| 34:15). 7613 One would honor persons by meeting them and conducting them to their destination (e.g., 12:13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.7.2; Chariton 4.7.6; Judg 4:18; 11:31,34 ; 1Sam 13:10; 16:4; 21:1; 25:32 ; cf. royal parousia contexts, e.g., 1 Thess 4:17; cf. 2Sam 19:25 ; Jdt 5:4; 7:15; Pesiq. Rab. 51:8). Certainly cities treated visiting dignitaries in this manner, and the same is probably true for visiting scholars among those who respected them (cf. Acts 28:15). Yet at least by later custom, one should not greet a mourner (p. Ber. 2:6, §3). 7616 Haenchen, John, 2:61. Others regard her faith as inadequate; «any Pharisee could have said this» (Fenton, John, 122). 7619 Cf. similarly Koester, Symbolism, 109. On the soul " s immortality, see, e.g., Sir 9:12 ; Josephus War 1.84; 2.154–155, 163; 7.341–348; Ant. 17.354; 18.14,18; Philo Abraham 258; Moses 2.288; T. Ab. 1:24–25A; 4:9; 9:8B; Ps.-Phoc. 108; Apoc. Mos. 13:6; 32:4; 33:2; Jos. Asen. 27:10; Wolfson, Philo, 395–413. For exceptions, see 1Macc 2:63; Josephus Ant. 18.16. 7620 Malzoni, «La résurrection,» prefers the shorter reading «I am the resurrection» (following some Old Syriac witnesses); the textual tradition would more likely be expansive here, and the omission has significant and early geographic range. The longer reading is more widely attested from the beginning, however (cf. Metzger, Commentary, 234). In either case, «life» is implicit in «resurrection» and «lives.» 7621 «Not die» makes «live» more emphatic (e.g., L.A.B. 23:10; see comment on 8:51), but it deals with the question of eternal life, not the question of Lazarus " s physical raising central to the narrative itself (unless to say that Lazarus " s physical state was irrelevant to his eternal life; cf. Gamble, «Philosophy,» 55; 1 Thess 4:13–14). 7622 Such foreshadowing made sense in a Jewish framework, e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9:4. John elsewhere uses «tomb» only for that of Jesus (19:41–20:11) or the dead he will raise (5:28). Derrett, «Lazarus,» infers a connection, probably anachronistically, between Lazarus " s resurrection and Moses bringing water from the rock (based on later Roman catacomb paintings). |
| 10566 Mary probably did not recognize, but probably should have, that the figures before her in 20were angels, partly because of their garb. To be sure, white clothes could allude to a variety of nonangelic functions. Mediterranean religion often employed white for the worship of heavenly deities; 10567 priests generally wore linen, including Egyptian priests, 10568 those at the temple of Artemis (Acts John 38), and Jewish priests (Josephus War 5.229). 10569 Worshipers wore white or linen in other worship settings, 10570 including in the Jerusalem temple (Josephus War 2.1; Ant. 11.327) 10571 and the Therapeutae during worship (Philo Contemp1. Life 66). Some schools of philosophers such as Pythagoras and his sect might wear white (Iamblichus V.P. 28.153, 155; whether linen, as in V.P. 21.100; 28.149, or wool, replaced in later times with linen, as in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.19). Perhaps because white could signify good and black, evil (Diogenes Laertius 8.1.34) 10572 – which in turn probably reflects associations with day and night 10573 –converts might wear linen (Jos. Asen. 14:12/13). 