| 3366 2 Bar. 15:7; 21:24; Sipre Deut. 47.3.1–2; b. Ber. 6b, 61b (R. Hanina ben Dosa); Šabb. 30b; Sanh. 98b (David; Moses; Messiah); Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1(Abraham); Gen. Rab. 1(fifth century); Tg. Neof. on Num 22 (the patriarchs); Tg. 1 Chr. 4(the sages); thus some could say the world was created by the righteous (Ruth Rab. 2:3, late), e.g., the patriarchs (Lev. Rab. 36:4, fourth century). 3367 T. Mos. 1:12–13; 4 Ezra 6:59; 7:11; Sipre Deut. 47.3.1; b. Ber. 32b; Pesiq. Rab. 4:1, 3; 28:2; Targum Sheni to Esth 5:1; cf. b. Ber. 32a; even Torah was created for Israel ( Mark 2:27 ; Sipre Deut. 47.3.2; Ecc1. Rab. 1:4, §4, purportedly Tannaitic tradition); the prophets prophesy only for Israel (Mek. Pisha 1.166). Herrn. Vis. 2.4 transfers this image to the church (cf. James in Gos. Thorn. 12); in 2 Bar. 21:7, the world exists for God. For a survey of purposes for creation, see Moore, Judaism, 1:383. 3369 Cicero Nat. d. 2.62.154; Chrysippus in Cicero Fin. 3.20.67; Grant, Gods, 114; on Philós use of Stoic tradition here, see Jobling, «Dominion.» 3372 Also Herrn. Sim. 9.12.2. Stuart, «Examination,» 282, translates «by» him rather than «through» him, contending that δια is not always instrumental before a genitive (e.g., Xenophon Mem. 1.2.14). 3375 Miller, Salvation-History, 14, 76–89 (applying it to the incarnation); Cidrac, «Ponctuation.» Less plausibly, Burney, Origin, 29, suggests an Aramaic reconstruction meaning, " because in him was life.» But it is doubtful that John " s wording represents a mistake or mistranslation even on the unlikely thesis that John used a Semitic original for his prologue (cf. Schlatter, «Problem,» 55). 3378 Van Minnen, «Punctuation,» prefers «nothing came into being without him that exists in him; he was life»; Cohee, «1.3–4,» views ο γγονεν as a gloss. 3379 The importance of light imagery for John is rarely missed; cf., e.g., Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 27; Culpepper, Anatomy, 190–92; more fully, Koester, Symbolism, 123–54. «Darkness» (σκοτα) appears eight times in John, six times in 1 John, and twice elsewhere in the NT (although σκτος occurs often in the NT, it appears only once in John; Tenney, John, 306). Given the theological significance of these themes, the common ancient understanding of light from, rather than to, onés eyes (e.g., 1 En. 106:2; Jos. Asen. 6:6/3; Plutarch T.T. 1.8.4, Mor. 626C; cf. Sir 23:19 ; Allison, «Eye») should never be pressed in John (light was admitted rather than emitted in some texts like Pesiq. Rab Kah. 21:5; cf. Democritus in Diogenes Laertius 9.7.44). |
| 7915 1QM 17.5–6; Perkins, «John,» 972, cites 1QM 1.1, 5, 13; 4.2; 11.8; 1QS 1.18; 2.19; 3.20–21. Brown, John, 1:468, rightly compares John and the Scrolls here. Cf. repeatedly «Prince Mastema» ! .]ub. 17:16; 18:9, 12; 48:2,9,12, 15; though elsewhere sometimes simply «Mastema,» e.g., 49:2); the «Prince of Darkness» (Pesiq. Rab. 20:2; 53:2). 7918 E.g., Lucan C.W. 6.742–743; Segal, «Ruler,» 248–49; the Demiurge in Irenaeus Haer. 1.5.4. Pagans did not scruple to speak of even a chthonic deity as «ruler of the earth» (Smith, Magician, 52, citing Lucian Pharsalia 6.697). See demonic «world-rulers» in Eph 6:12 ; T. So1. 8:2–7 (third century C.E.); in the magical papyri, see Arnold, Ephesians, 65; later astrological powers in MacGregor, «Principalities»; Lee, «Powers,» 60. 7919 Ovid Metam. 15.758–759,859–860; cf. other rulers in p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §3; Exod. Rab. 5:14. One might think of a coalescence of imperial and antichrist images if John " s emphasis lay here. 7924 T.Roš Haš. 1:18; " Abot R. Nat. 2A; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:13; 23:4; p. Roš Haš 1:3, §28; cf. m. Roš Haš. 3:1; p. Roš Haš. 3:1, §17. When earthly courts could not execute a requisite death sentence, the heavenly court would do so (t. Sanh. 14:16; Sanh. Mak. 5:16; " Abot R. Nat. 25A; p. Ketub. 3:1, §8; Deut. Rab. 5:5; Midr. Pss. 72, §3). 7925 Cf. similar language for the expulsion of Cronus by Zeus at the fall of the Titans (e.g., Cornutus 7.p.7, 20, in Van der Horst, «Cornutus,» 171). 