| 7728 See Blenkinsopp, «Prophecy»; Hill, Prophecy, 30; Aune, Prophecy, 138–44; Grundmann, «Decision,» 305. Cf. Num. Rah. 21:9; cf. also the idea of a hereditary prophetic gift in Arrian Alex. 2.3.3. 7729 Michaels, ]ohn, 196, finds it doubtful, pointing out that those who had the gift (Josephus War 1.68–69; Ant. 11.327, 333–334; 13.299–300) were exceptiona1. Cf. Josephus Ant. 10.80; but one might rather attribute it more prominently to the Essenes (e.g., Josephus War 1.78–80; 2.159; Ant. 17.346), whose priestly connection is less evident in Josephus. 7731 " AbotR. Nat. 43, §118B (biblical examples); b. Sotah 12b (pagans). See further Aune, Prophecy, 139, following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:546. Grudem, Prophecy, 38, cites some later rabbinic references explaining biblical prophetesses as accurate predictors without divine authority. 7733 Egyptians reportedly looked for unintended prophecies through children (Plutarch Isis 14, Mor. 356E); cf. also Xenophon Eph. 5.4; Augustine Confessions 8.12. 7734 Aeschines Timarchus 84; cf. Pysche in Apuleius Metam. 5.6; Saul in 1Sam 14:39 . An accurate societal critic could also be dubbed «oracular» in a figurative sense because he spoke truth (Seneca Controv. 1.pref.9). 7735 E.g., Liv. Pro. 2(OTP 2:386)/Ieremiah 2 (ed. Schermann 81); Matt 2:4, 6; 4:16, 23; 13:15; 15:8; 21:23; 27:64; Acts 2:47. 7737 Many commentators apply it to either Gentiles only (Hunter, John, 118) or (as we do) to both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Pancaro, «People,» 126–27,129). Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 583, suggests that it refers to the Samaritans. 7738 Grundmann, «Decision,» 308–10. The biblical theme of the scattering of God " s people as judgment appears in early Jewish texts, e.g., 1 En. 89:75; T. Ash. 7(though followed by a Christian interpolation); 7:6. 7741 The reference is usually taken as genuine historical information (e.g., Dunn, «John,» 299); perhaps it was near a preexilic site with a similar name (2 Chr 13:19). 7743 Safrai, «Temple,» 876–77, citing, e.g., Josephus War 1.229. Michaels, John, 201, thinks those living among Gentiles would have to purify themselves as wel1. |
| 10566 Mary probably did not recognize, but probably should have, that the figures before her in 20were angels, partly because of their garb. To be sure, white clothes could allude to a variety of nonangelic functions. Mediterranean religion often employed white for the worship of heavenly deities; 10567 priests generally wore linen, including Egyptian priests, 10568 those at the temple of Artemis (Acts John 38), and Jewish priests (Josephus War 5.229). 10569 Worshipers wore white or linen in other worship settings, 10570 including in the Jerusalem temple (Josephus War 2.1; Ant. 11.327) 10571 and the Therapeutae during worship (Philo Contemp1. Life 66). Some schools of philosophers such as Pythagoras and his sect might wear white (Iamblichus V.P. 28.153, 155; whether linen, as in V.P. 21.100; 28.149, or wool, replaced in later times with linen, as in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.19). Perhaps because white could signify good and black, evil (Diogenes Laertius 8.1.34) 10572 – which in turn probably reflects associations with day and night 10573 –converts might wear linen (Jos. Asen. 14:12/13). 10574 But in paganism, pagan deities could appear in white garments; 10575 more important, Jewish angels likewise appeared in linen (L.A.B. 9:10; Rev 15:6) or white (e.g., 1 En. 71: l) 10576 garments or clothed in glory (3Macc 6:18). 