| 7902 Homer Il. 8.31; 22.178; 24.473; Od. 1.45, 81; 5.7; 8.306; 12.377; Aristophanes Wasps 652; even those not descended from him, such as his siblings (Homer I1. 5.757,762; 19.121; Od. 13.128). 7903 Homer Il. 2.371; 7.179, 202, 446; 8.236; 12.164; 13.631; 15.372; 17.19, 645; 19.270; 21.273; 24.461; Od. 12.371; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus in Stobaeus Ee1. 1.1.12; Sophocles Oed. tyr. 202; Aristophanes Ach. 223–225; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1673; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Longinus Sub1. 9.10. 7905 Jub. 1:25, 28; Wis 11:10; Tob 13:4; later, Jos. Asen. 12MSS; T. Job 33MSS, 9; T. Ab. 16:3; 20:13A; cf. Pr. Jos. 1. 7906 Jeremias, Prayers, 15–16; idem, Message, 14. Chilton, Approaches, 59, cites «Father» as a prayer invocation in T. Job and (probably later) the Targumim. Greeks and Romans may have employed the title less pervasively than Judaism and in contrast to Judaism applied the image to the deity " s power rather than to his intimacy with Israel (cf. Johnson, Prayer, 61). 7907 M. Sotah 9:15; t. Ber. 3:14; B. Qam. 7:6; Hag. 2:1; Péah 4:21; Sipra Qed. pq. 9.207.2.13; Behuq.pq. 8.269.2.15; Sipre Deut. 352.1.2; b. Ber. 30a, bar.; p. Sank 10:2, §8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Lev. Rab. 1:3; 7:1; 35:10; SongRab. 7:11, §1. 7908 Marmorstein, Names, 56–60; Moore, Judaism, 2:204–9; McNamara, Targum, 116–18. Jeremias contends that «Father» is rarely attributed to first-century sages (Prayers, 16–17); but this observation omits some evidence (Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 40) and fails to take into account the sparseness of rabbinic attributions in general in the earlier period. 7911 E.g., Sipre Deut. 27.2.1; " AbotR. Nat. 24, §51B; cf. Jub. 25(«Lord of the age»). Satan assumes this role (kosmokratör) only in some later texts (e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 426, cites Exod. Rab. on 24:7, following Billerbeck). Some gnostics later argued that the Jewish God was the lord of the world, whom they identified with Satan, inviting apologetic (Marmorstein, Names, 64, 99). 7912 E.g., 3 En. 1:4. Michael regularly appears as αρχιστρτηγος or similar titles ( Dan 10:13,21; 12:1 ; 2 En. 22:6J; 33:10; 3 Bar. 11:4,6–8; T. Ab. 1:13; 2:1A; 14:7B; Jos. Asen. 14:7; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 4:24; cf. Raphael in Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1:4). |
| 3963 T. c Abod. Zar. 3:11; Ber. 47b; c Abod. Zar. 57a; Yebam. 46ab; p. Qidd. 3:12, §8; cf. t. Zabim 2:7. 3964 Taylor, «Baptism»; Smith, «Baptism,» 13–32; Robinson, Studies, 16 n. 12; Légasse, «Baptême»; Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:52. 3965 For whatever reasons, Judaism attracted Gentile women more frequently than their husbands (cf. Josephus War 2.560–561; CIJ 1:384, §523; inscriptions in Leon, Jews, 256). 3966 Cohen, «Ceremony,» may be correct that until the mid-second century different people practiced it in different ways. At least in politically sensitive cases such as Izates, some Jews felt circumcision itself unnecessary (cf. Gilbert, «Convert») though others clearly disagreed (Josephus Ant. 20.44). 3967 Cf. similarly Pusey, «Baptism.» Also Taylor, Immerser, 64–68 (though she on other grounds rejects this as background for John " s baptism, 69); for Gentile impurity (because of idolatry), cf., e.g., Acts 10:28; 11:3; m. Pesah. 8:8; " Oha1. 18:7; Josephus War 2.150; p. Šeb. 6:1, §12; Safrai, «Religion,» 829. 