| 916 For inscriptional evidence, cf., e.g., Inscriptions, ed. Carmon, 84, §183; 85, §§184–85. The literary evidence is, of course, pervasive. On the Qumran scriptorium and an evaluation of scholarly discussion on the Qumran «school,» see Culpepper, School, 156–68. 921 Meeks, Prophet-King, 144, cites Justin Dial 52.3 and Josephus Ant. 4.218. Cf. Acts 3:24; and the late reference Lev. Rah. 10cited in Bowman, «Prophets,» 208. 922 E.g., CD 8.20–21 (Baruch, Jeremiahs scribe, is promoted by analogy to Elishás Gehazi); Mek. Pisha 1:150–153; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:4; cf. Sipre Num. 93.1.3 (Moses sharing the Spirit). 923 Cf. the early Christian prophetic groups suggested in Aune, Prophecy, 195–98, 207; Hill, Prophecy, 88, although the evidence offered for them (especially in Revelation) is tenuous. 924 Culpepper, School, 188. Kugel and Greer, Interpretation, 53, suggest instead a broader similarity of school-like settings for OT prophet- and wisdom-guilds, which is more probable. 926 Pseudepigraphic devices like unreliable narrators were much less common in antiquity than today (Kurz, Reading Luke-Acts, 169–70). 928 Culpepper, Anatomy, 47. Aristotle praised Homer for his restraint in generally narrating or speaking as others without speaking in his own person (Aristotle Poet. 24.13–14, 1460a). Aristotle probably would have objected to some of Johns asides! 933 Manson, Paul and John, 86, finds them mainly in 1:1–34, 3:22–4:42, 5:1–47, 6:22–71, 7:14–10:39, and 12:20–18:40; Bruce, Documents, 54, however, cites Driver as noting that Burney " s most cogent examples for Aramaic in the Fourth Gospel are in Jesus» speeches. 939 Aune, Environment, 34, 47. For a broader literary structure, cf., e.g., Tolmie, Farewell, 183 (much more convincingly than Westermann, John, 7,63–64). 940 See Tenney, John, 40–41 for a structure based on this recognition. Bruce, Message, 106, outlines the Fourth Gospel according to clues in the prologue, but this use of the prologue is questionable. For suspense in ancient rhetoric, see, e.g., Cicero Verr. 2.5.5.10–11. |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| 10685 Hilhorst, «Wounds.» See Virgil Aen. 2.270–279; 6.446,494–499; Silius Italicus 13.825; cf. also Philostratus Hrk. 10.2 (where a spirit appears the same age as when he died). Thus one might amputate a corpsés extremities so its ghost could not exact vengeance (Aeschylus Cho. 439). 10686 Plutarch Caesar 37.3. 10687 Tertullian Against Marcion 4.40, used Jesus promising his body as bread against the docetic view of Jesus» body as a phantom; cf. Luke 24:39. 10688 E.g., Yamauchi, «Crucifixion,» 2. 10689 Yohanan " s skeleton from Givat ha-Mivtar confirms that legs were occasionally nailed in this period, as in early Athens (Stanton, Gospel Truth, 119; Brown, John, 2:1022; Brown, Death, 950–51; cf. Ps 22:16 ); piercing of feet was shameful even for a corpse (Homer I1. 22.396–397). 10690 E.g., Seneca Apoco1. 13, applied to Claudius " s arrival in the realm of Hades because he favored Eastern cults. 10691 Menander Rhetor 2.3,385.7–8 (i.e., the rhetor greeting a city in which he arrives or an official arriving there). 10692 E.g„ 1QM 17.7; Tob 13:10, 13–14; Jub. 23:30; 1 En. 5:7; 25:6; 47:4; 103:3; Pss. So1. 11:3; Sib. Or. 3.619; 2 Bar. 14:13; see comment on John 3:29 . 10693 E.g., b. Yoma 4b; Lev. Rab. 16(purportedly from Ben Azzai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 51:4; Urbach, Sages, 1:390–92; see comment on John 15:11 . 10694 See Hubbard, Redaction. 10695 On the agreement of diverse sources concerning the sending and mission, cf. Guillet, «Récits.» That John substitutes a Gentile mission for an earlier Jewish one is nowhere implied (see Martyn, «Mission»). 10696 See, e.g., Mek. Pisha 1.150–153; on the Spirit and succession, see more fully the comment on 14:16. 10697 Lenski, John, 1368–69, suggests that they will dispense Christ " s peace. 10698 E.g., Laurin, John, 261; Bengel, Gnomen, 491. 10699 See our introduction, pp. 310–17; cf. also Barrett, John, 569. 10700 Stott, «Commission,» 5, borrows the anachronistic language of «a trinitarian framework» but accurately captures the relationships in their Johannine framework. |