10577 In John 20:12 , the angelic or theophanic functions are paramount. Because black garb typically symbolized mourning or death 10578 and white, joy, 10579 their garb also signified that the departure of the body represented good news, ending the mourning appropriate for a death. The white also probably fits John " s «light/darkness» motif, though the mention of white makes sense, as we have noted, even had he omitted the light/darkness motif. 2C. Recognizing Jesus (20:14–16) Mary " s encounter with Jesus in 20:14–16 is one of several «recognition scenes» in the Gospel, reflecting a dramatic-type scene in ancient literature. 10580 Mary turns because Jesus initially appears «behind» her (20:14; cf. |
| 10569 Also p. Yoma 7:2 (paralleling heavenly priests); Pesiq. Rab. 33:10; Yadin, War Scroll, 219; cf. Exod 39:27–29; Lev 6:10; 16:4, 32 . 10570 Pausanias 2.35.5; 6.20.3; Pythagoras in Diodorus Siculus 10.9.6; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.33; Hipponax frg. 65; Ovid Her. 4.71 (Eleusinian rituals); Athenaeus Deipn. 4.149d; SEG 11.923, in Sherk, Empire, 58; Ramsay, Letters, 386; cf. the change of garments in Olmstead, History, 511. Cf. Rev 3:4–5, 18; 4:4; 6:11; 7:9, 13. Linen was not limited to worship settings, however (e.g., Indians in Arrian Ind. 16.1–2). 10571 Naturally, Archelaus in Josephus War 2.1 could afford a special garment; one doubts that all comers (despite Ant. 11.327) had the same opportunity. 10572 Cf. Homer II. 1.103; Ovid Metam. 2.832; Ex Ponto 2.5.37–38; 4Q183, 2.4–8 (possibly also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 6–7); 4Q544, 1.10–14; 2.3–5 (both depicting the ruler of darkness); 4Q548, lines 10–15; Silius Italicus 11.548; Dupont, Life, 260. Black functions negatively in Aeschylus Sept. 832–833 (a terrible, «black curse»); Ovid Fasti 1.58 (inauspicious); Marcus Aurelius 4.28. Athenians used white ballots for acquittal, black for a death sentence (Plutarch Alc. 22.2). 10573 Cf. Hesiod Op. 154–155; Aeschlyus Eumenides 745 (the Furies spring from Night); Ovid Amores 1.8.3–8 (night as the time for witchcraft); Philostratus Hrk. 33.6 (white associated with the sun god); Lucan C.W. 6.624; Philo thinks black the absence of light and white (Creation 29; Abraham 10). Ephraim Isaac, an Ethiopian translator of 1 Enoch, points out that in 1 En. 87white suggests the image of purity in Ethiopie (OTP 1n.) Against some modern assumptions, these associations with color derive from day/night divisions, not human pigment. White is associated positively with the spirit world in various traditional African societies (Mbiti, Religions, 73, 277; Isichei, History, 64). 10574 In early Christianity, cf. Rev 3:4–5; 4:4; 19:8, 14. 10575 E.g., PGM 4.637–638, 698–699; also an inscription in Grant, Religions, 16. |
| 70. Ant I, 14/Пс 48:8 и след. – В пер. П. А. Юнгерова: Брат не избавит, избавит ли [вообще] человек? Не даст он Богу выкупа за себя и цены, искупления души своей, [хотя бы] он и трудился вечно. Будет [ли] жить до конца, не увидит погибели? 71. Ant I, 22/Притч 1211. 72. Ant I, 2/Исх 38:8. – В синод, пер. иначе: И сделал умывальник из меди и подножие его из меди с изящными изображениями, украшающими вход скинии собрания. 73. Ant I, 65/Евр 12:11. 74. In Prov 1, 2: Géhin, 3. 75. Изображение монашеской жизни. 10 (Добротолюбие. T. 1. С. 597). 76. Ant I,43/Иер 15:15. 77. Ant I, 57/2Кор 5:1. 78. Vita С. 79. Монах. 33 (Творения... С. 101). 48 80. Ant I, 56/2Кор 4:16. 81. Ant I, 59/2Кор 12:10. 82. Достопамятные сказания. Об авве Исааке, пресвитере из Келий, 10. 83. Монах. 7 (Творения... С. 96 сл.). 84. Лавсаик. 7. О Нитрийских подвижниках. 85. Достопамятные сказания. Об авве Макарии Египетском, 8. 86. Ant I, 52/Рим 13:14. 87. Ant I, 53/Рим 14: 2. 88. Ant I, 54/1Кор 9:25. 