7926 John derives the terms «glorified» and «lifted up» from Isa 52LXX (e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 252; see comment on 3:14). The potentially relevant Targum Isaiah, to which some would like to appeal, however, does not predate the NT (Chilton, «John xii34»). 7930 Cicero Verr. 2.4.10.24 (sustulit). Despite allegorizing some other matters, ancient commentators typically understood that 12refers in context to the cross (Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 52.11.3). 7931 Callisthenes Alex. 2.21.7–11 (Boring et a1., Commentary, 260–61). Because crucifixion involved «exaltation,» a dream about it signified good for a poor man (Artemidorus Om " r. 2.53; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 212–13). |
| 5819 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; 23:8; b. Sanh. 22a; Gen. Rab. 68:4; Num. Rab. 3:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; Tg. Neof. 1 on Deut 32:4 ; cf. Lev. Rab. 8:1. 5820 Purportedly late-first- or early-second-century tradition in Exod. Rab. 30:9. 5821 Commentators (e.g., MacGregor, John, 173; Schnackenburg, John, 2:101; Barrett, John, 256) cite Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.5, 18; Cherubim 87. Since Greeks felt that true deities needed no rest (Maximus of Tyre Dissertations 15.16.2), emphasizing God " s continuing activity could serve an apologetic function for Diaspora Jews (Aristobulus frg. 5 in Eusebius Praep. ev. 13.12.11; Boring et a1., Commentary, 267). Cf. also the sun, which never «rests» (J En. 72:37). 5822 See the collection of numerous sources in Keener, Matthew, 217–18. 5823 Borgen, «Hellenism,» 107, citing Homer Il. 5.440–441; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 8.5, 7. 5824 See further Stauffer, Jesus, 206. Blasphemy in the narrowest extant sense of the term required the uttering of God " s name (m. Sanh. 7:5), but it is unclear how widespread this view was in the first century, and the Greek term includes «reviling» (Keener, Matthew, 289–90,651; cf. Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 58–60, 64–67). 5825 Smith, Theology, 174. See our introduction on controversies with the minim over ditheism. 5826 Odeberg, Gospel, 203. Cf. the LXX of Deut 13 (13LXX), where one must love God more than a friend «equal to oneself» (in typical Greek language of friendship). 5827 E.g., m. Sanh. 4:5; b. Sanh. 38a, bar., reading with the earlier manuscripts; Sipre Deut. 329.1.1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; again, see our introduction on these conflicts. 5828 Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 46. 5829 Ashton, Understanding, 137–40, may be right to understand it in terms of the Johannine life-setting, but it still has a likely referent in the story world. 5830 Also others, e.g., Fenton, John, 71; Lee, Thought, 67; Martin, Carmen Christi, 148–49; cf. Barrett, John, 257 (equality but not independence); my treatment in Keener, «Subordination.» In the heat of the Arian controversy, Gregory of Nazianzus argued against the Son " s subordination here (Hall, Scripture, 78–80); while John does seem to affirm subordination here, it is not in an Arian sense–he denies equality of rank in redemptive activity in some sense but affirms equality of being in another sense (see 1:1,18; 8:58; 20:28; cf. Calvin, John, 1:198–99, on John 5:19 ). The Platonic idea that a perfect or superlative nature cannot be improved was already widespread outside Platonic circles (e.g., Seneca Ep. Lucil 66.8–12). |
