles, cf., e.g., Ps.-Phoc. 89–90; various Qumran texts (lQpHab 7.4–5; 1QH 2.13–14; 9.23–24; 11.9–10, 16–17; 12.11–13; 13.13–14; 1QS 8.12; 9.17–19; cf. 1QS 8.1–2; 11.5; 1QM 17.9); Gen. Rab. 8:9; Num. Rab. 9:48; 19(purportedly from ben Zakkai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 22:2; perhaps Wis 2:21–22; 7:21; 2 Bar. 48:3; b. Sukkah 49b. In Pythagoreanism, cf. Diogenes Laertius 8.1.15; perhaps Plato in Diogenes Laertius 3.63; others in Eunapius Lives 456. Cf. also the passing on of esoteric books from Moses to Joshua in Γ. Mos. 1(possibly early first century C.E.). 677 Bruce, Documents, 57. Cf. Stein, Method, 27–32. By itself this would not demand authenticity. Goulder, Midrash, 89–92, thinks that Jesus gave some teaching in poetry but Matthew created it in many additional sayings. 678 «Amen» normally confirmed prayers, oaths, curses, or blessings. The Gospel usage in confirming Jesus» words as he speaks them is rare (against Jeremias, Theology, 35,79, it is not unique; see Aune, Prophecy, 165; Hill, Prophecy, 64–66); it is almost certainly authentic (with Aune; Hill; Burkitt, Sources, 18). (Boring, Sayings, 132–33, thinks it continued in early Christian prophetic usage, but even Rev 2–3 avoids it). Cf. Gen 18:13 . 679 Bruce, Documents, 57–58. The introductory «amen» appears about 30 times in Matthew, 13 in Mark, 6 in Luke, and 50 in John (Smith, Parallels, 6). The double form appears rarely, e.g., in the current text of L.A.B. 22:6 (the answer of the people to Joshuás words); 26(response to Kenaz " s curse invocation); PGM 22b.21, 25 (closing an invocation); and as an oath formula in p. Qidd. 1:5, §8. Culpepper, «Sayings,» argues that the double amen sayings in John frequently (though not always) reflect historical material, often «core sayings that generate the dialogue or discourse material that follows» (100). |
| 51 Isa olara: «Bulary hemmesine düündiizmi?» diýip sorady. Olar: «Hawa» diýip jogap berdiler. 52 Isa olara: «onu üçin hem Gögü alygy hakynda taglymat alan her bir Töwrat mugallymy hazynasyndan täze we köne zatlar çykarýan öý eýesine mezeýändir» diýdi. Nasyrada Isa hormat goýulmaýar (Mark 6:1-6;Luka 4:16-30) 53 Isa bu tymsaly gürrü berip bolandan so, ol ýerden gitdi. 54 Ol Öz dogduk mekanyna gelip, adamlara olary sinagogalarynda sapak bermäge balady. Adamlar Oa haýran galyp: «Bu Adam beýle danalygy nireden aldyka? Ol nädip beýle mugjyzalary görkezmegi baarýarka? 55 Ol agaç ussany ogly dälmi? Ejesini ady hem Merýem dälmi näme? Ol Ýakup, Ýusup, Simun we Ýahuda dagy dogany ahyryn! 56 Onu uýalary-da bizi aramyzda ýaamaýarlarmy näme? Onda bu Adam munça zady nireden bilýärkä?» diýidiler. 57 eýlelikde, olar Isany ret etdiler. Emma Isa olara: «Pygamberi die öz ýurdunda we öýünde gadyry ýokdur» diýdi. 58 Isa olary imansyzdyklary zerarly, ol ýerde köp gudrat görkezmedi. 14-nji bap Ýahýany ölümi (Mark 6:14-29;Luka 9:7-9) 1 ol wagt Isany at-owazasy Hirod hany gulagyna baryp ýetdi. 2 Ol öz emeldarlaryna: «Bu Ýahýa çümdürijidir. Ol ölümden direlipdir, ol sebäpli ol bu mugjyzalary görkezip bilýär» diýdi. 3 Hirod dogany Filipi aýaly Hirodiýa üçin Ýahýany tutduryp, el-aýagyny gandallap, zyndana taladypdy. 4 Ol muny Ýahýay özüne: «Seni öz doganyy aýalyna öýlenmegi dogry däl» diýeni üçin etdi. 5 Hirod Ýahýany öldürmek isleýärdi, emma halky Ýahýany pygamber saýýandygy üçin beýle etmekden gorkýardy. 6 Hirody doglan güni Hirodiýany gyzy ortada tans edip, Hirody göwnüni çaglady. 7 onda Hirod gyza ant içip, dilän zadyny berjekdigine söz berdi. 8 Gyz hem ejesini öwretmegi bilen: «Maa bir tabagy içinde Ýahýa çümdürijini bayny ber» diýdi. 9 Han gamgyn boldy, emma myhmanlary ýanynda ant içenso, Ýahýany bayny oa getirilip berilmegini buýurdy. 10 Jellat iberip, zyndanda Ýahýany bayny çapdyrdy. 11 Çapylan bay bir tabakda getirip, gyza berdi. Gyz-da ony ejesine eltip berdi. 12 Ýahýany ägirtleri gelip, onu jesedini äkidip jaýladylar. Sora gidip, muny Isa habar berdiler. |
