| 9129 For Gentile anti-Judaism, see, e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2; Philo Flaccus 1, 47, 85; CPJ 1:24–25; 2:36–55, §153; 3:119–21, §520; Sib. Or. 3.271–272; Horace Sat. 1.5.100–101; Juvenal Sat. 14.96–106; Quintilian 3.7.21; Tacitus Hist. 5.1–5. 9130 See esp. Marshall, Enmity, 35–69 (for invective and shaming enemies, see 46–69). Even Pythagoras reportedly permitted repudiating friendships in the case of a serious vice (Iamblichus V.P. 22.102; 33.232). 9131 Segovia, Farewell, 179. As Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 87, note, «hatred» was not primarily an internal feeling, as it is understood in modern Western thought. 9135 Sometimes a person could, on the condition of securing immunity, denounce others and let them be executed–whether or not the confession was true (Thucydides 6.60.2–5; Plutarch Alc 21.2–4; without immunity, cf. Josephus War 1.498). 9136 E.g., Appian C.W. 4.4.26; Valerius Maximus 3.3.ext.7; cf. also claims about the Iberians (Strabo Geog. 3.4.18; Valerius Maximus 2.6.11). For other instances of slaves» loyalty, e.g., Appian R.H. 7.1.2; 8.3.17; slaves who defended their master " s life deserved freedom and great reward (Cicero Mi1. 22.58). DeSilva, Honor, 115,144, compares the honorable behavior of sharing a patron-friend " s suffering (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 81.27; Benef. 4.20.2; 4.24.2). 9139 This text does not exonerate those who did not see or hear him, as if negating the Gospel " s earlier statements that the world stands condemned before his coming (3:17–18) or that Jesus is the only way to the Father (14:6); πρφασις simply means «pretext» (Whitacre, John, 382–83, note). 9142 Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 68–70, compares God " s signs in ancient Israel; in view of their absence in this Gospel, Richardson " s finding the sacraments in 15(Theology, 378) is improbable. 9143 M. c Abod. Zar. 3:4; see further the comment on 10:34. Torah was one of two or three divisions of Scripture (e.g., 4 Macc 18:10; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:13; see more fully the comment on John 1:45 ) but in the general sense included the whole (e.g., 3 En. 48D:4; Sipre Deut. 32.5.12) and even extrapolations (e.g., t. Ber. 6:19). |
| 7387 A skilled goatherd could protect all his goats from wolves (Longus 2.22); shepherds must care for sheep " s safety (Xenophon Mem. 3.2.1; Statius Thebaid 4.368–369; Acts 20:28–29); so also herdsmen protecting cattle (Aeschylus Supp1. 352–353). 7389 Virgil Aen. 11.811. Nevertheless, a lone wolf attacking people, especially if the latter were in a group, was unusual (Livy 21.46.2; 27.37.3) unless the wolf were unusually large (mythology in Ovid Metam. 11.366–375) or the humans were small and defenseless children (Babrius 16). 7390 Shepherds might leave their flocks in terror (Apollonius of Rhodes 4.316–318; unclear whether these were undershepherds or owners). 7392 Euripides Iph. au1. 1420 (σωσα μ» λλδ»). Scholars also might emphasize leaders» sacrificial concern for the community (a late Tanna cited in Exod. Rab. 27:9); for more examples of the Greek noble-death tradition, see esp. Neyrey, «Noble Shepherd»; comments on 12:25–26; 15:13–15. 7393 Menander Rhetor 2.3,379.28–29 (comparing a governor with a helmsman). Thus also a deceased hero might guard his land against wolves (Philostratus Hrk. 4.3). 7399 Exod 22:8–13; m. B. Qam. 6:1. Nevertheless, if one shepherd who was not the owner handed the flock to another shepherd (cf. Luke 2:8; 15:4; Bailey, Poet, 149), the first remained liable (t. B. Qam. 6:20). 7400 Demosthenes Crown 51–52. Cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.14.15. But for a good hireling (μσθιον), who gives himself for his master " s service, see Sir 7:20 . Bowman, Gospel, 201, fancifully finds Johanan ben Zakkaís abandonment of Jerusalem in 10:12–13; but then what of the Jerusalemite Christians ( Mark 13:14–16 ; Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.5.3)? 