89. Vita С. 90. Достопамятные сказания. Об авве Арсении, 19 91. Ant VIII, 54/Рим 14:3в. 92. Ant I, 53/Рим 14:3а. 93. Лавсаик. 19. О Макарии Александрийском. 94. Agape – любовь (грен.). 95. Ant I, 32/Сир 4: 25. – Пер. с греч. архиеп. Агафангела (Соловье¬ва). В церк. слав, пер.: Есть 6о стыд наводяй грех, и есть стыд слава и благодать. 96. Ant I, 25/Притч 19:10. 97. Ant I, 3/Притч 23:20 и след. 98. Ant I, 60/Еф 5:18 и след. 99. Прп. Венедикт (Бенедикт) Нурсийский (ок. 480–547) – православный и католический святой, основатель Бенедиктинского ордена. Положил начало распространению монашеской жизни на Западе. – Примеч. пер. 100. К монахам. 39 (Творения... С. 131). 101. Там же. 40 (Там же). 102. Там же. 41 (Там же). 103. Там же. 42 (Там же). 104. К монахам. 43 (Творения... С. 131). 105. Там же. 44 (Там же). 106. Ant I, 7/2Цар 3: 35. 107. Ant I, 13/Пс 37:19. 108. Ant I, 16/Пс 54: 23. 109. Ant I, 8/3Цар 17:14. 110. Ant I, 12/Пс 36:25. – В пер. с греч. П. А. Юнгерова: Юнейшим я был, и вот состарился, но не видел праведника покинутым и потомства его просящим хлеба. |
| Wash., 1976; idem. Joseph, Son of Jacob//ABD. 1992. Vol. 3. P. 976-981; Seybold D. A. Paradox and Symmetry in the Joseph Narrative//Literary Interpretations of Biblical Narratives/Ed. K. R. R. Gros-Louis, J. S. Ackerman, T. S. Warshaw. Nashville, 1974. P. 59-73; Donner H. Die literarische Gestalt der alttestamentlichen Josephsgeschichte. Hdlb., 1976; Daube D. Typology in Josephus//JJS. 1980. Vol. 31. N 1. P. 18-36; Savage M. Literary Criticism and Biblical Studies: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Joseph Narrative//Essays on the Comparative Method/Ed. C. D. Evans, W. W. Hallo, J. B. White. Pittsburgh, 1980. P. 79-100; Hollander H. W. Joseph as an Ethical Model in the Testaments of the Twelwe Patriarchs. Leiden, 1981; Haag H. «Der Aufstieg Josefs im Haus des Ägypters//Fontes atque Pontes/Hrsg. M. Görg. Wiesbaden, 1983. P. 205-214; Bassler J. M. Philo on Joseph: The Basic Coherence of De Iosepho and De Somniis II//JJS. 1985. Vol. 16. N 2. P. 240-255; Cooper J. S. Sargon and Joseph: Dreams Come True//Biblical and Related Studies/Ed. A. Kort, S. Morschauser. Winona Lake, 1985. P. 33-39; Hilgert E. The Dual Image of Joseph in Hebrew and Early Jewish Literature//Biblical Research. 1985. Vol. 30. P. 5-21; White H. C. The Joseph Story: A Narrative Which ‘Consumes " Its Content//Semeia. Atlanta, 1985. Vol. 31. P. 49-69; Ahuviah A. On the Real Joseph//Beth Mikra. Jerusalem, 1985/1986. Vol. 31. N 104-107. P. 271-280; Aejmelaeus A. The Traditional Prayers in the Psalms. Schmidt L. Literarische Studien zur Josephsgeschichte. B.; N. Y., 1986; Aberbach M. Joseph and His Brothers - in the Light of the History of the Israelite Tribes//Beth Mikra. 1986/1987. Vol. 32. N 108/111. P. 114-120; Naor M. The Story of Joseph the Righteous (Gen 37. 28-45. 4)//Ibid. P. 224-234; Osman A. Stranger in the Valley of the Kings: The Identification of Yuya as the Patriarch Joseph. L., 1987; King J. R. The Joseph Story and Divine Politics: A Comparative Study of a Biographic Formula from the Ancient Near East//JBL. |
| Let me begin by recounting a recent exchange of views within Orthodoxy in the United States. The inaugural issue of a stimulating but short-lived magazine entitled American Orthodoxy carried an article reviewing some responses of the National Council of Churches critical of the Gulf War and juxtaposing some official statements by Orthodox jurisdictions here in the United States. 215 The thrust of the article was two-fold: that Orthodoxy accepted a just-war theory, albeit imprecisely, and that much of the official U.S. Orthodox response to the Gulf War betrayed this just-war approach by succumbing to the NCC’s anti-American, anti-just war rhetoric. A subsequent issue carried a response by Fr. Stanley Harakas, distinguished professor of ethics at Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology. 