10574 But in paganism, pagan deities could appear in white garments; 10575 more important, Jewish angels likewise appeared in linen (L.A.B. 9:10; Rev 15:6) or white (e.g., 1 En. 71: l) 10576 garments or clothed in glory (3Macc 6:18). 10577 In John 20:12 , the angelic or theophanic functions are paramount. Because black garb typically symbolized mourning or death 10578 and white, joy, 10579 their garb also signified that the departure of the body represented good news, ending the mourning appropriate for a death. The white also probably fits John " s «light/darkness» motif, though the mention of white makes sense, as we have noted, even had he omitted the light/darkness motif. 2C. Recognizing Jesus (20:14–16) Mary " s encounter with Jesus in 20:14–16 is one of several «recognition scenes» in the Gospel, reflecting a dramatic-type scene in ancient literature. 10580 Mary turns because Jesus initially appears «behind» her (20:14; cf. |
| 7768 Glasson, Moses, 72, who also compares (less persuasively) glory revealed on a seventh day in 2(where chronology is not mentioned) and possibly 7(which we believe may be the eighth) 7769 E.g., Bruce, John, 255. It may have been a meal in Jesus» honor; for the significance of this and status issues of seating, see Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 207–8; and our comment on status and the foot washing in ch. 13. 7770 It occurs sixteen times in the Synoptics, including in a saying quite consonant with John 12 ( Mark 10:45 ; Matt 20:28; Luke 22:26–27). Seven of its appearances are in Luke alone, including Luke 10:40; but it appears frequently enough elsewhere for one to doubt that John must simply reproduce Lukés style rather than earlier tradition here. 7771 Beare, Matthew, 505, complains that such a quantity would not fit in a usual alabaster flask; but even if this is the case, John omits mention of such a flask (a common container; see Witherington, Women, 55) present in the Synoptic accounts (Matt 26:7; Mark 14:3 ; Luke 7:37), reinforcing our picture that John is independent of them here. 7772 Catullus 13.9–14; by contrast, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 108.16 and others advocated avoiding perfumes (unguento), preferring no scent. 7773 Brown, John, 1:448. Essentially the same population type lived on both sides of the Red Sea (Huntingford, «Axum,» 28; Rashidi, «Africans,» 22–23). On myrrh, see further Harrison, «Myrrh.» 7775 Ibid., also commenting that the rare πιστικς may translate overliteraly an Aramaic expression that can mean «genuine» nard or apply to «faith» (better than Hunter, John, 121). 7778 See Witherington, Women, 113, citing Athenaeus Deipn. 12.553 and Billerbeck, Kommentar, 1:427–28, 986. Bruns, « Jn 12:3 ,» cites the same Athenaeus reference and relates anointing to royalty byPolybius 26.1.12–14. 7782 Morris, John, 576–77; Witherington, Women, 55; on the eastern Mediterranean Jewish custom, see, e.g., m. Ketub. 7:6; Sotah 1:5; Sipre Num. 11.2.3; " AbotR. Nat. 3; 17A; 14, §35B; cf. Jos. Asen. 15:1–2; 18:6; Belkin, Philo, 230; further sources in Keener, Paul, 19–69; idem, «Headcoverings.» |