3968 Epictetus Diatr. 2.9.20 (despite the interpretation of the Loeb editor that these are Christians, probably based on ignorance of the Jewish practice). Stern, Authors, 541, interprets it correctly. 3969 It might also be implied by Juvenal Sat. 14.104, who would then be regarding it as a matter of common knowledge in Roman society that after Jews circumcized their converts, they led them to the place of washing. On Sib. Or. 4.165, see below; Jos. Asen. 14requires Aseneth to purify her hands and feet in water when converting (for Diaspora handwashing, see comment on 2:6). Cf. Justin Dial 29.1 for a mid-second-century Diaspora reference. 3970 Schiffman, «Crossroads,» 128–31; definite early attestation is not possible here, but «the transmission of this statement in the names of three separate Tannaim may indicate that it was widespread,» and probably reflects an authentic early dispute. Cf. Torrance, «Baptism,» 154. 3973 Sib. Or. 4.162–165; the text probably dates to ca. 80 C.E., and Collins regards this as Jewish rather than Christian. The association of turning from sin (4.162–164), repentance (4.168–169), and washing in water (4.165) is significant. Some Diaspora circles may have required only washing of hands and feet (Jos. Asen. 14:12). |
| 2577 Also Egyptian deification of Pharaohs (e.g., Bright, History, 38). 2578 Perhaps as early as Philip of Macedon (Diodorus Siculus 16.95.1). Philosophers such as Diogenes the Cynic could mock this practice (Diogenes Laertius 6.2.63; cf. 6.9.104). On divine rulers, see our discussion of emperor worship above under Judaism: relations with the provincial administration. Although divinization is alleged to occur in some other groups» initiations (Eliade, Rites, 71), the common view that it occurred in mystery cults in the NT period (e.g., Reitzenstein, Religions, 70,200; Angus, Religions, 108; Avi-Yonah, Hellenism, 42; Tarn, Civilisation, 354–55) has come under challenge in recent years (see Ferguson, Backgrounds, 239); it is clear, however, in the Hermetica (Reitzenstein, Religions, 70–71; Conzelmann, Theology, 11; Wikenhauser, Mysticism, 179; Ladd, Theology, 260–61) and other gnosticizing (Ménard, «Self-Definition,» 149; Jonas, Religion, 44–45) and later Christian sources (Tatian 7; Taylor, Atonement, 206, cites Irenaeus Haer. preface; Athanasius De Incarnatione 54.3). 2579 Cf. Plato Rep. 10, 61 IDE; Cicero Parad. 14; Resp. 6.24.26 (Scipiós dream); Tusc. 1.24.56–26.65; Div. 1.37.80 (citing a Stoic); Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.9.6–11, 22; 1.14.6; 1.12; 1.17.27; 2.8.10–11; (Ps?)-Plutarch Moon 28, Mor. 943A; Marcus Aurelius 2.13,17; 3.5, 6, 12, 16.2; 5.10.2; 5.27; 12.26. For a historical survey of divinization of humans, cf. Koester, «Being.» 2580 Philo Moses 1.279; Josephus War 3.372 (Urbach, Sages, 1:222); Tabor, «Divinity»; postmortem deification in T. Adam 3:2–3 (possibly Christian material); at the resurrection in Ps.-Phoc. 104; cf. immortality or divine character in Jos. Asen. 16.16; L.A.E. 14.2–3; Pr. Jos. 19; p. Sukkah 4:3, §5. 2581 Holladay, Theios Aner, 236; see Philo Virtues 172. Cf. Lycomedes» use of the term for a benefactor (an apostle) while acknowledging only the true God (Acts John 27 ). 2582 Apoc. Mos. 18.3; cf. Gen 11:4 ; Exod 20:3–5; Isa 14:14; Jub. 10:20; Exod. Rab. 8:2. |