7412 E.g., Homer Il. 22.263; Aristophanes Wasps 952; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.123–124; Virgil Aen. 9.566; Ec1. 3.80; 5.60; 8.52; Ovid Metam. 1.232–237, 304, 505; 5.626–627; 6.527–528; Fasti 2.85–86,800; Phaedrus 1.1; Babrius 89; 93.3–11; 102.8; 105.1; 113.2–4; 132.1–4; Longus 1.11,21–22; Apollodorus Library 1.9.2; Statius Thebaid 10.42–48; Tibullus 1.1.33–34; 2.1.20; 2.5.88; Plutarch Demosthenes23.4; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.2; 2.7. Lucan C.W. 7.826 portrays them as scavengers, but this is rare. |
| 7618 The wording of Jesus» response in 11:25–26 would not necessarily resolve any ambiguity in his words for Martha; most Jews believed in the soul " s life after death before the resurrection anyway. 7619 But the wording of Jesus» response (Jesus as the life, 11:25–26; cf. 1:4; 6:48; 14:6; 1 John 1:2; 5:11–12, 20 ) 7620 would encourage John " s audience, who might not expect to customarily face immediate physical resuscitations but believed that they possessed eternal life in the present (3:16, 36). 7621 Temporary resuscitations of mortals in history could be understood to prefigure the ultimate future resurrection (e.g., 4and comment), 7622 so John could make explicit how Jesus» words to Martha applied to his own audience in his own generation. Marthás confession (11:27) is as firm as Peter " s (6:69); the confession of Christ, however, is not Peter " s (6:69), but the Baptist " s (3:28), Andrew " s (1:41), the Samaritan woman " s (4:25,29), perhaps a healed man " s (9:22,35–38), and now Marthás (11:27). That Jesus was the one «coming into the world» (11:27) is Johannine christological language implying his incarnate status (e.g., 1:9, 27; 3:31), though we need not suppose that Martha understood this point (cf. 6:14; 12:13). Jesus offers private revelations of his identity to the Samaritan woman (4:25–26) and to Martha (11:25), and later reveals himself to Mary Magdalene (20:15–17) after Peter and the beloved disciple have departed (20:10). He seems to have favored women and/or those marginalized from the centers of structural power. Whether John, by the confessions of Martha and Peter, is intentionally balancing gender the way Luke seems to do 7623 or (less likely) includes her confession without such considerations, her confession, the climactic confession preceding Jesus» passion, suggests a relatively high role for women " s faith vis-à-vis the majority views of John " s culture. 7624 5. Mourning with Mary and Others (11:28–37) Jesus continues to remain outside the village (11:28, 30), probably for safety (11:8), 7625 to prolong his «hour» until its appointed moment at the Passover (11:46–47). |
| 10113 Cullmann, State, 42–43; Blinzler, Trial, 251; Winter, Trial, 109; Reicke, Era, 186; Brown, Death, 963, cite Suetonius Calig. 32.2; Dom. 10.1; Dio Cassius 54.3.7; 54.8; Tertullian Apo1. 2.20; Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 5.1.44; cf. the herald in b. Sanh. 43a. The posting of the accusation on the cross is not well attested, either because those describing crucifixion had already mentioned it being carried (Bammel, «Titulus,» 353) or because the practice was not in fact standard although, given the variations among executions, in no way improbable (Harvey, History, 13); wearing tablets around the neck was not unusual in the broader culture (students in Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.1.557). Blinzler, Trial, 254, thinks the tablets included «black or red letters on a white ground.» 10119 Epigraphic data suggest that Aramaic probably predominated in Galilee (Horsley, Galilee, 247–49) despite Hebrew " s use as a holy language and the ideal of its use (pace Safrai, «Literary Languages»; idem, «Spoken Languages»; Let. Aris. 11, 30, 38; Sipre Deut. 46.1.2). 