| The idea of the hour that is «coming» takes on various contours of John " s predominantly realized eschatology throughout the Gospel: 2:4 not yet come 4510 4:21 universal worship, coming 4:23 Spirit and true worship, coming and already is 5:25 resurrection of the dead, coming and already is 5:28 those in the tombs (literal dead) raised, coming 7 «time» (=hour) of his revelation (cf. 7:4; 1 John 2:28 ) 7:8 «time,» revelation, disclosing himself at the feast 7:30 death, not yet come 8:20 death, not yet come ( 11:9 irrelevant; 12:7: «day» of burial) 12:23,27 glorification/death 13:1 death 16 disciples» hour: their suffering/death 16:21 death (messianic travail) 16:25 (probably) after resurrection (v. 26: «that day»: eschatological language for present age) 16:32 Jesus» death and their fear, coming and already come 17:1 glorification of Son The Jesus tradition preserved in the Synoptics sometimes employs «hour» with eschatological significance ( Mark 13:32 ; Matt 24:44, 50; 25:13; Luke 12:39–40, 46), 4511 although it is not a technical term; its usage is by no means exclusively (or even primarily) eschatologica1. While it may be going too far to say that this passage argues that Jesus» death will bring in the wine of the messianic banquet, 4512 Jesus» hour of glorification is meant to usher in the eschatological reality which the church is to experience, and, as we shall see later, that eschatological reality is experienced through the Spirit. But a more obvious source for «hour» in John is the passion tradition, where his hour probably refers to the cross ( Mark 14:35 ). John " s image here is characteristically Johannine but certainly intelligible. Speaking of onés predestined «time» or «hour» of death was not unusual in Jewish texts, 4513 and had long been part of the ancient Mediterranean literary tradition. 4514 Greco-Roman literature is full of ironic stories of those who sought to escape Fatés decree and experienced it in the very process of endeavoring to evade it. |
| by H. Aster and P. J. Potichnyj. 2nd ed. Edmonton. P. 3–21. Prolegomena 1933: Prolegomena to the Study of the lectionary text of the Gospels//Ed. by E. С Colwell and D. W. Riddle. Chicagö Un-ty Press. Proyart J. de, 1994: La Bible slave//Le Grand Siècle et la Bible/Sous la direction J.-R. Armogathe. Paris. P. 383–422. Rahlfs Α., 1911: Septuaginta-Studien/3. Heft: Lucians Rezension der Königsbücher. Göttingen. Rahlfs Α., 1914: Verzeichnis der griechischen Handschriften des Alten Testament für die Septuaginta-Unternehmen. Berlin. Rahlfs Α., 1915: Die alttestamentlichen Lektionen der griechischen Kirche//Nachrichten. S. 28–136. Rahlfs Α., 1923: Studie über den griechischen Text des Buches Ruth//Nachrichten (aus dem Jahre 1922). S. 47–188. Redus M. W., 1936: The text of the major festivals of the menologion in the Greek Gospel lectionary. Chicagö Un-ty Press. Reinhart J. M., 1986: The Sapiental collection in the Croatian glagolitic missal//Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of Jewish Studies/Division D. Jerusalem. Vol. 1. P. 77–84. Reinhart J., 1989–1990: Najstarije svjedocanstvo za utjecaj Vulgate na hrvatskoglagoljsku Bibliju//Slovo. T. 39–40. S. 45–52. Rešetar M., 1913: Zur Übersetzungstätigkeit Methods//AfslPh. Bd 34. S. 234–239. Ribarova Z., 1987: Knijga proroka Jone//Slovo. N 37. S. 123–159. Riddle D. W., 1933: The character of the lectionary text of Mark in the week-days of Matthew and Luke//Prolegomena 1933. P. 21–42. Roberts С H. and Skeat T. C, 1983: The Birth of the Codex. Oxford; New York. Ryba В., 1953: Josef Dobrovský jako textový kritik//Josef Dobrovský. 1753–1953. Praha. S. 197–226. Sabatier P., 1743: Bibliorum sacrorum latinae versiones antiquae, seu Vetus Italica. Reims. T. I-3. Safarik P., 1858: Ueber den Ursprung und die Heimat des Glagolitismus. Prag. Schmid J., 1955–1956: Studien zur Geschichte des griechischen Apokalypse Texte. München. Bd 1–2. Shenkel T. D., 1968: Chronology and recensional development in the Greek text of Kings. Harvard. Sjeberg Α., 1982: Pop Upir» Lichoj and the Swedish Rune-Carver Ofeigr Upir//Scando-Slavica. |