| 4938 Plato Crat. 400BC. Even when the specific language is absent, the concept is frequent: Plato Phaedo 80DE; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.8–9; 1.9.11–12,16; 3.13.17; 4.7.15; Arrian Alex. 7.2.4; Plutarch Isis 5, Mor. 353A; Marcus Aurelius 3.7; 4.5,41; 6.28; 9.3; Plotinus Enn. 1.5.3; cf. 4 Ezra 7.96; Diogn. 6.7–8. 4939 Let. Aris. 236; L.A.B. 3:10; T. Ash. 2:6; T. Naph. 2:2–3; T. Job 20:3; Apocr. Ezek. 1–2. Often «soul and body» together signified the whole (e.g., 2Macc 7:37; 14:38; Let. Aris. 139; T. Sim. 2:5; 4:8). 4940 E.g., 1 En. 102:5; t. Sanh. 13:2; b. Ber. 10a; 60b; Yoma 20b, bar.; Lev. Rab. 4:8; 34:3; Deut. Rab. 2:37; Pesiq. Rab. 31:2. See especially the Hellenistic dualistic language in Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; later, Gen. Rab. 14:3; Ecc1. Rab. 6:6–7, §1. 4941 E.g., Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.1; Abraham 258; Josephus Ant. 17.354; 18.14,18; War 1.84; 2.154, 163; 7.341–348; T. Ab. 1:24–25A; 4:9; 9:10B; Jos. Asen. 27:10/8; Apoc. Mos. 13:6; 32:4; 33.2. 4942 E.g., 1 En. 22:7; 4 Ezra 7:78; Gen. Rab. 14:9. Some traditions allowed the destruction of both soul and body for the wicked at the final judgment (t. Sanh. 13:4; cf. 1Macc 2:63); Sadducees reportedly denied immortality (Josephus Ant. 18.16). 4944 Snodgrass, «ΠΝΕΥΜΑ,» 195; see also Talbert, John, 77, 98; Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.4; esp. (though later) Porphyry Marc. 19.314–316; 33.516–517. For John, «nature is determined by its origin» (Vellanickal, Sonship, 197–98, citing John " s frequent εναι εκ); cf. 1 En. 15:9–10: celestial spirits (angels) reside in heaven, whereas terrestrial ones (in this case giants born to the evil Watchers) reside on earth. 1QS 3.15–4.26 attributes all actions to either the spirit of truth or the spirit of leading astray. 4945 Philosophers might read this as divinization (Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Ep. Luci1. 48.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.3; 2.19.26–27; Plutarch Pompey 27.3; Sent. Sext. 7ab; Marcus Aurelius 4.16; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.18,29; 8.5; Plotinus Virt. 1.2.7), or the soul as the divine part (Plato Rep. 10.61 IDE; Cicero Leg. 1.22.58–59; Tusc. 1.22.52; 1.25.56–1.26.65; Div. 1.37.80; Parad. 14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.12; 1.14.6; Marcus Aurelius 2.13,17; 3.5–6,12,18; 5.10.2; 5.27; 12.26; Josephus War 3.372), but in view of God " s Spirit and his peoplés spirit in Ezek 36:25–27 , the issue in John 3is not sameness of spirit (just as flesh begets related but not the same flesh) but likeness and image. |
| 10576 Also 1 En. 87:2; 90:31–33; 2Macc 3:26; 11:8; Jannes and Jambres fragments in P.Beatty 16; cf. the exception in late Pesiq. Rab. 20:4. 10577 Also 1 En. 71:1; cf. Adam in Gen. Rab. 20:12. For angels» beauty, see also Liv. Pro. 16.2 (Malachi) (Greek §23: ed. Schermann, 73). 10578 Jos. Asen. 10:8–9/10; 14:12; Isaeus Estate of Nicostratus 7; Lysias Or. 13.40, §133; Euripides Alc. 216, 427; Aristophanes Frogs 1337; Ovid Metam. 8.777–778; Valerius Maximus 1.7.7; Seneca Controv. 10.1.1, 4; Plutarch Alex. 49.3; Apollodorus Epitome 1.7, 10; Silius Italicus 11.257–258; Valerius Maximus 2.4.5; Philostratus Hrk. 31.9; 53.9, 11, 17; Herodian 4.2.3; Dupont, Life, 260; death is regularly dark (e.g., Homer I1. 5.22, 47, 310; cf. Homer Od. 11.32–33; death as «black» in Statius Thebaid 4.528; the Styx in Lycophron Alex. 705; see further the comment on 1:4–5). 