10122 E.g., Jub. 12:25–27; p. Meg. 1:9, §1; hence its use in the Mishnah, many DSS, and the Bar Kokhba materials (cf. Carmon, Inscriptions, 73). 10123 Brown, Death, 965; he also cites the five languages (Greek, Latin, Persian, Hebrew, and Egyptian) at Gordian Ill " s tomb. Talbert, John, 243, cites these plus the Greek and Latin warnings in the temple (losephus War 5.194). 10125 Tob 1:20; Sallust Cati1. 51.43; 52.14; CPJ 2:251–52, §445; 2:255–57, §448; BGU 5.16.51–5.17.52; P.Oxy. 513; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 4.5.3; 4.15.6; Appian C.W. 4.5.31; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.5; Herodian 7.3.2; Josephus Life 370–371; Heb 10:34. 10126 E.g., Polybius 11.30.1–2; also in illegal lynchings (e.g., Herodian 8.8.6); also in beatings (Longus 2.14); see comment on scourging, above. 10127 Artemidorus Onir. 2.61; Brown, Death, 870, adds Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.69.2; Valerius Maximus 1.7.4; Josephus Ant. 19.270. 10129 Brown, Death, 870, thinks the Gospels might «reflect a local concession,» noting that Josephus War 2.246 and Ant. 20.136 do not mention Celer " s disrobing; but this would be an argument from silence. (Brown, citing Melito of Sardis On the Pasch 97 in favor of nakedness and Acts of Pilate 10.1 in favor of a loincloth, ultimately doubts that we can know either way [p. 953].) Nakedness was probably the rule of thumb (in public Roman punishments, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.69.2; in non-Roman executions, e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.191; 2.53). |
| 138 По законам гражданским римским, никакая давность отсутствия мужей не давала женам права вступать в другой брак. Жены воинов, не только отправившихся на войну, но и взятых неприятелями в плен, должны были ожидать их возвращения, – в продолжении 5 лет, по установлению Юстиниана; но после него подтверждено – ожидать бессрочно. Даже после решительного удостоверения о смерти мужей, жены должны были еще год оставаться вне брака. Если же удостоверение о смерти мужа оказывалось должным, то возвратившийся муж всегда имел право требовать расторжения нового брака жены его с другим мужем и снова взять ее к себе, если захотел. Justin. Novel. 117. et 22. Basilic. 28, 7. 3. Leonis Novel. 33. Cf. Balsamon. ad can. Trullan. 93. Math. Blastar. Syntag. litt.γ. cap. 5. 139 Здесь повторяются совокупно правила: 8 и 19е никейского, I вселенского Собора, 7-е вселенского II. См. наше изложение этих правил, при чем объяснены и причины различного порядка в принятии обращающихся к Церкви. См. Василия Великого прав. 1. 140 В подлинном еще прибавлено: «τους υν τας ν κεφαλ τριχας ν πινοιαις μπλοκης εθετιζοντας και διασκεβαζοντας...», т.е. «волосы на главе искусственным образом сплетающих и убирающих»… 141 Обрученная уже называлась женой. (См. вышеуказанные места из книги Второзакония). По этой причине, и Пресвятая Дева только обрученная Иосифу, называется в Евангелии его женою, а он ее мужем ( Матф.1:18–20 ). 142 Законы римские, хотя уже в позднее время, также признавали равную силу обручения и супружества, и для расторжения первого, давали те же вообще правила, как и для последнего. Leon. Nov. et Alexii Comneni in Photii Nomocanone tit. 13. cap 3. Cf. Balsamon. ad cap. cit. Trull. Слав. Кормч. Ч. 2. гл. 43. 143 Русский перевод этого правила, от не совсем правильного расположения слов в греческом, не совсем точно передает мысль правила. Ни у армян, ни у других христиан никогда не было обычая варить мясо в св. алтаре. Слова правила: внутрь свящ. алтарей (νδον ν τοις θυσιαστηριοις) надобно относить не к предыдущим, а к последующим словам: приносят участки (προσαγουσιν φαιρεματα), т.е. Армяне, сварив у себя (дома) мясо, приносили части его в алтарь и разделяли священникам, по подражанию иудеям; Собор осуждая этот обычай, запрещает и мясо вносить в алтарь, и священникам требовать себе отделенных частей, а довольствоваться только доброхотными приношениями, какого бы рода они ни были, и при том принимать их не в Церкви, а вне, как повелевают и другие церк. правила (Апост. 4, Карф. 46). |
