| From a collective look at many of these stories of life-reviews, it is important to include that these experiences have always left a deep and beneficial impression on those who have had them. Indeed, during the review a person is forced to re-evaluate his actions, prepare a summary of his past and in so doing, judge himself. In daily life, people hide the negative sides of their personality and in some ways hide behind their good deeds in order to appear to others to be better than they actually are. Most people become accustomed to this hypocrisy, and stop seeing their underlying nature that is often proud, vain and covetous. But, at the time of death this mask is removed and a person sees himself as he really is. Especially those actions which were painstakingly hidden from the world, are seen in full panoramic 3-D, – each word is heard, long forgotten events are experienced anew. All of lifés accomplishments, social and economic: position, diplomas, titles and so forth, lose their meaning. The only thing that is evaluated is the moral worth of each action. Then the person must judge himself not only for what he has done, but also how he has through his words or actions affected other people. Here is how another person described his review. «I felt myself outside of my body, floating above a building, and I could see my body lying below. Then a light surrounded me, and within it I could see a vision of my whole life. I became incredibly ashamed, because of what I saw. Many things, which I had previously considered normal and had justified, were now obviously wrong. Everything was extremely realistic. I could feel that I was being judged and some higher intelligence was guiding and helping me to see. What amazed me most is that I could see not only what I had done, but also how my actions had affected others. It was then that I understood that nothing goes unrecorded and that everything, even each thought, has a consequence» pg. 34–35]. The next two excerpts from people who have experienced life after death demonstrate how the review has taught them to look at life differently. «I did not tell anyone about what I had experienced in the moments of my death, but when I returned to life, I was troubled by a desire to do something good for others. I was so ashamed of myself.» «When I returned, I decided that it was imperative to change. I felt repentant and my former life did not satisfy me. I decided to start a new way of life» pg. 25–26]. |
| 3411 Bar 4:2 ; 4Q511 frg. 1, lines 7–8; frg. 18, lines 7–8; CI] 1:409, §554 (Hebrew on a bronze lamp in Italy); L.A.B. 9:8; 11:1–2; 15:6; 19:4, 6; 23:10; 33end (legis lumine; MSS: legis lumen); 51:3; 2 Bar. 17:4; 18:1–2; 59:2; Sipre Num. 41.1.2; p. B. Mesi c a 2:5, §2; Hor. 3:1, §2; Sukkah 5:1, §7; Gen. Rab. 26:7; Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; 46:3; cf. L.A.B. 37(the «truth» from the bush illuminabatMoses); Sipre Deut. 343.7.1; Gen. Rab. 3:5; Exod. Rab. 36:3; Num. Rab. 14:10; Deut. Rab. 4:4; 7:3; Ecc1. Rab. 11:7, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 17:7. Torah also appears as fire (m. «Abot2:10; Sipre Deut. 343.11.1; »Abot R. Nat. 43, §121 B– Deut 33:2 ; b. Besah 25b–school of R. Ishmael; Ta c an. 7a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2; Jer 23:29 ; Song Rab. 5:11, §6; the Ten Commandments as lightnings in Tg. Neof. on Exod 20:2–3; Tg. Ps.-]. on Exod 20:2–3; Tg. Neof. on Deut 5:6–7 ) or summons heavenly fire (p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Song Rab. 1:10, §2), and specific commandments, such as the Sabbath, appear as light (Pesiq. Rab. 8:4). 3413 The «glory» in Exod 33is described as a «cloud» (34:5), which is depicted elsewhere in the context (33:9,10) in terms similar to the pillar of fire (13:21–22; 14:24; 40:38). 3414 See introduction for a brief treatment of this motif. «Life» occurs 36 times in John, 17 times in Revelation, 14 times in Romans, and 13 times in 1 John (Morris, John, 82). 3415 Although Wheldon, Spirit, 18, is not wrong to associate life with the Spirit in John (cf. 6:63), it is first of all associated with Christ. 