| Описание: Местночтимый список иконы Пресвятой Богородицы «Взыскание погибших», с которым проводятся Крестные ходы, находится в Никольском соборе города Серпухова. Файл 30507.jpg: Размер: 600x800, 0.48 MPix, 170 Kb. Дата: 2017-11-29, анонимно. Рейтинг изображения: 8 (151) , (7) . Описание: Взыскание Погибших. Храм святого благоверного князя Александра Невского, Астанайский женский монастырь в честь иконы Пресвятой Богородицы " Взыскание Погибших " , Казахстан. Файл 30508.jpg: Размер: 1200x1161, 1.39 MPix, 537 Kb. Дата: 2017-11-29, анонимно. Рейтинг изображения: 4 (124) , (3) . Описание: Чудотворная икона Божией Матери из села Бор Тарусского уезда Калужской губернии. Начало XX в. Материал, техника: фотобумага, картон, фотопечать (Шмидт). Размер: 13,8 х 9,6 см, с паспарту - 16,6 х 10,8 см. Калужский объединенный музей-заповедник. Файл 32056.jpg: Размер: 513x800, 0.41 MPix, 145 Kb. Дата: 2018-06-10, анонимно. Рейтинг изображения: 7 (148) , 1 (2) . Описание: Икона Божией Матери «Взыскание погибших». XIX в. (ц. Воскресения Христова, Таруса). pravenc.ru : " Икона была известна под названием «Борская Покровенная», т.к. в отличие от др. икон «Взыскание погибших» Богородица была изображена на ней стоя, в традиц. мафории, покрывающем голову, поддерживающей стоящего рядом Младенца. Положение кистей рук Богоматери сходно с изображением на болховской иконе: левая придерживает Младенца, а правая указывает на Него. Об особенностях иконографии борской иконы можн[...] Файл 33787.jpg: Размер: 460x800, 0.37 MPix, 142 Kb. Дата: 2019-05-29, анонимно. Рейтинг изображения: 4 (117) , (2) . Описание: Икона представляет собой список чудотворной Борской иконы «Взыскание погибших» XVIII века из собрания икон митрополита Волоколамского и Юрьевского Питирима. Покровский ставропигиальный женский монастырь у Покровской заставы г. Москвы. Файл 33788.jpg: Размер: 1348x2097, 2.83 MPix, 577 Kb. Дата: 2019-05-29, анонимно. Рейтинг изображения: 5 (128) , (1) . Описание: Образ Пресвятой Богородицы Взыскание Погибших (Икона Взыскание Погибших Борская). A SMALL ICON SHOWING THE MOTHER OF GOD " SEEKING OF THE LOST " WITH A SILVER-GILT OKLAD, Russian, Moscow, Fedor Jakovlevitch Mitshukov, 1881 (oklad). Oil on wood panel with velvet backing. Overlaid with a silver-gilt and engraved oklad. Marked with city hallmark, assayer " s mark, 84 standard and master " s mark " FM " in Cyrillic. Minor retouching. 22.5 х 18.2 cm. Частное собрание. |
| 9981 Livy 36.14.4; Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 3.1–4; some commentators cite Pollux Onomasticon 9.110; cf. also Herodotus Hist. 1.114; Horace Carm. 1.4.18. 9983 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 149; cf. in general Martial Epigr. 4.14; 5.84; 11.6.2; 14.14–17; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.39; Philostratus Hrk. 20.2; 33.3; Carcopino, Life, 250–53, esp. 251; Grant, Christianity, 82–83; Stamps, «Children,» 198; it appears naughty (or frivolous) in Anacharsis Ep. 3.6; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 380, §§126D-127D; certainly childish in Maximus of Tyre Or. 12.10. Some people gambled on dice and similar instruments (Xenophon Hel1. 6.3.16; Athenaeus Deipn. 15.666E-668B), sometimes leading to tragic results (Xenophon Hel1. 6.3.16; Alciphron Parasites 6 [Rhagostrangisus to Stemphylodaemon], 3.42; 18 [Chytroleictes to Patellocharon], 3.54; Philostratus Hrk. 22.3). Archaeology confirms that Roman soldiers probably played such games in the Fortress Antonia (see Finegan, Archeology, 161). 9984 Martial Epig. 14.14–17; Diogenes Laertes 9.1.3; Callimachus frg. 676; Plutarch Alc. 2.2; Lysander8A; Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.5–6; 12.10; 36.5; Philostratus Hrk. 45.4. 