| The vehemence that Jesus» promise of 8provokes in 8suggests ancient cultural assumptions unfamiliar to most modern readers; Jesus» hearers find implicit in his promise a statement of their spiritual inadequacy. Their counterclaim to be children of Abraham (8:33), developed further as the dialogue progresses (see comment on 8:39), reflects issues of contention between Jewish Christians and traditional Judaism far earlier than John " s day (Q material in Matt 3:9; Luke 3:8). Their reaction about freedom requires even more exploration in ancient concepts unfamiliar to most modern readers. Some scholars suggest that Jesus» hearers in 8understand freedom in a political sense. 6732 Many ancient writers indeed applied the terms for freedom and bondage in their national or political senses. 6733 Writers used λευθρια and its equivalents for just and appropriate remedies under the law, 6734 or not being subject to absolute monarchs 6735 or to another people, 6736 and spoke of subjection to tyrants 6737 or other peoples as slavery. 6738 Capitulation to defeat was itself slavery (perhaps mental slavery; Diodorus Siculus 33.25.1). Thus the followers of Judas the Galilean expressed an irrepressible yearning for freedom because they affirmed only God as their master (δεσπτης, Josephus Ant. 18.6). Jewish people believed that Rome had granted Jewish communities freedom and autonomy (ελευθρων και αυτονμων, Diodorus Siculus 40.2.1). A claim that the Israelites had never been subjugated politically, however, would be absurd. 6739 Plainly, Israelites endured slavery in Egypt; 6740 they also were said to have endured it in Babylon. 6741 Following biblical teachings (e.g., Judg 2:14; 3:8; 4:2; 10:7 ; 1Sam 12:9 ), Jewish teachers affirmed that God subjected the Israelites to foreign bondage when they disobeyed him. 6742 But if pagans insulted Israel with the charge of long-term bondage (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.125–128), a Jewish apologist could respond that nearly all nations have been subdued and ruled by others (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.127). Under Herod Jews were less subjugated than other nations (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.134). |
| 2087 Schmitz, «Γινσκω,» 396. Most scholars express similar perspectives (e.g., Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 78; Richardson, Theology, 40–41; Ladd, Theology, 261–62; Finegan, Records, 89; Patzia, «Knowledge,» 638–39). 2088 Coetzee, «Life,» 50. The verb πιστεω may appear more frequently in a theologically significant sense, however (see discussion on pp. 276–79, 325–28). 2089 E.g., Tenney, John, 308–9, distinguishing them only when they appear in the same context. Cf. Burdick, «Οδα,» who argues that Paul usually differentiates the two, but notes exceptions in about 12 percent of the cases, plus ambiguity in about 8 percent. 2093 Γινσκω in 6:69; 21:17; οδα in 4:42; 11:22; 21:15–17. We define «confessional» broadly here as relating to assertions. 2102 The tendency to bunch together the use of a term in adjacent passages, but to use it rarely elsewhere, was fairly common in early Christian literature as well (see Cadbury, «Features,» 97–100. on Luke-Acts, 101 on 2Corinthians). 2104 Cf. Cullmann, Worship, 38; for a summary of modern views on the subject, cf. Hasel, Theology, 57–58, 152. 