10579 E.g., p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §27; Ovid Tristia 5.5.8; hence the burial clothes of the righteous (L.A.B. 64:6; cf. T. Ab. 20:10A; L.A.E. 48.1; Apoc. Mos. 40.1–3; b. Ber. 18b; cf. Plutarch R.Q. 26, Mor. 270DE). Gregory the Great Homilies 21 opined that the angel came in white because of joy (Oden and Hall, Mark, 243). But people might prefer either white or dark wool (Seneca Nat. 3.25.4). 10580 Culpepper, John, 85 (on the scenes in ancient literature, see 72–77; in lohn " s Gospel, 77–86). 10581 Homer I1. 4.86–87, 121–124; 5.127–128, 177, 183, 191, 461–162; 5.604, 784–785; 7.58–59; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720, 788–789; 17.71–73, 322–326, 551–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; Od. 1.420; 2.267–268, 382–387, 399–401; 4.417–18; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8, 193–194; Virgil Aen. 1.314–315, 402–406, 657–660; 5.618–620, 645–652; 7.415–416; 9.646–652, 657–658; 12.784–785; Georg. 4.405–414, 440–442; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 11.241–246, 633–643; 14.765–771; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Achilles Tatius 2.15.4; Apollodorus 2.4.8; 3.8.2; 3.10.7; 3.12.6; 3.13.5; Silius Italicus 7.422–425,435; Eunapius Lives 468; for ghosts, cf. Philostratus Hrk. 21.1 (the closest parallel to lohn 20:14–16 is Hrk. 21.5–6, it but may be derivative). They could also disguise the appearance of mortals (e.g., Homer Od. 13.397–399) and become invisible (Homer II. 5.845). |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 258 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4(«the rabbis» on Solomon); Gen. Rab. 43:3; Exod. Rab. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 49:5; cf. Artapanus on Pharaoh " s behavior toward Moses in light of 1Sam 18:17, 21–25 (Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.7). Genre conventions also could dictate amplifications; Joseph and Aseneth, a Hellenistic romance, incorporates features ideal in such romances. 260 Jub. 11:14–15; Liv. Pro. 19 (Joad) (§30 in Schermann " s Greek text); Josephus Ant. 8.231; LA.B. 40(on Pseudo-Philo in general, cf. Bauckham, ««Midrash,»» 67); Plutarch Alex. 20.4–5 (questioning Chares» report). 264 L.A.B. 12:2–3 (Aaron " s sin with the golden calf). T. Job 39:12–13 (OTP)I " 39:9–10 (Kraft), 40:3/4 seems concerned to soften God letting Job " s children die for his test. 265 Jub. 13:17–18 (conflict between Lot " s and Abram " s servants), 14:21–16:22 (omitting Sarah " s problems with Hagar, though they surface in 17:4–14), 29(omits Jacob " s fear); T. Zeb. 1:5–7 (Zebulon did not act against Joseph). On Jubilees (e.g., Abram passing off his sister as his wife), see Wintermute, «Jubilees,» 35–36; Josephus, cf. Aune, Environment, 108; in Greco-Roman literature, see Shuler, Genre, 50 (following Cicero Part. or. 22). The same tendency of tradition may be noted in the Chronicler " s omission not only of David " s but also Solomon " s sins reported in Samuel-Kings (cf., e.g., Williamson, Chronicles, 236). 266 CD 4:20–5(David " s polygamy); Jub. 19:15–16 (Rebekah, in light of current morality); 27:6–7 (how Jacob could leave his father); 28:6–7 (Jacob " s sororal polygyny); 30:2–17 (Simeon and Levi); 41 (Judah and Tamar both made more innocent, though Tamar " s deed is interpreted as deathworthy); lQapGen 20.10–11 (Sarah rather than Abraham proposes the pretense that she is his sister); Jos. Asen. 23 (Levi and Simeon); Γ. Jud. 8–12 (whitewashing Judah, and to a lesser extent Tamar, though Judah confesses it as a lesser sin; cf. the improvement of both in Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 38:25 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 38:25–26 ); Τ Iss. 3(cf. Gen 49:15 ); Tg Ps.-J. on Gen 49 (all twelve patriarchs were equally righteous). |