216 In it, he recounted the evolution of his own thought on the subject of the “just war.” Initially in his teaching and public speaking, he had followed the position set forth in the lectures and handbooks of professors in the Athens theological faculty where he had studied, who basically supported a just war approach and rejected the principle of conscientious objection and especially of selective conscientious objection as showing an unbecoming lack of responsibility towards society and disobedience towards duly constituted civil authority. Fr. Harakas began to question this position, however, when he discovered what he called the “stratification of pacifism” in the ancient canons which prohibit any form of military activity to the clergy while allowing it for the laity. 217 Then, when asked to comment on the U.S. Catholic Bishops’ Pastoral Letter on War and Peace, he reviewed the Eastern patristic and canonical sources yet again and found, to his surprise, that he could not find any of the traditional components of the Western just war theory, whether jus ad bellum or jus in bello. Rather, he found an amazing consistency in the almost totally negative moral assessment of war coupled with an admission that war may be necessary under certain circumstances to protect the innocent and to limit even greater evils! In this framework, war may be an unavoidable alternative, but it nevertheless remains an evil. Virtually absent in the tradition is any mention of a ‘just war’ much less a ‘good’ war. The tradition also precludes the possibility of a crusade. For the Eastern Orthodox tradition…, war can be seen only as a ‘necessary evil’ with all the difficulty and imprecision such a designation carries. 218 |
| 13-14 Waý halyyza, Töwrat mugallymlary we fariseýler! Eý, ikiýüzlüler! Siz Gögü alygyna girmäge adamlary öüni baglaýarsyyz, oa ne özüiz girýärsiiz, ne-de girjeklere ýol berýärsiiz. 15 Waý halyyza, Töwrat mugallymlary we fariseýler! Eý, ikiýüzlüler! Siz ýekeje adamy öz diniize saljak bolup, deizlere, düzlere aýlanýarsyyz. Diniize salanyyzdan so bolsa, ony özüizden hem iki esse köp dowzahy jezasyna sezewar edýärsiiz. 16 Waý halyyza, eý, kör ýolbaçylar! Siz: „Kim ybadathanadan ant içse, bu hiç zat saýylar, emma kim ybadathanany altynyndan ant içse, ol öz antyny berjaý etmäge borçludyr“ diýýärsiiz 17 Eý, nadan körler! Haýsysy uly: altynmy ýa-da altyny mukaddes edýän ybadathana? 18 eýle-de, siz: „Kim gurbanlyk sypasyndan ant içse, bu hiç zat saýylar, emma kim onu üstündäki sadakadan ant içse, öz antyny berjaý etmäge borçly bolar“ diýýärsiiz. 19 Eý, körler! Haýsysy uly: sadakamy ýa-da sadakany mukaddes edýän gurbanlyk sypasy? 20 Gurbanlyk sypasyndan ant içýän, ondan hem, onu üstündäki ähli zatdan hem ant içýändir. 21 Ybadathanadan ant içýän, ondan hem, onda mekan tutan Hudaýdan hem ant içýändir. 22 Gökden ant içýän, Hudaýy tagtyndan hem, onda Oturandan hem ant içýändir. 23 Waý halyyza, Töwrat mugallymlary we fariseýler! Eý, ikiýüzlüler! Siz narpyzdan, arpabadyýadan we zireden ondan bir bölegi berýärsiiz, emma Mukaddes Kanuny has wajyp ilerini: adyllygy, rehimdarlygy, imany talaýarsyyz. Bulary birini berjaý edip, beýlekilerini talamaly dälsiiz. 24 Eý, körleri idýänler! Siz suwy süzüp, çybyny aýyrýarsyyz, emma düýäni ýuwudýarsyyz! 25 Waý halyyza, Töwrat mugallymlary we fariseýler! Eý, ikiýüzlüler! Siz käsedir gap-çanagy dayny arassalaýarsyyz, emma olary içi açgözlükden hem betnebislikden doludyr. 26 Eý, kör fariseý! Sen ilki bilen käsedir gap-çanagy içini arassala, onda olary day-da arassa bolar. 27 Waý halyyza, Töwrat mugallymlary we fariseýler! Eý, ikiýüzlüler! Siz agardylyp, dayndan owadan görünýän, emma içi ölüleri sükleridir her tüýsli murdarlykdan doly mazarsyyz. 28 Siz hem dayyzdan adamlara dogry adam ýaly görünýärsiiz, emma içiiz ikiýüzlülikden we pislikden doludyr. |