| It is possible that Jesus» hearers take him literally in a different way, perhaps deliberately choosing to interpret Jesus» words in a natural sense: as individuals we have never personally been enslaved (perhaps something like Nicodemus entering his mother " s womb in 3:4). This could play on the insulting status connotations sometimes attached to slavery, especially if Jesus» interlocutors here are viewed as associated with the elite (and some of John " s Christian audience may have been slaves or freedpersons). To many free persons, slavery was too demeaning for a person of free birth to endure; 6743 slave behavior was shameful for a free person (Josephus Ant. 4.238). Thus, for example, many free persons considered slaves lazy, 6744 gossipy, 6745 deceptive 6746 and otherwise virtueless; 6747 some expected that one could often ascertain slaves 6748 and nobility 6749 by their appearance. The aversion toward slavery and manual labor was widespread among those of higher class. 6750 Thus in some texts «slave» (often νδρποδον) functioned as an insult. 6751 R. Akiba, who studied with teachers contemporary with John, also insisted that even the poorest in Israel must be viewed as free persons by virtue of their descent from Abraham and the other patriarchs. 6752 It is possible that this idea plays a role in this dialogue. 6753 The ethical and covenantal sense of slavery and freedom is undoubtedly paramount in the passage. 6754 Jewish tradition also recognized that God " s people could be his servants in a positive sense ( Deut 32:36 ); 6755 Philo claimed that the one who serves God alone is the only one who is free (Good Person 20). Other texts also speak of God " s word (cf. John 8:31–32 ) as an agent of liberation: Jewish texts speak of the Torah bringing freedom, whether freedom from worldly cares, from national bondage, or from slavery in the coming world. 6756 Greek texts could similarly speak of the «word» (λγος), that is, the philosopher " s teaching, or knowing God " s commands (γνωκα ατο τς ντολς), as «freeing» one from slavery to worldly concerns. 6757 Greek thinkers quite often warned against being enslaved by false ideologies 6758 or passions. 6759 Some spoke of internal freedom that enabled them to ignore external troubles. 6760 Occasionally those writing from an aristocratic perspective might warn that excess political freedom might bring the masses into moral excess 6761 (see comment on 7:46–49). Jewish writers influenced by Hellenism repeated the demand that people avoid slavery to passions; 6762 other Jewish thinkers also recognized that one should not be enslaved to sin or the evil impulse. 6763 Thus Jesus» hearers may be claiming that descent from Abraham has freed them from slavery to sin (cf. 8:34). 6764 |
| 6827 Rhet. Alex. 35,1440b.23–40; 1441a.l-5. 6828 Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.25.544. One could have honorable ancestors but make dishonorable choices (e.g., Isaeus Estate of Dicaeogenes 47). 6829 Isocrates Peace 41–53, quoted in Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 17. 6830 B. Yoma 71b. A much later tradition has Aaron protest that the people who worshiped the golden calf really were children of the righteous but were simply carried away by the evil impulse (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 32:22). 6831 See Odeberg, Pharisaism, 49. 6832 E.g., Jub. 23:10; Sir 44:19–22; 2 Bar. 57:2; T.Ab. 1:3,18; 2:3; 4:6–7; 7:8; 9:2; 13:2; 15:6,9; 16:7, 11; 17:10; 18:1; 20:3,11A; 4:10; 13:5B; m. Qidd.