3416 E.g., Wis 8:13,17; Sir 4:12; 17:11 ; cf. 1 En. 98:10,14; 2 Bar. 38:2. Greek writers could associate philosophy with living properly (Crates Ep. 6, to students; Cyn. Ep. 56–57–ζην). See also the biblical references in Painter, John, 49. 3417 Bar 3:9; 4:1–2 ; Pss. So1. 14:1–2; L.A.B. 23:10; 2 Bar. 38:2; m. «Abot 2:7 (Hillel: the more Torah, the more life, ; and later in the same text, «he who gains for himself words of Torah, gains for himself the life of the world to come,» ; b. »Abot6:7, bar.; «Abot R. Nat. 34 A (among other things); »Abot R. Nat. 35 B; Sipre Deut. 306.22.1; 336.1.1; b. Hag. 3b; Roš Haš. 18a; p. Ber. 2:2, §9; Exod. Rab. 41:1; Lev. Rab. 29:5; Num. Rab. 5:8; 10:1; 16:24; Deut. Rab. 7:1,3,9; Tg. Ecc1. 6:12. Cf. the tradition of souls departing or being restored at Sinai (usually of Torah bringing Israel life but disobedient nations death), e.g., b. Šabb. 88b; Exod. Rab. 5:9; Lev. Rab. 1:11; Deut. Rab. 1:6; Song Rab. 5:16, §3. The exact sense of Odes So1. 3is slightly more difficult to determine, but may refer to God as the life (cf. Gen. Rab. 1:5; 43:3; Num. Rab. 10:1). |
| If these vices will be destroyed, then, after the covering of the passions is removed, the eyes of the soul will contemplate the mystery of the Holy Scripture. For it was not revealed by the Holy Spirit only for us not to know it; it is dark because the eyes of our souls are closed by the covering of vices. And if their natural health is restored, then it will be sufficient only to read the Holy Scriptures in order to understand their true meaning, and there will be no need for interpreters, just as the eyes need no aid to see as long as they are clean and there is no darkness. That is why there arise such differences and mistakes among the interpreters themselves—in their approach to explaining Holy Scripture they do not take care to purify their spirit. Because of the impurity of their hearts they not only do not see the light of truth, but also dream up much that is against the faith” (Epistle to Castor, Bishop of Apt, 5:34). V Fr. Georgiy Kochetkov: ogkochetkov.ru Along with the denial of the God-inspired nature of the Holy Bible, a denial of other fundamental dogmatic truths contained in the Holy Scripture is also closely connected. The exceptionally high veneration of the Mother of God is not just an aspect or manifestation of Orthodox piety. It is founded upon the dogmatic teaching of the Church about the Savior of the world. Without an exact and correct understanding of the Most Pure Virgin within the economy of our salvation there cannot be any Orthodox teaching of faith. The Mother of God is Ever Virgin (Gr. Aeiparthenos). The dogma of the virgin birth without seed of our Lord Jesus Christ is founded upon the Holy Gospels. The Most Holy Virgin says to the angel, How shall this be, seeing I know not a man? (Lk. 1:34). The Archangel Gabriel says, The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee: therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God (Lk. 1:35). The dogma of the virginal incarnation of the Son of God was introduced into the Symbol of the Faith by the holy fathers of the Ecumenical Council: “And was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary and became man.” Instead of this absolutely clear and precisely formulated teaching, Fr. |
| 52 See P. Hadot, Plotin, ou la simplicité du regard (Paris, 1963), 36 ff.; and J. Trouillard, La Purification plotinienne (Paris, 1955), 34 ff. 56 See J. M. Rist, Plotinus: the Road to Reality (Cambridge, 1967), chap. 4: ‘The One’s Knowledge’, 38–52. 59 See the sharply contrasting accounts in H. Koch, Pronoia and Paideusis: Studien über Origenes und sein Verhältnis zum Platonismus (Berlin and Leipzig, 1932) and H. Crouzel, Origène et la philosophie (Paris, 1962). 60 See Origen’s letter to Gregory Thaumaturgus (PG XI. 88–92) and his Homilies on Joshua. (GCS, VII. 286–463). 