| 4752 Robinson, Trust, 88, suggests most of the Gospel took place in dialogue with Greek-speaking Jerusalemites before its transplantation to Asia Minor. 4753 Some estimate that two-thirds of Jewish inscriptions in Palestine are in Greek (Van der Horst, «Inscriptions»); the current count may be lower, but Greek would be most current among the hellenized urban elite. 4756 The location of the phrase may be emphatic (Westcott, John, 48), but Gaster, Scriptures, 14, reaches too far in comparing John " s phrase with Qumran " s supreme teacher. 4758 The repetition is often noted, e.g., Brown, John, 1:130; in Johannine idiom more generally (in questions, e.g., 5:44; 6:52,60; 9:16; cf. 4:9; in statements, e.g., 6:44,65; 7:34; 8), e.g., Bernard, John, 1:103. Πς δναται is the sort of question one expects of the uninitiated in apocalyptic texts (T. Ab. 11:5B). 4759 Bowman, Gospel, 32; Bauckham, «Gurion Family»; Blomberg, Reliability, 91–92. Barrett, John, 204 acknowledges the possibility. 4760 Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; " Abot R. Nat. 6A; 13, §31; b. Ketub. 66b, bar.; Lam. Rab. 1:5, §31. He is undoubtedly the same Nicodemus who is father of one «Gorion» as in Josephus War 2.451 (just as names alternated from father to son between «Simon» and «Gamaliel» in another prominent Jerusalem household; the Nicodemus of Josephus Ant. 14.37 may be an ancestor). 4761 Abot R. Nat. 6A; b. c Abod. Zar. 25a, bar; Ta c an. 19b-20a. Some Amoraim opined that he practiced much charity but should have offered more (b. Ketub. 66b-67a). 4762 CI J 1:295, §380. As a common Greek name, see, e.g., Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 4,25,36–37,39,77; Aeschines Timarchus 172; for related names for Jewish people, see Williams, «Personal Names,» 110. 4764 Interestingly, some statements that follow disciples» (4:31; 9:2; 11:8) or others» (6:25) use of «Rabbi» for Jesus invite his correction; but significant exceptions (1:38,49; cf. 20:16) call into question the possible pattern. 4765 E.g., 1QS 6.6–7; t. Šabb. 1:13; b. c Abod. Zar. 3b; Ber. 43b, bar.; z Erub. 18b; 65a; Tamid 32b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 7:4; Exod. Rab. 47:5; Lev. Rab. 19:1; Num. Rab. 15:16; Safrai, «Home,» 745; Schnackenburg, John, 1:366. Some Gentile intellectuals studied at night (Plutarch Demosthenes 8.4; 12.5–6; Cicero Att. 7.7; 13.26, 38), though Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.21.518 seems to view it as unusual (and one worked by night so that he could study by day [Valerius Maximus 8.7.ext.l 1]). |
| Through the Baptist " s witness, Andrew became a follower of Jesus (1:36–37, 40); through Andrew " s witness, Simon became a follower of Jesus ( l:40–42a); but in both cases, the inquirers became true disciples only through a personal encounter with Jesus for themselves (1:29, 38–39,42; cf. 8:31). In both cases, Jesus knows the character of the person who approaches him; he knows his sheep (10:14, 27) whom the Father gave him (10:29; 17:9), and indeed knows the hearts of all (2:23–25). Andrew here becomes the second witness, demonstrating that the Baptist " s literary role as witness is paradigmatic and not merely limited to the Baptist himself (note «first» in 1:41, implying both the priority of witness to onés family–cf. 7:5–and that he continued to testify to others after Peter). Andrew «finds» Simon in 1much as Jesus later finds Philip (1:43); this is characteristic Johannine vocabulary (e.g., 5:14) but also functions paradigmatically for witness; Andrew continues to appear in this Gospel as one who introduces the resources or interest of others to Jesus (6:8–9; 12:22.) That Andrew announces Jesus» messiahship (1:41) may reflect his interpretation of John " s testimony about the lamb (1:29) interpreted through the grid of his own experience of Jesus. In the same way, Philip " s testimony about Jesus» messiahship provides the categories for Nathanael to interpret Jesus» supernatural knowledge (1:45,49). In John " s theology, both the christological witness of disciples and the personal experience of Christ become necessary for adequate faith. In the language of the First Epistle, one needs the right Christology ( 1 John 2:22–24) through the apostolic witness ( 1 John 4:6) as well as the testimony of the Spirit (1 John 2:20, 27; 3:24; 4:13; 5:7–8); the latter is supposed to be inseparable from the former (1 John 4:1–6; cf. John 15:26–27 ). When some other prospective disciples encounter Jesus for themselves, they discover that he already knows them, which convinces them of his identity as well (1:48–49; 4:17–19, 29). We may envision such a response to 1here; but why is it not narrated in this case? 4221 Perhaps John wishes to save Peter " s confession for 6:69. |