| Ant: Ein neues Gebot gebe ich euch, dass ihr einander liebet, wie ich euch geliebet habe, spricht der Herr! Ps. (118:1): Selig sind die Unbefleckten auf dem Wege, die wandeln nach des Herrn Gesetze. Ein neues Gebet... 11 Ant: Nachaem der Herr vom Abendmahle aufgestanden war, goss er Wasser in ein Becken, und fing an, den Jüngern die Füsse zu waschen: Dieses Beispiel hinterliess er ihnen. (Joan.13:4–5). Ps. (47:1): Gross ist der Herr, alles Ruhmes würdig, in unsere Gottes Stadt, auf seinem heiligen Berge! Ant.: Nachdem der Herr Jesus mit seinen Jüngern das Abendmahl gehalten, wusch er ihnen die Füsse und sprach: Wisset ihr, was ich, euer Herr und Meister, euch gethan habe? Ein Beispiel habe ich euch gegeben, damit ihr thut, was ich gethan! (Joan.13:14). Ps. (84:1): Herr, du hast dein Land gesegnet, hast Jakob von der Gefangenschaft befreit. Ant.: Herr, du solltest mir meine Füsse waschen? Und Jesus antwortete dem Petrus: Werde ich dich nicht waschen, so wirst du keinen Theil an mir haben! (Joan.13:8). Da kam er zu Simon Petrus, und dieser sprach zu ihm: Ant.: Herr, du solltest... Theil an mir haben! Was ich thue, das weisst du jetzt nicht, du wirst es aber hernach erfahren! Ant.: Herr, du solltest... So ich nun, als euer Herr und Meister, euch die Füsse gewaschen habe, wie viel mehr sollt auch ihr einer dem Andern die Füsse waschen? (Joan.13:14). Ps. (48:1): Höret dies, alle Völker, des Weltalls Bewohner, merket Alle auf! Ant.: Daran wird man erkennen, dass ihr meine Jünger seid, dass ihr einander liebet! (Joann.13:35). Jesus sprach zu seinen Jüngern: Ant.: In euch verbleibe Glaube, Hoffnung und Liebe, diese drei Stücke, und darunter ist die Liebe das Grösseste. (I. Ког.13:13). Nun verbleibe in euch Glaube, Hoffnung... Ant.: Gepriesen sei die heilige Dreifaltigkeit und ungetheilte Einheit: lasst uns sie loben, denn sie hat uns Barmherzigkeit erwiesen. Nach einigen weiteren Gesängen reinigt der Obere seine Hände und trocknet sie mit einem andern Tuche ab, kehrt an seine frühere Stelle zurück, bekleidet sich wieder mit dem Pluviale, und betet mit mit unbedecktem Haupte stehend: Vater unser (das Uebrige leise). |
| This supposed opposition engendered a false view on the hostility between the trends of Sts. Joseph and Nilus. In actuality, both trends legitimately coexisted within the Russian monastic Tradition, complementing each other. As is evidenced from the Rule of St Joseph, its basis was complete non-acquisitiveness, and renunciation of the very concepts of " yours-mine. " The years passed. The monastery flourished with construction work and the efforts of St Joseph. As he grew old, he prepared himself for eternal life. Before his end he received the Holy Mysteries, then summoned all the brethren. He gave them his peace and blessing, and peacefully fell asleep in the Lord on September 9, 1515. The funeral oration to St. Joseph was composed by his nephew and disciple, the monk Dositheus Toporkov. The first Life of the saint was written in the 1540’s by a disciple of St Joseph, Bishop Sava the Black of Krutitsa, with the blessing of Macarius, Metropolitan of Moscow and all Russia (+1564). It entered into the Great Menaion Readings compiled by Macarius. A second edition of the Life was written by the Russified Bulgarian writer, Lev the Philologue, with the assistance of St. Zenobius of Otensk (October 30). Local veneration