62 Origen has left us both a commentary (on Cant. 1:1–2:15) and two homilies (on Cant. 1:1–12a and 1:12b–2:14). The latter are more popular in tone and in them the ecclesiological interpretation is more prominent. All quotations are from R. P. Lawson’s translation, published in Ancient Christian Writers XXVI (London, 1957) with very valuable annotations. There is also an edition, with translation, of the homilies only, by O. Rousseau (Sources Chrétiennes XXXVII, 2nd edn., Paris, 1966). Neither the homilies nor the commentary survive in the original Greek: the homilies are preserved in Jerome’s Latin, and the commentary in Rufinus’ Latin. I have given the page references to the edition in Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller. 63 Such a drawing-out can be found in the introduction to the Sources Chrétiennes edition of the homilies. 64 These terms are derived from the Greek words given with their Latin equivalents (philosophia moralis, naturalis, inspectiva) in the Latin version of the Commentary (GCS, 75, ll. 7–9). There is not absolute certainty about them: see H. Crouzel, Origène et la «connaissance mystique» (Paris, 1961), 50 f., esp. 51 nn. 1 and 2, and Baehrens in GCS, ad loc. 66 See the passage from the Prologue to the Commentary on the Song, quoted above, p. 57 f. (PDF- файл, примечание эл. редакции). 67 For all this see De Principiis, esp. I.v and II.viii; and also J. Daniélou, Origène (Paris, 1948), 207–218. |
| (…) One might subsume the eliminated element in the term “aura” and go on to say: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art. This is a symptomatic process whose significance points beyond the realm of art. One might generalize by saying: the technique of reproduction detaches the produced object from the domain of tradition.” W. Benjamin,op. cit., p.232. See the section below, “Uplifting Materiality and Symbol”, in which the idea of the “glory” of “bodies” is discussed. This, I believe, parallels Benjamin’s idea of “aura” even though it is not intended to have the occult overtones that his term conjures. W. Benjamin, Ibid., p.223. The observations that will be outlined here parallel Walter Benjamin’s, who says, “One might generalize by saying: the technique of reproduction detaches the object from the domain of tradition. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. And in permitting the reproduction to meet the beholder or listener in his own particular situation, it reactivates the object reproduced. These two processes lead to a tremendous shattering of tradition … .” Ibid., p.223. He looks at the problem of mechanical reproductions as the “detaching of the object from the domain of tradition.” Ibid. In other words, removing the object of religious devotion from its formerly static cult context is a movement from the sacred to the profane. As will be explained, in the case of icon reproductions, the reverse also happens. They bring elements of the profane into sacred space. Through the reproduction, there is also, as Benjamin notes, a “reactivation” of the original from its cult context into multiple places. This constant “reactivation” process, as we will see, degrades iconicity, as when an image loses definition when repeatedly passed through a copy machine. In the end there is no question that a “tremendous shattering of tradition” takes place. Ibid. See f.11 below. See the documentary The Icon, Episode One, Holy Images, http://ikona.eparhijaniska.rs/ep_1_srb.html. See G. Debord, The Society of the Spectacle, Black & Red, Detroit, Michigan, June 1, 2000. J. Berger, Ways of Seeing, Penguin Books, London, 1972, pp.32–34. A privately translated version of a writing by Metropolitan Nicholas (Hatzinikolas) of Mesogaias,Anthropos Metheoros, Athens, 2005, the source of which is unverifiable by this author. 14 марта 2013 г. Подпишитесь на рассылку Православие.Ru Рассылка выходит два раза в неделю: Комментарии Мы в соцсетях Подпишитесь на нашу рассылку |