2106 Ernst, «Mystik,» thinks the Gospel " s emphasis on mystical encounter with Christ drew from the author " s mystical experience with Christ. 2110 E.g., Phaedo 65E, 66A; noted also by subsequent writers, e.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.53; Justin Dia1. 2; 4.1. On Plato and the vision of God, see Kirk, Vision, 16–18. 2116 Ep. Luci1. 87.21, cited in Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 335. Seneca Ep. Luci1. 115.6 uses physical vision as an analogy for the mind seeing virtue. 2117 Most scholars addressing the Mysteries have noted this: e.g., Taylor, Mysteries, 81–82; Magnien, Mystères, 225–37; Mylonas, Eleusis, 237, 274–78; Ruck, «Mystery,» 36; Nock, Christianity, 6; Kirk, Vision, 19–21; Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 223; Reitzenstein, Religions, 13; Dibelius, «Initiation,» 81; Guthrie, Orpheus, 154–55; Avi-Yonah, Hellenism, 42. Most initiates in the Samothracian Mysteries did not proceed this far (Cole, Theoi, 46–48). |
| Jesus» phrase «keep my word» (8:51–52, 55; 14:23–24; 15:20; cf. 17:6; Rev 3:8, 10) echoes biblical language for obeying God " s law and word through his prophets. 6914 Never «seeing» death is, of course, idiomatic for never experiencing it (cf. also Luke 2:26; Heb 11:5); 6915 God often allowed the righteous to avoid having to «see» sorrows. 6916 («Taste death» in 8is an equivalent idiom to «see death»; 6917 paraphrase was a standard rhetorical exercise and the rewording is thus not significant–cf. 13:10–11; Theon Progymn. 1.93–171.) A phrase like «not die» could appear in conjunction with «live» as a way of making it more emphatic. 6918 In contrast to those who wanted to kill as their spiritual progenitor did (8:40, 44), Jesus came to bring life (8:51; 10:10) from his Father. If they rejected him, however, they would «die in their sins» (8:21, 24). 5. Greater Than Ahraham (8:52–59) Jesus» interlocutors zealously assert their descent from Abraham (8:33), a claim which Jesus allows genetically (8:37) but challenges spiritually (8:39–44). The interlocutors conversely deny that Jesus is greater than Abraham (8:52–53); Jesus responds that he is not boasting (8:54–55), but that Abraham himself recognized Jesus» superiority (8:56), and that Jesus existed eternally before him (8:58)–a blatant assertion of deity which could not easily be misinterpreted (8:59). 5A. Assuming Abrahams Superiority (8:52–53) Jesus» hearers misunderstood (8:52), yet should have understood his words about not dying (8:51; for this being accepted language for death, see comment above on 8:51): some of Jesus» Hellenistic Jewish contemporaries could claim that those who conquer fleshly passions, like the patriarchs of old, do not die but live for God (4 Macc 7:18–19; cf. Matt 22:32). 6919 In one Jewish story possibly in circulation in some form by the time of the Fourth Gospel " s publication, Abraham refused to submit to the angel of death, requiring God to remind him that all the righteous before him, including the prophets, have died. 6920 Again, however, Jesus» adversaries misinterpret his words about death by construing him more literally than necessary (8:52; cf. 6:52). |
| 4437 Краткие сведения об этом интересном вопросе, а также литературу его можно найти в брошюре Gravel Н. Die Arcandisbiplin nach Wesen. Entstehung u. Inhalt, 1902. 4447 Die AG. Beiträge zur Einl. ins N. T. Ill, Leipz., 1908. Срв. Neue Untersuch. zur AG. (Beitr. z Einl. in d. N. T. IV. Leipz., 1911). 4458 Срв. статью Holzmeismer’a: «Der hl. Paulus vor dem Richterstuhle des Festus (Ag 25, 1–12)» в Zeitschr. für kathol. Theol. 1912. 36. s. 493, 497. 4469 О языке евангелиста и дееписателя Луки в его отношении к языку ап. Павла см. Hummer. A critical and exeg. Comm, on the Gospel accord, to S. Luke. 2 ed. Edinb., 1898, § 6. 