| 8532 To speak «in God " s name» could, however, simply mean to speak as one loyal to him (Jos. Asen. 9in light of ch. 8; cf. Acts 4:17). 8534 Berg, «Pneumatology,» 152. By contrast, Lee, Thought, 256, suggests that «in the name» represents a Hebraism for prayer addressed to Jesus; but the texts themselves also speak of prayer to the Father in Jesus» name (16:23, 26). 8535 Valerius Maximus 7.2.ext.la; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5 passim (e.g., 5.1, Midas " s prayers); Diogenes Laertius 2.136; 6.2.42; Sent. Sext. 88. 8536 Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.8. For Maximus " s similarity to (though stronger rejection of petition than) the Neoplatonists in 5.9, see Trapp, Maximus, 41. 8538 Contrast Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.9; Iamblichus V.P. 28.145 (though supporting prayer, see VP 28.137; Myst. 1.12,15; 5.26); also Seneca Nat. 4.6.2–3; 4.7.1; asking simply for «good things» generally in Xenophon Mem. 1.3.2; but cf. Rom 8:26 . 8539 E.g., Ovid Metam. 2.44–102; 3.287–298, 308–309; 11.100–105; 14.129–153; Apollodorus 3.4.3; cf. Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.2, who cites as a familiar saying, «Do not ask for what you will wish you had not gotten.» 8542 E.g., Lev. Rab. 16:9. One guarantee of answered prayer apparently rests on its timing (T. Adam 1:10, probably redacted third century C.E.). 8543 Echoes of such promises abound into second-century tradition, though sometimes offering explanations for delays (e.g., Herrn. Mand. 9, echoing Jas 1:6–8). 8544 Cf. Porphyry Marc. 13.226–227 (cf. 13.227–229) on asking for God himself, and 12.209–218, on asking only for what is eternal and divine. One with secret knowledge assures his guest that he may ask whatever information he wants (Philostratus Hrk. 6.1) concerning the secrets of Protesilaos (5.5–6). The request here could be revelatory, but see John 14:8–9 . 8545 See Lewis, Life, 98. Despite some perceived decline in oracular interest (Plutarch Obso1. passim; Parke, Oracle, 381), they were still widely consulted (see Collins, Oracles, 5; Nilsson, Piety, 166; Aune, Prophecy, 51). |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| 9992 «Purple» could mean scarlet (e.g., Rev 17:4; 18:16; Appian C.W. 2.21.150; cited in Brown, Death, 866; cf. Dupont, Life, 260), though the Gospel tradition probably preserves it for its symbolic value, both to the soldiers and to Jesus» later followers. Egyptian gentry in nome capitals purchased green, red, and especially blue outer apparel (Lewis, Life, 52–53). 9994 For its association with wealth, see, e.g., Lucretius Nat. 5.1423; Horace Carm. 1.35.12, 2.18.7–8; Cicero Sen. 17.59; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.159d; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.73; 1Macc 10:20, 62, 64, 14:43–44; lQapGen 20.31; Sib. Or. 3.389, 658–659; 8.74; Petronius Sat. 38, 54; Epictetus frg. 11; Martial Epigr. 5.8.5; 8.10; Juvenal Sat. 1.106; 4.31; Apuleius Metam. 10.20; Chariton 3.2.17; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7, 15:3; T. Ab. 4:2A; Jos. Asen. 2:2/3, 8/14–15; 5:5/6. Some writers complained about its extravagance (Seneca Dia1. 12.11.2; Plutarch T.T. 3.1.2, Mor. 646B; 1 En. 98MSS). 9995 Cf. Brown, John, 2:875. Derrett, «Ruber,» suggests that the red alludes to Isa 1and (somewhat less unlikely) 63:1–2; Lukés white robe in Luke 23characterized Jewish kings as well (Hill, Prophecy, 52). 10003 Flusser, Judaism, 600 (cf. Suggit, «Man»); Flusser argues (Judaism, 602) that on the historical level it is perfectly in character to suppose that Pilate joined in the ridicule of Jesus. Cf. Smith, John, 346. 10006 For the emphasis on Jesus» humanity here, see also Sevenster, «Humanity»; Koester, Symbolism, 187; Smith, John, 346. Schwank, «Ecce Homo,» finds an answer to Pilatés own question in 18:38; but the connection, while possible, is unclear. 