9987 E.g., CPJ 1:24–25; 2:36–55, §153; 3:119–21, §520; Philo Flaccus 1,47,85; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2; Sib. Or. 3.271–372. 9988 Horace Sat. 1.5.100–101; Juvenal Sat. 14.96–106; Quintilian 3.7.21; Tacitus Hist. 5.1–5; Persius Sat. 5.179–184; for more general Roman xenophobia, cf., e.g., Rhet. adHerenn. 3.3.4; Cicero Leg. 2.10.25. For more detail, see Whittaker, Jews and Christians, 85–91; Sevenster, Anti-Semitism; Daniel, «Anti-Semitism»; Meagher, «Twig»; and esp. Gager, Anti-Semitism. 9989 Blinzler, Trial, 227; Haenchen, John, 2:181. Some suggest thorns from date palms, also turned outward, matching the source of fronds in 12(Whitacre, John, 447, following Hart, «Crown»); John " s audience would probably not know the source of thorns, in any case. 9990 See, e.g., Blinzler, Trial, 226–27; Jeremias, Theology, 78; Lane, Mark, 559; Anderson, Mark, 339; Hill, Prophecy, 52; Carson, «Matthew,» 573; Brown, Death, 866; cf. 1Macc 11:58; 14:43–44. Some refused a diadem in 1Macc 8:14, but cf. the gold crown in 10:20. |
| 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. 4078 4 Ezra 5:26; LA.B. 39(23:7); b. Šabb. 49a, 130a; Exod. Rab. 20:6; Song Rab. 2:14, §§1–2. Johnston, Parables, 595, cites Mek. BeS. 3:86ff.; 7:27ff. but notes that it is not frequent enough to constitute a standard metaphor. Although Augustine applied it to the Spirit (Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.13.1), he noted some applied it to the church (6.11.2). 4079 B. Ber. 3a; cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:47. One may compare the prophetic doves of Dodona (alluded to in Sib. Or. 1.242–252; the term is different from here). 4080 Abrahams, Studies, 1:48–49 (followed by Barrett, Spirit, 38; cf. Taylor, Mark, 160–61), cites only Gen. Rab. 2 and Ya1. Gen. 1(where the interpretation seems dominated more by exegetical principles than by standard tradition); Lachs, Commentary, 47, adds b. Hag. 15a (or the Spirit as an eagle in t. Hag. 2:5). A link with the Spirit naturally became common in early post-Synoptic Christian tradition, however (Odes So1. 24:1; 28:1; and the interpolation in T. Levi 18). The Hebrew Bible does sometimes portray God as a bird (e.g., Ps 91:3–4 ). 4081 E.g., Lane, Mark, 57. 4082 Against the arguments of Odeberg, Gospel, 33–36; Lightfoot, Gospel, 104; Dahl, «History,» 136, which effectively assume that the Johannine community would more readily read the Jacob narrative through late rabbinic tradition on the Hebrew than through the LXX. 4083 Gen 8:8–12 ; cf. 4 Bar. 7(which develops from Gen 8 the image of messenger-birds); Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.19.2–4; pace Bürge, Community, 57. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 20, suggests a combination of Gen 8:8–9 and Isa 11:1–2. Writing on Mark 1:10 , Garnet, «Baptism,» connects the dove with Noah, Noah with Enoch, and Enoch with the Son of Man; but this scheme of associations is too complex, and the last two links are particularly tenuous. In early Christian literature, see 1Pet 3:20–21 ; cf. 2Pet 3:6 ; Matt 24:38. For a connection with Gen 1and its eschatological interpretation in the DSS, see Allison, «Baptism.» |
| 28-nji bap Isa direlýär (Mark 16:1-10;Luka 24:1-12;Ýohanna 20:1-10) 1 Sabat güni geçenden so, hepdäni birinji güni ir säher bilen magdalaly Merýem we beýleki Merýem mazary görmäge gitdiler. 2 Birdenkä güýçli ýer titredi. Rebbi bir peridesi gökden inip, day bir çete togalady-da, onu üstünde oturdy. 3 Onu görnüi ýyldyrym ýaly öwün atýardy, eginbay gar ýaly akdy. 4 Sakçylar gorkularyndan ýaa sandyrayp, öli kimin ýere ýazyldylar. 5 Peride aýallara: «Gorkma! Men sizi haça çüýlenen Isany gözleýändigiizi bilýärin. 6 Ol bu ýerde ýok. Ol Öz aýdyy ýaly direldi. Bäri geli-de, Onu ýatan ýerini görü. 7 Indi çalt gidip, Onu ägirtlerine: „Isa direlipdir, Ol sizden ö Jelilä barýar. Siz Ony ol ýerde görersiiz“ diýi. Gulak asy, men size muny aýdandyryn» diýdi. 