| 5191 Plato Theaet. 191D; Alexander 14 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D; Fort. Alex. 1.11, Mor. 333A. The seals leave an imprint in soft wax (Plutarch Educ. 5, Mor. 3F). 5192 Apuleius Metam. 10.10; cf. Lyall, Slaves, 148–52. Seals could indicate approval on a legal document, which is what Brown, John, 1:158, sees here; cf. 21:24–25. 5193 E.g., Esth 8LXX; cf. the letter in Chariton 4.5.8. The keeper of the royal signet-ring played an important role in royal courts (Tob 1:22). 5194 E.g., over a wide chronological range, P.Eleph. 1.16–18; 2.17–18; P.Lond. 1727.68–72; P.Tebt. 104.34–35; Rev 5:1. Witnesses might be recalled to testify to the validity of their seals (P.Oxy. 494.31–43; 156–165 C.E.). Seals were also used to identify the contents of merchandise (Carmon, Inscriptions, 108–9, 230–33; cf. perhaps Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.8). 5195 Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 340, §112D (επισφραγζεται). A rhetor could also apply this term to his crowning touches of praise (Menander Rhetor 2.3, 380.2). 5196 Jewish tradition acknowledged that even those in error would ultimately acknowledge the truth of God and Moses (e.g., Koran " s family in b. B.Bat. 74a; Num. Rab. 18:20). 5198 B. Sanh. 64a; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Gen. Rab. 8:5; Deut. Rab. 1:10; Bonsirven, Judaism, 150. 5200 For Jesus» χερ, «hand,» of authority, see also 10:28; for the Father " s hand, see 10:29; contrast perhaps 7:30,44; 10:39. 5201 That the Father gives the Spirit to Jesus here is frequently maintained and is probably the majority view, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 133; Carson, John, 213; Bruce, John, 97; Turner, Spirit, 59: Whitacre, John, 99; Smith, John (1999), 107. 5202 Lev. Rab. 15:2, noted also by Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 14; Carson, John, 213; Turner, Spirit, 59; Hofius, «Geist ohne Mass»; and Bürge, Community, 84, who also notes that the specific expression κ μτρου is foreign to Greek literature in genera1. Musonius Rufus 18B, p. 116.12, applies μετρα negatively to excess (unlimited gluttony); cf. T. Ab. 14:9; 17:7A. |
| 6332 Plutarch Educ. 17, Mor. 13B; Arrian Alex. 4.8.4–5; 4.9.9; Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.26; 3.24.45; Herodian 5.5.6. 6333 Epictetus Diatr. 4.8.35–36. One should not do good deeds to earn others» praise; God would reward only those whose motives were pure («Abot R. Nat. 40A; 46, §129B; m. »Abot2:8; p. Hag. 2:1, §12; cf. Seneca Ep. Luci1. 5.1–2). 6334 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.11.3; cf. Arrian Alex. 5.28.1. 6335 For the favor attaching to its appropriate use in rhetoric, see Anderson, Glossary, 94; Rowe, «Style,» 139. 6336 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 28.5.1 thinks that Jesus» brothers wanted him to pursue worldly honor; in the context of this Gospel such an attitude expresses unbelief ( John 12:43 ). 6337 Also observed, e.g., by Smith, John (1999), 168. 6338 1 John employs παρρησα somewhat differently, for believers» boldness with God and Christ (1 John 2:28; 3:21; 4:17; 5:14; cf. Eph 3:12 ; Heb 3:6; 4:16; 10:19, 35). 6339 Meeks, Prophet-King, 58. 6340 Cf. Cullmann, Circle, 21; Haenchen, John, 2:3. 6341 On the «time,» see, e.g., Ellis, Genius, 143; pace Bernard, John, 1:269. Cullmann, Time, 42, suggests that Jesus informs them that they do not operate with thought to especially significant redemptive history; see Odeberg, Gospel, 271, for many rabbinic examples of the belief in divinely appointed times. 6342 Westcott, John, 117. 6343 Public reproof or invective usually led to enmity with not only the person reproved but all his allies (see Marshall, Enmity, passim; see comment on 15:18–25). 6344 Greco-Roman moralists emphasized kinship of character over genetic relations (DeSilva, Honor, 194–95, citing 4 Macc 13:24–26; Philo Virtues 195; Spec. Laws 1.52, 316–317). Cf. Valerius Maximus 3.8.ext.4: a prosecutor must fulfill his duty and convict the accused even if the latter is someone the prosecutor loves. 6345 People normally traveled to festivals in local groups (see references in Sanders, Judaism, 128), so his brothers undoubtedly expected him to accompany them. Strict pietists would not travel with a caravan if its members were en route to an idolatrous festival (t. c Abod. Zar. 1:16), but this caveat is probably irrelevant even in the harshest reading of this passage. |