10007 John elsewhere juxtaposes announcements of Jesus» humanity with his messianic identity (4:29; cf. 5:27) though more often those who do not recognize Jesus» fuller identity call him «human» (5:12; 7:46, 51; 9:16,24; 10:33; 11:47,50; 18:17,29); he may link his humanity and mortality in 3:14; 6:53; 8:40; 12:23, 34; 13:31. 10010 A familiar accusation; they may allude in part to Jesus» claims to authority to revise the Sabbath law (5:18; cf. Wead, «Law»); but cf. esp. 10:33. Less probably, Barrett, John, 541, thinks the law of blasphemy is particularly in view. |
| 7589 1 Th 4:13; Acts 7:60; Rev 14:13; Sir 30:17 ; Jub. 23:1; 36:18; 1 En. 89:38; Pss. So1. 2:31; L.A.B. 3:10; 4Ezra7:31–32;2Bar. 11:4;21:25; 36:11; T.Mos. 10:14; L.A.E.48:2; T.Dan 7:1; T. Iss. 7:9; T.Zeh. 10:6; Gen. Rah. 62:2. 7590 E.g., Sophocles Oed. co1. 1578; Callimachus Epigrams 11, 18; Plutarch Apol1. 12, Mor. 107D; Propertius Eleg. 2.28.25; Diogenes Laertius 1.86; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 3.6. See also in unrelated societies (Mbiti, Religions, 204–5). 7592 E.g., Chariton 5.5.5–6; for such an announcement that one was dead, Plutarch Cimon 18.7. An orator sometimes intended an audience to take his words the opposite of the way he put them (Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137), but this was irony, not deliberate obscurity. 7593 Sleep allows respite from pain (Sophocles Track 988–991); conversely, loss of sleep can hasten death (Livy 40.56.9) or illness (Livy 22.2.11); one could be tortured to death by lack of sleep (Aulus Gellius 7.4.4; Cicero Pis. 19.43; Valerius Maximus 9.2.axf.l). Lack of sleep could stem from self-discipline (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.64.2; Livy 23.18.12; Silius Italicus 9.4–5), devotion to Torah ( Ps 119:55, 148 ; 1QS 6.7–8), or repentance (Jos. Asen. 18MSS); sickness (Hippocrates Regimen in Acute Diseases 1–2; Prorrhetic 1.135–136; love-sickness (Achilles Tatius 1.6; PGM 101.5–7), jealousy (Plutarch Themistocles 3.3–4), fear (Publilius Syrus 359; Plutarch Alex. 31.4; Silius Italicus 13.256–257), anxiety caused by vice (Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100F), or other anxiety (Homer Il. 2.2–3; Aristophanes Lys. 27; Livy 40.56.9; Plutarch Cicero 35.3); mourning (Homer Il. 24.4–6); idleness during the day (m. Abot 3:4); or hardships (Arrian Ind. 34.7; Gen 31:40 ; perhaps 2Cor 11:27 ; Chariton 1.2.3). 7594 In 11δοκω (here the aorist δοξαν) signifies misunderstanding, as it always does in John (5:39,45; 13:29; 16:2; 20:15), including in this context (11:31, 56). 7595 Bernard, John, 2:380, suggests that Jesus " joy relates to fulfilling his mission (cf. 4:36; 15:11; 17:13). |
| 3561 Sipre Deut. 43.8.1; b. Šabb. 31a; Yoma 76a; Exod. Rab. 15:30; Lev. Rab. 10:3; Num. Rab. 16:7; Deut. Rab. 2:24; 10:4; Lam. Rab. proem 2; Lam. Rab. 1:17, §52; SongRab. 2:16, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 15(often in parables); cf. Gen. Rab. 86(modeled after Exod 4:22, but the tradition is attested early in Jub. 19:29). 3562 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 35, §77; 44, §124 B; Sipra Behuq.pq. 2.262.1.9; Sipre Deut. 43.16.1; 45.1.2; 352.7.1; b. Šabb. 31a, 128a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9:5; 14:5; Exod. Rab. 46:4–5; Num. Rab. 5:3; 10:2; Deut. Rab. 1:6; 3:15; Lam. Rab. proem 23; Lam. Rab. 3:20, §7. 