8 Aýallar gorky hem atlyk bilen howlugyyp, mazardan uzakladylar. Olar ylgayp, Isany ägirtlerine habar bermäge gitdiler. 9 Birdenkä olara Isa duup: «Salam!» diýdi. Olar hem Onu ýanyna gelip, aýagyna ýykylyp, Oa sede etdiler. 10 Onso Isa olara: «Gorkma! Bary, doganlaryma aýdy, Jelilä gitsinler. Meni ol ýerde görerler» diýdi. Sakçylary getiren habary 11 Aýallar heniz ýoldakalar, sakçylary birnäçesi ähere baryp, bolan ähli zatlary ýolbaçy ruhanylara habar berdiler. 12 Olar ýaulular bilen ýygnanyyp, maslahat geçirenlerinden so, esgerlere köp pul berip: 13 «Siz halka: „Biz gije ýatyrkak, ägirtleri gelip, Onu jesedini ogurlap gidipdirler“ diýi. 14 Bu habar häkimi gulagyna baryp ýetse, ony ynandyryp, biz sizi aladadan dyndararys» diýdiler. 15 Garawullar puly alyp, özlerine buýrulyy ýaly etdiler. Bu gürrü ýahudylary arasynda u güne çenli hem dowam edip gelýär. I soky tabyryk (Mark 16:14-18;Luka 24:36-49;Ýohanna 20:19-23;Resul 1:6-8) 16 unluk bilen, on bir ägirt Jelilä, Isany aýdan dagyna gitdi. 17 Isany görüp, Oa sede etdiler, emma olary käbiri übhelendi. 18 Isa hem olary ýanyna gelip: «Gökde we ýerde ähli ygtyýarlyk Maa berildi. 19 onu üçin hem gidi-de, ähli milletleri ägirt edi, olary Ata, Ogul we Mukaddes Ruhu adyndan suwa çümdüri. 20 Size buýran ähli zatlarymy berjaý etmegi olara öwredi. Men hemie, tä dünýäni ahyryna çenli sizi bilen bolaryn» diýdi. |
| 442 Acta patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, edd. F. Miklosich and I. Muller (Vienna, 1862), pp. 188–192. 444 On this last aspect of Byzantine ideology, see D. J. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1968). 445 See J. Meyendorff, «Byzantine Views of Islam,» Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18 (1964), 115–132; and A. Khoury, Les theologiens byzantins et l " Islam (Louvain: Nauwelaerts, 1969). 446 For the history of these missions and their cultural consequences, see Francis Dvornik, Byzantine Missions Among the Slavs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1970); and D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500–1453 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971). 447 Trans. by Roman Jakobson in «St. Constantiné " s Prologue to the Gospel,» St. Vladimir " " s Seminary Quarterly 7 (1963), No. 1, 17–18. 448 Vita Constantini 16, 7–8 in Constantinus et Methodius Thessalonicenses. Fontes, Radovi Staroslovenskog Instituta 4 (1960), 131. 449 On Stephen, see particularly George Fedotov, The Russian Religious Mind (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), II, 230–245. 451 Paschal canon, ode 9, Pentekostarion; this troparion is also used as a post-communion prayer in the Eucharistic liturgy. 455 See the two treatises of Mark on purgatory in L. Petit, «Documents relatifs au Concile de Florence. I: La question du Purgatoire a Ferrare,» Patrologia Orientalis 15 (1920), No. 1, 39–60, 108–151. A Russian translation of these texts is given in Amvrosy, Sviatoy Mark Efessky i Florentiiskaia Unia (Jordanville, New York, 1963), 58–73, 118–150. J. Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 119–125, offers a brief account of the controversy. 456 «Since man was created according to the image of the blessed and supra-essential deity, and since, on the other hand, the divine nature is free, it is obvious that man is free by nature, being the image of the deity» (Disp. cum Pyrrho; PG 91:304C). 457 |