| 5724 Manns, «Fête.» 5725 Bruce, Documents, 49; cf. Fenton, John, 67. On rabbinic development of that feast, see, e.g., Adler, «Rosh Hashanah.» 5726 Jub. 16:27; m. Git. 3:8; b. B. Mesi c a 28a (Tannaitic attribution); Sukkah 33b; Pesah. 34b (in 36a it is Pesach, but this is clear from the context); p. Git. 3:8, §4; Gen. Rab. 6:5, 35:3; Safrai, «Temple,» 894. Tabernacles was one of the most prominent feasts (Josephus Ant. 8.100). 5727 Brown, John, 1:206; cf. Yee, «Sabbath.» If John added the Sabbath to the original story (Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681), the emphasis becomes all the clearer. 5728 See Yee, Feasts, 46–47. 5729 On John " s topographic accuracy, see, e.g., Hunter, «Trends»; Dunn, «John,» 299. 5730 Perkins, «John,» 959. 5731 βραστ is a typically Johannine way of citing Hebrew (5:2; 19:13,17,20; 20:16; Rev 9:11; 16:16; cf. John 1:38 ); Luke and Paul prefer βρας (Acts 6:1; 21:40; 22:2; 26:14; 2Cor 11:22 ; Phil 3:5 ; cf. also 4 Macc 12:7; 16:15). 5732 On the probability of this reading, see Wieand, «Bethesda,» 394–95; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 29; Cullmann, Worship, 84–85 n. 2; Finegan, Archeology, 143; Wolters, «Copper Scroll» (citing 3Q15 11.12). Cf. the site near the temple in Josephus War 2.328. For the meaning, related to «pools,» see Görg, «Beckenhausen.» 5733 Cf. similarly Selkin, «Exegesis,» 188–89. 5734 For problems with the St. Annés site (as well as other proposed sites), see Selkin, «Exegesis,» 175–79. 5735 Wieand, «Bethesda,» 396–97; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28; Cornfeld, Josephus, 338,364; Finegan, Archeology, 145. An allegorical connection between the sheep pool and Jesus» «sheep» (10:1) is unlikely, given the proximity of the pool to Bethesda; on the sheep pool, Finegan, Archeology, 142–43. 5736 Yamauchi, Stones, 104. The term κολυμβθρα suggests a deep pool (Bernard, John, 1:226). 5737 Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28. The view of some (e.g., Bruns, Art, 65; Ellis, Genius, 88; more skillfully, Selkin, «Exegesis,» 196) that they symbolize the five books of the Law seems to allegorize unnecessarily, despite references to the Law later in the chapter. |
| 4938 Plato Crat. 400BC. Even when the specific language is absent, the concept is frequent: Plato Phaedo 80DE; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.8–9; 1.9.11–12,16; 3.13.17; 4.7.15; Arrian Alex. 7.2.4; Plutarch Isis 5, Mor. 353A; Marcus Aurelius 3.7; 4.5,41; 6.28; 9.3; Plotinus Enn. 1.5.3; cf. 4 Ezra 7.96; Diogn. 6.7–8. 4939 Let. Aris. 236; L.A.B. 3:10; T. Ash. 2:6; T. Naph. 2:2–3; T. Job 20:3; Apocr. Ezek. 1–2. Often «soul and body» together signified the whole (e.g., 2Macc 7:37; 14:38; Let. Aris. 139; T. Sim. 2:5; 4:8). 4940 E.g., 1 En. 102:5; t. Sanh. 13:2; b. Ber. 10a; 60b; Yoma 20b, bar.; Lev. Rab. 4:8; 34:3; Deut. Rab. 2:37; Pesiq. Rab. 31:2. See especially the Hellenistic dualistic language in Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; later, Gen. Rab. 14:3; Ecc1. Rab. 6:6–7, §1. 4941 E.g., Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.1; Abraham 258; Josephus Ant. 17.354; 18.14,18; War 1.84; 2.154, 163; 7.341–348; T. Ab. 1:24–25A; 4:9; 9:10B; Jos. Asen. 27:10/8; Apoc. Mos. 13:6; 32:4; 33.2. 4942 E.g., 1 En. 22:7; 4 Ezra 7:78; Gen. Rab. 14:9. Some traditions allowed the destruction of both soul and body for the wicked at the final judgment (t. Sanh. 13:4; cf. 1Macc 2:63); Sadducees reportedly denied immortality (Josephus Ant. 18.16). 