| 1050 Красносельцев H. К истории православного богослужения. По поводу некоторых церковных служб и обрядов, ныне не употребляющихся. Материалы и исследования по рукописям Соловецкой библиотеки. Казань, 1889, с. 2. 1051 See Dvomik F. The Idea of Apostolicity and the Legend of the Apostle Andrew (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 4). Cambridge, Mass., 1955. 1052 See the fundamental work on this topic, EbersoltJ. Sanctuaires de Byzance. Recherches sur les anciens trcsors des eglises de Constantinople. Paris, 1921. 1053 On thinks of the sites of visions of Christ, the Mother of God, and of various saints, of the discovery of miraculous icons and of the burial in Constantinople of sainted emperors and patriarchs. 1054 Книга Паломник. Сказание мест святых во Цареграде Антония Архиепископа новгородского в 1200 году/Ed. Khr. Loparev=Православный Палестинский сборник 51. St.-Petersburg, 1899. On the author, see the Introduction to the volume. I am currently preparing a new edition of this work with English translation and extensive commentary. 1055 Newly edited expanded text, CiggaarK. Une description de Constantinople traduite par un pèlerin anglais//Revue des Études Byzantines. 1976. Vol. 34, p. 211–267 (hereafter, “Mercati Anonymus”). One is justified in using this text as a source for western Christian pilgrimage in Constantinople despite the fact that it is a Latin adaptation of a Greek original (ibid.) because the text has to reflect Western interests or it would not have been adapted for use by Western pilgrims. 1056 CiggaarK. Une description anonyme de Constantinople du Xlle siècle//Revue des Études Byzantines. 1973. Vol. 31, p. 335–354, and ibid., Une description de Constantinople dans le Tarragonensis 55//Revue des Études Byzantines. 1995. Vol. 53, p. 117–140. 1057 The shrines in question are (in descending order of number of relics listed by Anthony): St. Sophia (with the contiguous shrine of the holy well); the palatine Pharos Church of the Mother of God, the Church of the Holy Apostles, the palatine Nea Church, the Blachemae Church of the Mother of God, the Studius Monastery of St. John the Baptist, the Mangana Monastery of St. George, and the Tomb of the Prophet Daniel; on the history, architecture, location and relic holdings of these establishments, see Janin R. La Géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin, I: Le Siègc de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecuménique, 3, Les Eglises et les monasteres, 2’ ed. Paris, 1969, p. 455–470, 232–236, 41–50, 361–364, 161–171, 430–440, 70–76, 85–86, and Müller-Wiener W. Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls. Byzantion-Konstantinupolis-Istanbulbiszum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts. Tübingen, 1977, p. 84–96, 233, 405–411, 211, 223–224, 147–152, 136–38. |
| Chabot, J.-B. De sancti Isaaci Ninevitae vita, scriptis et doctrina. Paris, 1892. For the ‘sons of the covenant’ see: G. Nedungatt. The Covenanters of the Early Syriac-Speaking Church. — Orientalia Chriatiana Periodica 39. Roma, 1973. Pp.191—215; 419—444; P. Escolan. Monachisme et Eglise. Le monachisme syrien du IV e au VII e siècle: un monachisme charismatique. Paris, 1999. P. 11—69. Archpriest Georges Florovsky. Восточные Отцы IV века. Париж, 1937. С. 227.For more detail on the Edessa and Nisibia schools, see: см. в: А. Vööbus. History of the School of Nisibis. Louvain, 1965; N.V. Pigulevskaya. Культура сирийцев а средние beka; Hieromonk Hilarion (Alefeyev). Духовное образование на христианском востоке в I—VI вв.//Христианское чтение. Журнал Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии. 18, 1999. С. 105—143. D. Miller. Translator’s Epilogue. P. 489. In: The Ascetical Homilies of Saint Isaac the Syrian. Boston, Massachusetts, 1984. Cited in D. Miller. Translator’s Epilogue. P. 503. The decisions of the Councils of the Church of the East at the turn of the seventh century concerning the theological heritage of Theodore were determined not only by Inana’s struggle with him but by the condemnation of Theodore at the sixth Ecumenical Council (533), of which they would have known in Persia, albeit with a delay. Isho’denah. Le Livre de la Chasteté. Ed. J.