4471 Толкования на Новый Завет блж. Феофилакта в пер. на русский язык. Т. 5; Толкования на Деяния Апостолов и Соборные послания. Казань, 1905, с. 224.) 4474 И чит. также проф. Богдашевский Д.И. Опыты по изучению Священного Писания Нового Завета. Вып. 2. Кинга Деяний Апостолов. Киев, 1911, с. с. 107–108. 4475 Так истолковывает Деян.5:33–39 проф. Η.В.Глубоковский «Благовестие Св. Ап. Павла по его происхождению и существу». Кн. 1., с. с. 157–163. Иначе проф. Д.И.Богдашевский «Опыты по научному изучению Священного Писания Нового Завета». Вып. 2, с. с. 39–40. 4480 См. об этом подробно в исследовании проф. Л.Е. Глубоковского «Благовестие св. Ап. Павла по его происхождению и существу». Кн. 2., трактат 4, с. с. 812–1240. 4482 «Только благодаря языку человек мог сделаться Божьим создание, каким он должен был быть. Разве эта будущая сила не с первого мгновенья его существования оживила его, вела и направляла?» (с. 428). 4483 Все эти ученые в основном суждении о возникновении слова примыкают к Потебне. To же и Лацарус: «Слово, обозначая целую вещь, выражает лишь одно ощущение, т. е. одно свойство е» (с. 458). 4484 Что отмечено было уже Уоллесом («Дарвинизм»), который указал, что теория Дарвина не способна объяснить нам происхождение ума человека и особенно развитие математических способностей, и искусства» (с. 461). 4485 При чем у некоторых (например, у Фэррара) эти термины развернуты широко и указаны их источники. «Гром производит на разных людей различное звуковое впечатление: одному он кажется раскатом, другому мгновенным трескучим взрывом, у третьего, при раскате грома особенно запечатлевается в сознании сопровождающая его молния. В одних европейских языках насчитано свыше 350 подражательных слов для наименования грома... В соловьином пенье один исследователь насчитал 20 колен: вот источник разных слов для названия соловья» (с. 468). |
| 39. По свидетельству Талмуда (Шаббат, 15а), Симеон стал преемником Гиллеля в Совете. Если принять предание, по которому Гиллель родился за 100 лет до н. э. (Сифре на Втор 34, 7), то тогда хронологически вполне возможно отождествить Симеона Богоприимца с сыном Гиллеля. См.: А. Cumler. Does the Simeon of Luke 2 Refer to Simeon the Son of Hillel? «Journal of Bible and Religion», 1966, р. 29-35. 40. Хагига, I; 5а; Шаббат, 10; Менахот, 110; Бава Камма, 8; Авот II, 10; Сота, 48в; Дерех Эрец, II; Сота, 14а; Сукка, 49в; ср. Мф 6, 2-4, 7; 5, 41-42; 22, 6; 31, 5. Несколько сот талмудических изречений (с параллельным русским переводом) собраны в кн.: О. Гурович. Живая мораль, или Сокровищница талмудической этики. Вильна, 1901. Основные из этих максим по-русски можно найти также в статье Вл. Соловьева «Талмуд и новейшая полемическая литература о нем» (Собр. соч. СПб., 1914, т. VI, с. 11-15). 41. Таанит, II, I. 42. Авот, i, 17. 43. Шемот Раба, 22; ср. Мф 5, 43-44. 44. Бава Камма, 93. 45. Сота, 14а, Мф 5, 45, 48. 46. Сукка, 52а; Шаббат, 105в; Санхедрин, 43в. 47. Песикто Раба, 22; Иома, 72; Танхума, отд Матэс, Сота, 22в; И. Флавий Арх XIII, 15, 5,ср Мф 23, 23, 27 См также Г. Скарданицкий. Фарисеи и саддукеи, с. 65 ел 48. Сифри, отд. Эйкев. 49. Таанит, 22а; Шаббат, 52; ср. Мф 22, 11-12 50. Бава Батра, IIa; ср. Мф 6, 15-20. 51. Макот, 24а; ср. Рим 1, 17. Цифра 613 была результатом вычислений, которые делали таннаи, изучая Пятикнижие. 52. Мк 12, 28-34. 53. Мф 23, 23-24, 28. 54. В трактате «Санхедрин» (XI, 3) сказано, что нарушивший слово книжника несет большую ответственность, чем тот, кто нарушил устав Торы. См. характерный эпизод в «Бава Мециа» (59в), подтверждающий авторитет учителя. 55. Мф 27, 18. См.: Г. Скарданицкий. Фарисеи и саддукеи, с. 65 сл. 56. Шаббат, 31 в. 57. Иома, Тосефта, 4; Сукка, II, 9. 58. Шаббат, 12, 1, 5 сл. 59. Тосефта к Хагиге, II, 9. 60. См.: Л. Каценелъсон. Бет-Шаммай и Бет-Гиллель — ЕЭ, т. IV, с. 421. 61. Эрувин, 13в. 62. Г. Грец. История еврейского народа, т. IV, с. 197. |
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