Á.4:4; " Abot R. Nat. 36, §94B; b. B. Bat. 17a. God could have found fault had he wished, however ( Rom 4:2 ; b. c Arak. 17a, bar.) 6833 Gen 18 ; Philo Abraham 107–114; Josephus Ant. 1.200; T. Ab. 1:4–9, 19; 3:7–9; 4:6; 17:7A; 2:3–12; 3:5–6; 4:10; 13:5B; Gen. Rab. 48:9; 50:4; Num. Rab. 10:5; Koenig, Hospitality, 15–20; probably transferred to Job in T. Job 10:1–4. 6834 Including «faithfulness» (πιστς) in testing (1Macc 2:52); cf. commentaries on Rom 4:3 . Nick-elsburg, «Structure,» 87–88, thinks Abraham " s obedient faith is less evident in Testament of Abraham. 6835 E.g., Mek. Nez. 18.36–40; b. Sukkah 49b; Gen. Rab. 38:13; 39:8; 46:1; Num. Rab. 8:9; Pesiq. Rab. 11:4; cf. CD 3.1–2. 6836 E.g., Sipre Deut. 32.2.1; " Abot R. Nat. 12A; 26, §54B; Gen. Rab. 30:8; Song Rab. 1:3, §3; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 21:33 ; Bamberger, Proselytism, 176–79. In such Amoraic traditions, surrounding peoples respected Abraham (Gen. Rab. 82:14), and Sarah witnessed through feeding Gentile infants (Gen. Rab. 53:9). 6837 Philo Migration 130, citing Gen 26:5 . The rabbis also based their case on this verse (see Pancaro, Law, 393, largely following Strack-Billerbeck, Kommentar, 3:186). 6838 CD 3.2; in the rabbis, see Urbach, Sages, 1:318; Moore, Judaism, 1:275–76; also Lev. Rab. 2:10. Compare the law-keeping pre-Sinai patriarchs in Jubilees (see comment on John 1:10 ). |
| Liber de rebus Armenia?, 879–902. Cf. DEME-. TRIUS CYZICENUS, ISAAC ARMENUS. Mich. Pselli et Phialiti in Dioptram præfatio, lat., 707–8, 707–10. Jac. Pontani præfatio, 703–706. Editorum monitum ex FH., 701–04. PHILO CARPASIUS ep., s. V, 40. Enarratio in Canticum Canticorum, 27–154. Præfatio Giacomelli, 9–26. PHILOSTORGIUS, s. V, 65. Historia ecclesiastica [Epitome] (Valesius), lib. 1–12, 459–624. Supplementa (id.), 623–38. Notitia FH., 455–60. PHILOTHEUS, CP. patr., s. XIV. Synodicæ constitutiones. Cf. CALLISTUS patr., 152. In exaltationem S. Crucis (Gretser), 154, 719–30. De mandatis D.-N. J.-C. sermo (Possinus), 729–46. Ordo sacri ministerii (cum notis Goari), 745–66. Laudatio trium doctorum (Basilii, Greg. Naz., Chrysostomi) (Ducæus), 767–820. Refutatio anathematismorum Harmenopuli (Leunclavius et Rhallis), 821–26 et 119, 895–900. Privilegium pro episcopo Hierissi (Rhallis), 154, 1239–44. Antirrheticorum contra Gregoram, lib. 1–12, 161, græce (Dositheus), 773–1138; fg. (Boivin), 148, 67–8; 71–72. Encomium Gregorii Palamæ, græce (editio Hieros. 1857), 151, 551–6. Tomus contra Prochorum Cydonium (Dositheus), 151, 693–716. Notitia FH., 154, 711–8. PHILOTHEUS MONACHUS, s. VII, 98. Ascetica fg., (Mingarelli), 1369–72. [Capita 1–40 de sobrietate vitæ (Philocatia), 162, 1169. Notilia ex Philocatia, græce, 162]. PHILOTHEUS SELYMBRIÆ metr., s. XIV, 152. Excommunicatio Nicephori Gregoræ (Acta Philothei СР., n. 58), græce, 1410. Oratio in S. Agathonicum, fg., 154, 1229–40. PHOCAS. Vide JOANNES, NICEPHORUS P. PHOTIUS, CP. patr., 858–67 et 878–86, 101–104. I. SCHIPTURISTICA. Ad Amphilochium quæstiones 1–324 (Hergenromer), 101, 45–1172, 1277–96. Præfatio Wolfii, 21–26; Scotti, 25–30; Maii, 29–38 et 39–44; Hergenromher. Dissertatio, 1–20. Indices: 1) De codicibus, 1171–74. 2) Editionis Wolfii editionis Migne, 1173–4. 3)Epistolarum Photii in Quæst. Amphil., 1173–76. 4) Mail et ed. Migne, 1175–76. 5) Secundum varies editores, 1177–78. 6) Locorum S. Script., 1177–1188. 7) Scriptorum laudat., 1187–90. |