3563 Sipre Deut. 96.4.1; cf. similarly Sipre Deut. 308.1.2. The discussion continues in later texts: Israel are God " s children when they obey him (Deut. Rab. 7:9); God begot Israel as an only child, but will treat them as slaves if they disobey (Pesiq. Rab. 27:3; cf. John 8:35 ); Bonsirven, Judaism, 48–49, cites some other revelant texts (including Sipre Num. on 15:41). 3564 E.g., b. Ber. 7a (apocryphal bat qol to R. Ishmael), 19a (Honi the Circle-Drawer, but the antiquity of the tradition is difficult to date); cf. Sukkah 45b (R. Simeon ben Yohai). See especially Vermes on charismatic rabbis, discussed on pp. 270–72 (Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 210–11, citing b. Ta c an. 23b; followed by Borg, Vision, 45; tentatively by Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha and NT, 82). 3565 See on «the Jews» in the introduction, above; cf. similarly Ellis, Genius, 24. Early Jewish readers, both Christian and non-Christian, probably assumed the idea of future inheritance in sonship language; see Hester, Inheritance, 42. 3566 E.g., m. Sotah 9:15; t. B. Qam. 7:6; Hag. 2:1; Péah 4:21; Sipra Behuq. pq. 8.269.2.15; Sipre Deut. 352.1.2; b. Ber. 30a, bar.; p. Sanh. 10:2, §8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Lev. Rab. 1:3; 7:1; 35:10; see further texts in Marmorstein, Names, 56–58; cf. 3Macc 5:7; 7:6; personal prayer in Jos. Asen. 12:14. Outside 3Macc 6:8, the title appears regularly in prayers, especially in rabbinic texts (Moore, Judaism, 2:202–10; cf. McNamara, Targum, 116ff.), but these probably reflect some early and widespread prayer language (e.g., the Kaddish, adapted no later than Q in the Palestinian Jesus tradition; see Moore, Judaism, 2:213; Smith, Parallels, 136; Jeremias, Theology, 21; Jeremias, Prayers, 98); see esp. Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 40. «My father» may have sounded strange (Jeremias, Message, 17; idem, Prayers, 57; Israel as a whole applies it in Sipra Qed. pq. 9.207.2.13), but «our Father» certainly did not. For OT usage, see Jeremias, Prayers, 12; for «intertestamental» literature, see ibid., 15–16; nor is the title unique to Judaism and its religious descendants (Mbiti, Religions, 63, 83). |
| 5110 E.g., 1QS lO.lff.;4Q180 frg. 1, line 2; 1 En. 1:1–3,8; 5:7–8; 25:5; 38:4;48:1,9; 50:1; 58:1; 61:4, 12; 93:2; Jub. 11:17; T. Job 4:11/9. Despite Josephus " s presentation of the Essenes (Josephus Ant. 18.18), even the Scrolls do not deny free will (Nötscher, «Schicksalsglaube»; Driver, Scrolls, 558–62; Marx, «Prédestination»; Sanders, Judaism, 251). 5111 Though in v. 11 some of them may have been «born» in darkness, with sufferings. Many ancients viewed character as inborn, not changed (Pindar O1. 13.12; also 11.19–20; but others recognized that character changed (Valerius Maximus 6.9.pref.–6.9.9; cf. 2 Chr 24:17–22). 5112 Neh 9:7; Jer 33:24 ; Sir 46:1 ; 2Macc 1:25; Jub. 1:29; 22:9–10; 1QS 1.10; 2.5; 9.14; 11.7; 1QM 10.9–10; 12.1, 4; 15.1–2; 17.7; lQpHab 5.3; 9.12; 10.13; 4QpPs 37 frg. 1; Mek. Pisha 1.135ff.; Sir. 9.118ff.; Gen. Rab. 1:4; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:524–41. For individual Gentiles becoming part of that chosen people, see Jos. Asen. 8:9/11; for application of the title to believers in Jesus, e.g., Col 3:12; 2 Thess 2:13; 1 Clem. 50.7. 5113 E.g., Pss. So1. 