| 9571 For bibliography on the Sanhedrin, see Saffai, «Self-Government,» 418 (the section on the Sanhédrin is pp. 379–400). Josephus generally prefers the term συνδριον, «sanhedrin,» «assembly,» in the Jewish Antiquities, and βουλ, «council,» in the Jewish War. The rabbis believed that God supported the decrees of the rabbinic Beth din hagadol, great assembly (Exod. Rab. 15:20), on which Israel rightly depended (Song Rab. 7:3, §1; Lam. Rab. 2:4, §8). 9573 E.g., b. Ber. 3b; Gen. Rab. 74:15; Exod. Rab. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab. 11:3. Some of the «scribes» may have been Pharisees, but Pharisees were not dominant in the Sanhedrin (Brown, Death, 350–52), despite Josephus " s possible favoritism toward them (Josephus Ant. 18.15, 17; cf. Life 1, 12 and Ant. passim; Brown, Death, 353–56). 9575 Cf. Sanders, Figure, 484–87; Josephus War 2.331,336; Ant. 17.160,164; 20.216–217; probably the municipal aristocracy in Ant. 14.91, 163, 167, 180; Life 62. 9580 Brown, Death, 342–43. Levine, Hellenism, 88–90, argues that the Jerusalem Sanhedrin was probably simply an ad hoc group in some texts. 9581 Yamauchi, Stones, 106. Stauffer, Jesus, 118, overestimates their sense of threat at this point when he proposes that the disciples may have gone by different roads to prevent notice (Luke 22:39). 9583 Brown, John, 2:806. Many rivers and wadis in the East fill or overflow during the rainy winter or (sometimes) when winter snows melt in spring (Homer 17. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Livy 44.8.6–7; Herodian 3.3.7; 8.4.2–3; Arrian Alex. 7.21.2). 9588 Lane, Mark, 515. If the press originally belonged to an individual estate rather than a local village, the estate must have been sizeable (cf. Lewis, Life, 127). On the question of the Gethsemane tradition " s historicity, see Green, «Gethsemane,» 268. 9589 Cohn, Trial, 83, though citing a rabbinic tradition that «high priests were wont to engage in undercover activity.» 9592 Passover was a night «watch» (; προφυλακ) for the Lord (Exod 12:42); cf. t. Ketub. 5:5; Lane, Mark, 509; Keener, Matthew, 637. |
| Mark. 1990). Л. а. М. открывается молитвой, в копт. традиции обозначаемой как «Первая молитва утра» (в греч. рукописях не имеет заглавия; в эфиоп. версии называется «благодарственной»), что имеет параллель уже в египетском Серапиона Евхологии (IV в.), где литургия начинается с «Первой молитвы воскресного дня» ( Johnson M. The Prayers of Sarapion of Thmuis: A Literary, Liturgical and Theological Analysis. R., 1995. P. 70, 169-171). В рукописях «византийской редакции» Л. а. М. перед ней выписаны еще неск. текстов, относящихся к приготовлению евхаристических хлеба и вина, или проскомидии . Первый из них озаглавлен как «молитва протесиса» (т. е. проскомидии) либо «молитва в диаконнике», но в действительности является цитатой Ис 53. 7-8, очевидно сопровождавшей изъятие агнца из просфоры, как и в к-польских литургиях. Далее следует «молитва кадила» (в Л. а. М. достаточно много молитв для благословения кадила в различные моменты службы; тексты и расположения этих молитв в «византийской» и копт. редакциях существенно расходятся; вероятно, они, были привнесены в Л. а. М. извне: в частности, в «византийской редакции» они близки к аналогичным молитвам Литургии ап. Иакова - The Liturgy of St. Mark. 1990. P. 82-85) и еще одна «молитва протесиса», частично совпадающая с эпиклезой анафоры и содержащая прошение о «претворении» Даров в Тело и Кровь Христовы, что с учетом чтения этой молитвы задолго до анафоры создает проблемы богословского характера (Ibid. P. 4-6, 79-90; в Россанском кодексе эта молитва помещена не в чине проскомидии, а после великого входа (см. ст. Вход )). Эта молитва встречается и в ряде др. вост. литургий, в т. ч., в южноитал. редакции Литургии свт. Иоанна Златоуста ( Jacob A. Histoire du formulaire grec de la liturgie de Saint Jean Chrysostome: Diss. Louvain, 1968. P. 74-75, 139, 174, 185, 197-203, 428-429) и в древнейшей славянской, а также в древнерусской редакциях Литургии свт. Василия Великого ( Желтов М., диак. Чин Божественной литургии в древнейших (XI-XIV вв.) слав. Служебниках//БТ. 2007. Сб. 41. С. 292-296, 340). |
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