of St. Joseph was established at the Volokolamsk monastery in December of 1578, on the hundred year anniversary of the founding of the monastery. On June 1, 1591, the church-wide celebration of his memory was established under Patriarch Job. St. Job, a disciple of the Volokolamsk saint, tonsured St. Germanus of Kazan, and was a great admirer of St. Joseph. He wrote the Service to St. Joseph, which was included in the Menaion. Another disciple of Sts. Germanus and Barsanuphius was also the companion and successor to Patriarch Job, Hieromartyr Patriarch Hermogenes (February 17), a spiritual leader of the Russian people in the struggle for liberation under the Polish incursion. The theological works of St Joseph comprise an undeniable contribution within the treasury of the Orthodox Tradition. As with all Church writings inspired by the grace of the Holy Spirit, they continue to be a source of spiritual life and knowledge, and they have their own theological significance and pertinence. |
| I hope American Christians do not believe that this is a war of Syrian Muslims against Syrian Christians – nor even a war between native Syrians. Two-and-a-half years ago Fr. Joseph Huneycutt traveled to Syria as part of an official delegation of Christian pastors and leaders to investigate the emerging political crisis and to assess the situation of Syria’s Christians. Christian delegation to Damascus meets with President Assad of Syria in September 2011. Fr. Joseph Huneycutt stands third from Assad’s left. Photo credit: antiochian.org, The September 2011 trip was sponsored by the Antiochian Orthodox Archdiocese of North America, and a report of the delegation’s findings was issued here . Now in its third year, the Syria conflict has taken countless lives and has left much of the country destroyed. Reports seem to come in weekly detailing the struggles of Syria’s ancient Christian community. Reports of kidnapping, murder, rape, torture, and destruction of churches at the hands of rebel insurgents are now a common theme of the Syria crisis. Last December, Fr. Joseph’s parish, St. Joseph Orthodox church in Houston, hosted the “Hope, Humanity, Healing” benefit concert to spread awareness of the plight of Syria’s Christians and to raise funds for the relief of all suffering innocents of the conflict. Fr. Joseph agreed to speak with Levant Report this week: Levant Report: Thank you for agreeing to talk to us about the Christian situation in Syria. Last December, your parish, St. Joseph Orthodox church, hosted a benefit concert for the Syrian humanitarian crisis. What prompted you to put together such an event and how did the community respond? Fr. Joseph: The event came together thanks to the dream of St Joseph parishioner Lama Nashawati DeVries, a classically trained professional pianist, along with her brother Deacon George (Bassam) Nashawati, a violinist for the San Antonio Symphony. They teamed up with other Houston area performers, both within and without the parish: Christine Yacoub, Len Verrett, Mariam Haddad, Osama Raad, Tracey Parker, Dr Bill Attra and the St Romanos Chorale, and pulled together a special night of entertainment: “Hope, Humanity, Healing – A Musical Offering to Syria.” It was standing room only in the parish hall; around 250 people came out to enjoy the show and support the cause. The event raised of which the Diocese of Bosra-Hauran, Jabal al-Arab, and the Golan in southern Syria, and the St Gregory Orthodox Society for the Elderly and Orphans in Damascus were the beneficiaries. Thanks God, it was a very special evening in support of our brothers and sisters in Syria. |
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