| 5182 Greek religion associated joy especially with Dionysus (Otto, Dionysus, 113,148), suggesting the importance of wine. 5183 Among philosophers, wisdom and virtue rather than bodily pleasure yielded happiness (Cicero Parad. 16–19; Leg. 1.23.60; Tusc. 5.7.19–20; Musonius Rufus 7, p. 58.13; 17 p. 108.7; Iamblichus V.P. 31.196; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 23; 27.3–4; 59.10; Benef. 7.2.3; Dia1. 7; Arius Didymus 6E; also Meeks, Moral World, 46–47; Lutz, «Musonius,» 28; Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and Stoics, 73). Self-knowledge also yielded full joy (Cicero Tusc. 5.25.70). 5184 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.189; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; p. Pesah. 10:1. Joy also is associated with living according to wisdom (Wis 8:16); with prayer (Tob 13:1); with worship (Jub. 36:6; Jos. Asen. 3:4); and with living rightly (Let. Aris. 261). The Spirit appears with joy in p. Sukkah 5, cited in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 203. See further comment under John 15:11 . 5185 It is not clear, but at least possible, that this alludes to a motif of eschatological joy (1QM 17.7; Tob 13:10, 13–14; Jub. 23:30; 1 En. 5:7; 25:6; 47:4; 103:3; Pss. So1. 11:3; Sib. Or. 3.619; 2 Bar. 14:13; cf. CIJ 1:472, §656; Sipra Sh. M.D. 99.2.2; cf. t. Sotah 15:10–15 in Anderson, «Joy»); the connection is explicitly with resurrection in T. Jud. 25:4, where it is also contrasted with sorrow (cf. John 16:20 ). But recognizing that Jesus was alive and had provided resurrection life in the present would undoubtedly have gratified the disciples with or without eschatological contemplations! 5187 Loader, «Structure,» thinks it contains the central structure of the Gospel " s Christology. The proposed allusions to Isa 26:12–21 (Hanson, Gospel, 50–54) do not appear persuasive to me. 5188 Michaels, John, 49, comparing 3:13–21 as a reflection on 3:1–12; cf. Smith, John (1999), 102. 3:31–36 may summarize John " s message in the way 12:44–50 does Jesus». 5189 Cf. Ridderbos, John, 148–49, for a list of contacts between this passage and the Nicodemus story. The theological exposition of 3:31–36 parallels that of 3:16–21 (Smith, John 106, thinks both are the evangelist " s comments). |
| 6774 For «remaining forever,» cf. 12:34; 1 John 2:17; 2 John 2 (there are only three non-Johannine uses in the NT; cf. 1 Esd 4:37–38). That legal adoption of a son was also μνω (P.Oxy. 1206.9) is probably irrelevant. 6775 E.g., Dio Chrysostom Or. 64.13. 6776 E.g., Sipre Deut. 40.6.1 (parable); b. B. Bat. 10a (about Akiba but probably later); Deut. Rab. 3:2; Pesiq. Rab. 27:3; see further Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 117–18. 6777 See Westcott, John, 134; Sanders, John, 221 ; Evans, John, 93. For background on Hagar " s and Ishmael " s «freeing» as slaves, see Sarna, Genesis, 128–29,155–57. 6778 E.g., Culpepper, Anatomy, 157. 6779 Jos. Asen. 10:4; 17:4; possibly Acts 13:1; Dixon, Mothers, 128. 6780 For people dwelling in shrines, see, e.g., Livy 40.51.8. The gate of John 10 could allude to the prince and his people going in and out through the gate of Ezek 46:9–10 , but the phraseology may be much broader than that: Num 27:17 ; 2Sam 5:2; 1 Kgs 3:7; 1 Chr 11:2. 