9:4; Sipre Deut. 319.3.1; cf. Sirach in Boccaccini, Judaism, 105–9; Winston, «Determinism»; Philo in Winston, «Freedom»; Carson, «Responsibility»; Wolfson, Philo, 1:424–62; rabbis in Urbach, Sages, 1:268–69. Later rabbinic theodicy explained that Israel chose God (Sipre Deut. 312.1.1–2; Num. Rab. 14:10; see comment on John 1:10–11 ). See further comment on 6:43–44. 5114 Many Gentile thinkers (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.40; 4.6.5; Marcus Aurelius 11.36; Plotinus Enn. 3.1) and early Christians (Justin Dia1. 141; 1 Apo1. 43; Tatian 8–11; Ps.-Clem. 12.3–4; 13.1–2) also argued for free will; earlier Greeks accepted human responsibility (Homer Od. 1.32–43; Chrysippus in Aulus Gellius 7.2; Aristotle E.E. 2.6.1–11, 1222b-1223a; Lucretius Nat. 2.225–265). 5115 E.g., Josephus War 2.162–163 (Pharisees); m. Abot 3:15/16; " Abot R. Nat. 37, 39A. Brown, Essays, 151–54, argues that even the Scrolls affirm both, though their double predestination deconstructs their logic for free will (in a way, he says, John does not, 154–55). |
| 1103 Deut 10:17 ; Dan 2:47 ; 2Macc 13:4; 3Macc 5:35; 1Tim 6:15 ; 1 En. 9:4; 84:2; 3 En. 22:15; 25:4; Philo Decalogue 41; m. «Abot3:1; t. Sank. 8:9; Sipra, Sav. Mekhilta DeMilium 98.8.5; »Abot R. Nat. 25; 27 A; " Abot R. Nat. 1, §1; 27, §56 B; b. Ber. 28b, bar.; 32b-33a, bar.; 62b; Sank. 38a, bar.; p. Meg. 1:9, §17; Gen. Rab. 8:7; 12:1; 14:1; Exod. Rab. 2:2; 6:1; 20:1; Lev. Rab. 18:1, bar.; 33:3; Num. Rab. 1:4; 4:1, 20; 8:3; 14:3; 15:3; 18:22; Ecc1. Rab. 2:12, §1; 4:17, §1; 5:10, §2; 9:15, §7; 9:18, §2; 12:1, §1; 12:7, §1; Lam. Rab. 1:16, §50; Ruth Rab. 2:3; Esth. Rab. 3:15; Song Rab. 1:12, §1; 7:5, §3; Pesiq. Rab. 13:7, 15.preamble; 23:8; Text 67(Isbell, Incantation Bowls, 147); cf. Ps 136:2 . This was a title of the Parthian king (Suetonius Gaius 5; Plutarch Pompey 38.2) and Eastern monarchs in general (Deissmann, Light, 363; Gordon, East, 274; cf. T. lud. 3:7), and Greeks could apply it to Zeus (e.g., Dio Chrysostom Or. 2, On Kingship 2, §75). God is regularly called «king» in Jewish texts (Judith 9:12; Tob 13:6; 1Tim 1:17 ; 1 En. 25:3, 5; 91:13; Sib. Or. 1.73; 3.11, 56, 499, 704; T. Ab. 15:15A; Philo Good Person 20; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.40; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus [Stobaeus Ec1. 1.1.12]) as in many religions (e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 58–59). 1104 Cf. also Genesis Apocryphon 2:7; 21:2; Jub. 31:13; 1 En. 81:10; Jos. Asen. 12:1–2, MSS. «Ages» is found in the original hand of Sinaiticus (fourth century) and P 47 (third century) and is supported by a wide geographical distribution, but «nations» also has good textual support. Rissi, Time, 31 translates «King of the ages» as «eternal King.» 1106 The meaning of the similar text in 1QH 3.3–18 is debated. It maybe metaphorical imagery for the author s own suffering (Baumgarten and Mansoor, «Studies,» 188; Feuillet, Apocalypse, 111). Others attribute it to the «emergence of the [Qumran] sect itself» (Pryke, «Eschatology,» 50–51 ). It may relate to the messiah (Gordis, «Messiah,» 194; Brownlee, «Motifs, II,» 209–10; cf. Brown, «Messianism,» 66–72; contrast Silberman, «Language») or be eschatological in a more general sense (Brown, «Deliverance»), the birth of the redeemed community through Israel " s suffering (Black, Scrolls, 151). But Rissi, Time, 36–37, is probably correct that 1QH 3.7–12 does not add to the OT picture. |
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