4944 Snodgrass, «ΠΝΕΥΜΑ,» 195; see also Talbert, John, 77, 98; Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.4; esp. (though later) Porphyry Marc. 19.314–316; 33.516–517. For John, «nature is determined by its origin» (Vellanickal, Sonship, 197–98, citing John " s frequent εναι εκ); cf. 1 En. 15:9–10: celestial spirits (angels) reside in heaven, whereas terrestrial ones (in this case giants born to the evil Watchers) reside on earth. 1QS 3.15–4.26 attributes all actions to either the spirit of truth or the spirit of leading astray. 4945 Philosophers might read this as divinization (Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Ep. Luci1. 48.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.3; 2.19.26–27; Plutarch Pompey 27.3; Sent. Sext. 7ab; Marcus Aurelius 4.16; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.18,29; 8.5; Plotinus Virt. 1.2.7), or the soul as the divine part (Plato Rep. 10.61 IDE; Cicero Leg. 1.22.58–59; Tusc. 1.22.52; 1.25.56–1.26.65; Div. 1.37.80; Parad. 14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.11; Epictetus Diatr. 1.1; 1.12; 1.14.6; Marcus Aurelius 2.13,17; 3.5–6,12,18; 5.10.2; 5.27; 12.26; Josephus War 3.372), but in view of God " s Spirit and his peoplés spirit in Ezek 36:25–27 , the issue in John 3is not sameness of spirit (just as flesh begets related but not the same flesh) but likeness and image. |
| 3614 Boismard, Prologue, 48–49; Morris, John, 103–4; survey of background in Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 31–63; against Barrett, John, 165. Jesus thus becomes the new temple (Jerusalem was God " s tabernacling-place, κατασκνωσις–Tob 1:4); see comment on 2:19–21; 4:21–24; 7:37–39; 10:36; 14:2–3; and cf. Brown, Community, 49; Painter, John, 57; cf. commentators on the hidden manna and ark under Rev 2:17. 3615 Stuart, «Examination,» 311; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; Gaston, Stone, 209; contrast Barrett, John, 165. 3616 Sir 24:8 ; the parallel is widely noted (Harris, «Origin»; Vos, «Range,» 404; Haenchen, John, 1:119; Gaston, Stone, 209; Glasson, Moses, 66; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; cf. Barrett, John, 166). Cf. Bar 3:37 ; Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.46 and Congr. 116 (the tabernacle represents Wisdom); Posterity 122 (the λγος θεος ενοκει among those who contemplate eternal things); cf. T. Levi 2:11; 5:2; 6:5; the name in Did. 10.2. 3618 On the sukkah recalling the wilderness cloud of glory, hence God " s sheltering presence, in rabbinic texts, see Rubenstein, «Sukkah» Isa 4suggests an eschatological cloud of glory for a new exodus (even more emphatic in Tg. Isa. 4:5). 3619 Wis 12:1; See further Isaacs, Spirit, 23. Isaacs suggests that Philós doctrine of immanence may reflect dependence on biblical tradition as well as on the language of the Stoa (Spirit, 29). 3620 «Abot R. Nat. 1 A; b. Yoma 4a (early Tannaitic attribution); Num. Rab. 11:6; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1(citing m. »Abot 3:2, the oldest comment on the Shekinah); Abelson, Immanence, 143–45; with the Word, 146–49. Wisdom has glory in Wis 9:11, and functioned as God " s glory or Shekinah in the wilderness, guiding the righteous and being a covering by day and flame of stars by night (Wis 10:17; cf. Exod 13:21). 3621 4Q504 4.2–6; Num. Rab. 12:3; 14:22; Song Rab. 3:11, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7, 9; 7:4; Tg. Neof. on Exod 25:8; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:51–53; for transferral of the idea to synagogues, see Lev. Rab. 11:7; glory is associated with booths in the wilderness, but again only rarely (b. Sukkah lib, attributed to R. Eliezer vs. R. Akiba). Some Amoraim sought to harmonize the universality of God " s presence with its localization in the tabernacle (e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:2; Num. Rab. 12:4; Song Rab. 3:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7). On glory and the tabernacle, see Exod 40:32–36; 1 Kgs 8:10–11; Boismard, Prologue, 144. |
|
|