6781 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Astyphilus 16; Estate of Nicostratus 27–31; Lysias Or. 7.24–33, §110–111; 7.41, §112; 16; 18; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Vat. 1.1–2; Rosc. com. 7.21; Pro Sulla 24.68; 26.72; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isaeus 3, 9; Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.50.63; Valerius Maximus 8.5.6; Acts 23:1. 6782 E.g., Plutarch Demosthenes 11.4; Cicero 38.2–6; 40.3. Sometimes even the butt of the joke was forced to laugh (Xenophon Cyr. 2.2.16). 6783 Plutarch Cicero 5.4; 27.1; 39.1. Cicero was sometimes intemperate with his vice lists (e.g., Pis. 27.66)! 6784 E.g., Lysias Or. 3.1, §96; Aeschines Against Timarchus passim, esp. (and ironically!) 179; False Embassy 3,14,56,69; Thucydides 3.61.1; Cicero Verr. 2.1.6.17; Rosc. Amer. 30.82–45.132; Cae1. 13.31; 24.60; Quinct. 3.11–9.33 (the entire narratio!); Pro Scauro 13.29; Sest. 37.80; Matt 12:24–45; probably Acts 24(implied in the anacoluthon); cf. comments in Anderson, Glossary, 72–73. Occasionally one brought countercharges only afterward (Thucydides 3.70.3–4); such behavior might serve to deter future claimants. |
| 34:15). 7613 One would honor persons by meeting them and conducting them to their destination (e.g., 12:13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.7.2; Chariton 4.7.6; Judg 4:18; 11:31,34 ; 1Sam 13:10; 16:4; 21:1; 25:32 ; cf. royal parousia contexts, e.g., 1 Thess 4:17; cf. 2Sam 19:25 ; Jdt 5:4; 7:15; Pesiq. Rab. 51:8). Certainly cities treated visiting dignitaries in this manner, and the same is probably true for visiting scholars among those who respected them (cf. Acts 28:15). Yet at least by later custom, one should not greet a mourner (p. Ber. 2:6, §3). 7616 Haenchen, John, 2:61. Others regard her faith as inadequate; «any Pharisee could have said this» (Fenton, John, 122). 7619 Cf. similarly Koester, Symbolism, 109. On the soul " s immortality, see, e.g., Sir 9:12 ; Josephus War 1.84; 2.154–155, 163; 7.341–348; Ant. 17.354; 18.14,18; Philo Abraham 258; Moses 2.288; T. Ab. 1:24–25A; 4:9; 9:8B; Ps.-Phoc. 108; Apoc. Mos. 13:6; 32:4; 33:2; Jos. Asen. 27:10; Wolfson, Philo, 395–413. For exceptions, see 1Macc 2:63; Josephus Ant. 18.16. 7620 Malzoni, «La résurrection,» prefers the shorter reading «I am the resurrection» (following some Old Syriac witnesses); the textual tradition would more likely be expansive here, and the omission has significant and early geographic range. The longer reading is more widely attested from the beginning, however (cf. Metzger, Commentary, 234). In either case, «life» is implicit in «resurrection» and «lives.» 7621 «Not die» makes «live» more emphatic (e.g., L.A.B. 23:10; see comment on 8:51), but it deals with the question of eternal life, not the question of Lazarus " s physical raising central to the narrative itself (unless to say that Lazarus " s physical state was irrelevant to his eternal life; cf. Gamble, «Philosophy,» 55; 1 Thess 4:13–14). 7622 Such foreshadowing made sense in a Jewish framework, e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9:4. John elsewhere uses «tomb» only for that of Jesus (19:41–20:11) or the dead he will raise (5:28). Derrett, «Lazarus,» infers a connection, probably anachronistically, between Lazarus " s resurrection and Moses bringing water from the rock (based on later Roman catacomb paintings). |
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