| That the parents had allowed their son to subsist by begging may imply that the parents themselves were poor; to be put outside the synagogue community might have reduced whatever other income the father was able to procure. 7119 We know something of the rabbinic tradition of excommunication by the second century C.E. (e.g., m. Móed Qat. 3:1–2) 7120 and probably earlier (m. Ta c an. 3:8); the practice as a community discipline must be pre-Christian (Ezra 10:8; various levels in 1QS 6.24–7.25). 7121 Indisputably community disciplines occurred, such as the «forty» (or thirty-nine) stripes 7122 of public beatings (based on Deut 25:2–3 ) attested in the first century ( 2Cor 11:24 ; Josephus Ant. 4.238, 248). 7123 Without explaining how the miracle occurred, they could not deny the miracle; but in early Christian tradition this is usually a situation in which those unwilling to consider where signs point find themselves (11:46–48; 12:9–11; Acts 4:16). Technically the parents did not «know» how their son was healed (sorcery was always a possibility; cf. comment on 7:20) and could offer only secondhand testimony; but their motives for concealing even that testimony make their confession more like a denial (cf. 18:17,25–26; he denies knowing Jesus in Mark 14:71 ), showing little support for their son. 7124 In Johns epistemology, faith can come through testimony as well as (or better than) through sight (15:26–27; 20:29–31). Claiming that their son is «of age» means that he was at least thirteen, 7125 though he could have been much older. 7126 But given their own fear (9:22), their failure to support their sons evident testimony is not courageous. When intimidated by oppressive power structures, most people chose not to defend someone indicted by the authorities; 7127 sometimes even parents might abandon a child to those in power due to fear. 7128 To be sure, their son " s blindness did not stem from their sin (9:3), but the narrative does not praise their fidelity to their son here; they refuse to confess the one who had vindicated them against shame (9:2). |
| John plays on a contrast with faith δια τν λγον of the woman (4:39) and that of Jesus (4:41). 5639 Like Nathanael, the Samaritans» initial level of faith is based on another " s testimony (4:39), which is acceptable for initial faith (15:26–27; 17:20; 20:30–31). Once they «come» and «see» (4:29; cf. 1:46), however, they progress to a firsthand faith (4:42), which characterizes true disciples (10:3–4, 14–15). Thus the Samaritans do not denigrate the woman " s testimony in 4:42; rather, they confirm it. 5640 Jesus stayed with the Samaritans briefly (4:40), but long enough for them to get to know him more fully and respond to him appropriately (4:41–42; cf. 1:39). Mediterranean culture in general heavily emphasized hospitality, from classical Greek 5641 through Roman 5642 and modern times; 5643 pagans held that the chief deity was the protector of guests, hence guarantor of hospitality. 5644 This general statement was also true in particular of Mediterranean Jewry, especially toward fellow members of their minority in the Diaspora. 5645 One should not show hospitality to false teachers, 5646 such as Jewish and Samaritan teachers would regard each other to be, but Jesus had surmounted the usual Samaritan mistrust of Jews. Thus it would have been rude for the Samaritans not to offer hospitality and rude for Jesus to have refused once they insisted, though he does not stay long. That another passage in the gospel tradition indicates that Jesus sought lodging in Samaria may indicate the friendship Jesus shared with some Samaritans (Luke 9:52); if that account is later in Jesus» ministry than this one (as it must be if, as in Luke, that occasion is linked with Jesus» final journey to Jerusalem), it may also suggest that Jesus» plan to go to Jerusalem (Luke 9:53) severely disappointed them. 5647 Then again, John actually recounts the conversion of «many» in only one Samaritan village, which could include fewer than a hundred adults despite the symbolic value he grants it; on the historical level, it is difficult to press this text " s portrait against Lukés different claims about Samaritan responses (Luke 9:51–56; Acts 8:4–25). 5648 |
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