-B.Chabot. — Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire écclesiastiques 16. Paris, 1896. P. 63—64. Vol. II. Discourse 34, 4. Cited from.: St. Isaac the Syrian. О божественных тайнах и о духовной жизни. Перевод с сирийского, предисловие, примечания митрополита Илариона (Алфеева). Издание седьмое, исправленное. St. Petersburg., 2013. p.250. Vol I. Homily 11. Cited from: Иже во святых отца нашего аввы Исаака Сириянина Слова подвижнические. [Перевод с греческого С. Соболевского]. Sergiev Posad, 1911. С. Оп the Catholicos Givargis see: V. Bolomov. Uз истории Церкви Сиро-Персидской. — Христианское чтение. Т. CCVII. Часть 1. St. Petersburg,, 1899. p.1028 (Bolotov believes that Givargis ‘was made Catholicos at the end of 660 or the beginning of 661… and died in 680, i.e. he was patriarch for almost twenty years or more’). See also: N. Pigulevskaya. Культура сирийцев. С. 219. |
| 1, 2006 < http://www.bible-researcher.com/rsv-bibsac.html > . Bruce M Metzger, “ The RSV-Ecumenical Edition ,” Theology Today, Vol. 34, No. 3 (Oct. 1977), p. 316, Sept. 1, 2006 < > It is true that a Greek Orthodox representative was added to the translation committee, but the Jewish scholar was part of the translation when it was actually being done, and the Greek Orthodox representative was added after the real work of the translation was already completed. For more on question of how “almah” should be translated, see: William F. Beck, What Does Almah Mean? , Sept. 2, 2006, < > , see also: Origen, Against Celsus , Book I, Chapters xxxiv - xxxv , The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. iv, eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, trans. A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1989), p. 410f. as well as: St. Jerome, Against Jovinianus , Book I, Chapter 32, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 2, vol. vi, eds. Henry Wace and Philip Schaff (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994), p. 370. Adam Nicolson, God’s Secretaries: The Making of the King James Bible , (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2003) p. 73. See also: History of the King James Version , Sept 4, 2006, < http://www.bible-researcher.com/kjvhist.html > . For example, Luther inserted the word “alone” into his translation of Romans 2:28, to make it support his doctrine of justification by faith alone. When asked for justification for his inserting words that did not exist in the original text, Luther simply responded “It is so because Dr. Martin Luther says it is so!” See Frank Schaeffer, Dancing Alone (Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1994) p. 77, and: Jaroslav Pelikan, Reformation of Church and Dogma (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985) p. 252. Nicolson, p. 77f. The Third Millennium Bible , (Gary, South Dakota: Deuel Enterprises, 1998), p. xiii. G. S. Paine, The Men Behind the King James Version , (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1959) p. 182f. History of the King James Version , Sept 4, 2006, < http://www.bible-researcher.com/kjvhist.html > . Nicolson, p. 209f. See Wayne Grudem, What " s Wrong with Gender-Neutral Bible Translations? Feb 20, 2013 < > ; as well as " The Gender-Neutral Bible Controversy , " Sept. 4, 2006, < http://www.bible-researcher.com/links12.html > . Bishop Tikhon of San Francisco (OCA), Bishop " s Pastoral Letter on the New Revised Standard Version , The Orthodox West, Winter 1990, Sept. 8, 2006 < > . Подпишитесь на рассылку Православие.Ru Рассылка выходит два раза в неделю: Смотри также Комментарии Abdulmasih 10 февраля 2017, 16:00 I am pleased to have approval for the ESV as alternative to the KJV. I experience much better reading comprehension with ESV than KJV. No sooner have I heard KJV read in church I have already forgotten it. With KJV there " s a messy jumble of antique words which make no sense to a dyslexic mind. With ESV I recall the scriptures more clearly. |
| Азбука веры Православная библиотека Orthodox books Contemporary Non-Orthodox Biblical Studies The Gospel of John Пожертвовать Вход Craig S. Keener The Gospel of John Источник 1:19-6:71. Witness in Judea, Samaria, and Galilee True Purification. 2:1-25 The Witness of the First Disciples. 1:19–51 ALTHOUGH THE GOSPEL " S NARRATIVE opens with 1:19, the implied reader knows Jesus» origin from 1:1–18 (and most of John " s earliest audience probably were already Christians; see introduction). That the narrative can open abruptly after the prologue (especially the preparation of 1:6–8,15) is to be expected, and a Diaspora audience conditioned by Mediterranean dramatic culture would feel at home here. Greek dramas often started by informing the viewer of what had happened prior to the opening of the play. The Odyssey opens abruptly and afterwards explains more of Odysseus " s travels through flashbacks, but its hearers could also presuppose what they knew of Odysseus from stories about him in the Iliad (if they knew that work first; probably they heard both repeatedly). The prologue introduces John the Baptist as a model witness for Jesus, leading immediately into a section (1:19–51) about the nature of witness and disciple-making for Jesus, which John the Baptist (1:19–28) opens. 3790 Apart from the prologue, the evangelist starts his Gospel essentially where Mark did and early Christian evangelists often did (Acts 1:22; 10:37; 13:24). 3791 This witness also fits the Gospel " s specifically Jewish framework by opening with a witness to Israel (1:31,49) embraced by true Israelites (1:47). 3792 The writer of the Fourth Gospel wishes his audience not only to continue in the faith themselves (20:31), but to join him in openly confessing Christ (12:42–43), proclaiming him in a hostile world (15:26–27). The Witness of the Forerunner to Israel (1:19–28) In 1:19–34, as in 3:27–36, John the Baptist models the activity of a «witness» (1:8) by deferring all honor to Jesus. This model may counter the tendency of some to exalt John unduly at Jesus» expense (see comment on 1:6–8); it may also respond to some leaders in the Johannine circle who have proved too ambitious for personal honor (3 John 9). This context explains who John is not (1:20–21), his function as a witness to another (1:22–27), and his testimony for the other (1:29–34). |
| 8 ‘With reference to cause’: kat’ aitian. Proclus distinguishes between predication kat’ aitian, kath’ hyparxin (by existence or possession), and kata methexin (by participation): Elements of Theology 65 (Dodds 1963 , 62; see his commentary, ibid. 235–6). The distinction is also found in Denys the Areopagite: e.g., Ep. 9.2:1108D. 9 Here, as elsewhere, philanthropic, 10 Gnomi. 11 Maximus’ mind has moved from the cloud that led the people of Israel in the wilderness to the crossing of the Red Sea dryshod (Exod. 14:15–29), perhaps because the pillar of cloud is first mentioned in this passage (see verse 19). 12 See Exod. 14:15–29. 13 See Exod. 19:16–20. Discussion of this passage has a long tradition: see Philo, Life of Moses II.70–166, Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Moses II.152– 201, Denys the Areopagite, Mystical Theology I.3. 14 For this absolute use of ‘was’ (Greek: in), see the n. 101, below. 15 Not included in Migne. Text taken from Sherwood (1955a), 41, who prints it from a MS in the Vatican Library. For the scriptural text discussed, see Exod. 12:34, 39. 16 See Joshua 3:14–17. 17 Called in English bibles ‘Joshua’. The LXX form ‘Jesus’ makes evident the typological relationship between the Old Testament leader of Israel, who succeeded Moses, and Christ, which Maximus develops in what follows. The two forms of the name are simply the Hebrew and Greek forms. In Greek Joshua is called ‘Jesus, son of Nave’ if there is danger of unclarity. 18 Joshua 5:2–3. 19 Israel: the name taken to mean ‘one who sees God’, a common interpretation: see Philo, On the Allegories of the Laws II.34, III.15, 172, 186, 212 and frequently elsewhere. 20 Joshua 6. 21 In English bibles, Achan, son of Carmi. 22 In English bibles, Hazor. 23 One of the Origenist errors condemned in the sixth century was that the heavenly bodies had souls: Anathema 6 in Justinian’s Edict (Denzinger and Schonmetzer 1976 , 406). See Scott (1991). 24 Providence and judgment are associated as a pair in Origenist theory. See chapter 5 of the Introduction. |
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