12 Tertullianus. De praescriptione haereticorum , XIX, 3. [Русский перевод А. А. Столярова. Общ. ред. и сост. А. А. Столярова: Тертуллиан. О прескрипции [против] еретиков Избранные сочинения. — М.: Прогресс-Культура, 1994. — С. 114). 13 Cf. E. Flesseman-van-Leer . Tradition and Scripture in the Early Church . — Assen, 1954. — P. 145—185; Damien van den Eynde. Les Normes de l " Enseignment Chrétien dans la littérature patristique des trois premiers siècles . — Gembloux-Paris, 1933. — P. 197—212; J. K. Stirniman. Die Praescriptio Tertullians im Lichte des römischen Rechts und der Theologie . — Freiburg, 1949; а также введение и примечания Р.Ф. Рёфуле (R. F. Refoulé) в издании De praescriptione haereticorum, in: «Sources Chrétiennes», 46. — Paris, 1957. 14 Irenaeus Lugdunensis. Ibid . I. 8, 1. 15 Центон (от лат . cento, centonis — платье из разноцветных лоскутов; от греч . %Г [к?%Г [ntrwn, %Г [к?%Г [ntwn) — стихотворное или прозаическое произведение, составленное из строк разных произведений. Здесь, произведения, составленные из стихов Гомера (гомероцентоны). — Прим. перев. 16 В первой публикации статьи (The Function of Tradition in the Ancient Church, in: The Greek Orthodox Theological Review. — Vol. IX. Winter, 1963. — P. 181—200.) в этом месте сноска на энциклопедическую статью о центонах: Cf. Crusius. s.v. «Centones», in: Pauly-Wissowa R.E. — Bd. III. — 1899. s. 1929—1932. — Прим. перев . 17 Op. cit . I. 9, 4. 18 Tertullianus. Op. cit . XXXIX. [Там же. С. 126). 19 Corpusculum veritatis ( лат .) — «тельце истины» . — Прим. перев. 20 Деминутив (от лат . deminutus — уменьшенный). Существительные с общим словообразовательным значением «уменьшительность». Основные способы словообразования — аффиксальный и безаффиксный. %Г [Swm?%Г [tion ( греч .) — деминутив от существительного %Г [s?%Г [ma. %Г [S?%Г [ma — тело как нечто воспринимаемое; противоположность другому древнегреческому слову %Г [s?%Г [r_ks — плоть как нечто воспринимающее). — Прим. перев. 21 Corpus ( лат. ) — тело, как материальная субстанция (прот. anima, animus ). — Прим. перев.

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The same Prophet Hosea, proclaiming the name of God and addressing the chosen people, says: “for I am God, and not man; the Holy One in the midst of thee” (Hosea 11:9). God defines Himself as such, which means that holiness is one of the most important definitions of God (Cf., Leviticus 11:44–45; 19:2; 20:3, 7, 26; 21:8; 22:2, 32. Jesus of Navi [Joshua] 24:15, 19. 1 Kings Samuel] 2:2, 10; 6:20; 2 Kings Samuel] 22:7; 4 Kings Kings] 19:22. 1 Paralipomena Chronicles] 16:10, 27, 35; 29:16. 2 Paralipomena Chronicles] 6:2; 30. 27. Tobit 3:11; 8:5, 15; 12:12, 15. Judith 9:13; Job 6:10; Psalms 2:6; 3:5; 5:8; 10 14 15 17 19 21 23 26 27 32 42 45 46 47 50 64 67 70 76 77 54; 78 88 97 98 5, 9; 101 102 104 42; 105 110 137 144 21; Proverbs 9:10; Wisdom of Solomon 1:5; 9:8, 10, 17; 10:20. Wisdom of Sirach 4:15; 17:8; 23:9–10; 43:11; 47:9, 12; 48:23. Esaias [Isaiah] 1:4; 5:16, 19, 24; 6:3; 8:13; 10:17, 20; 11:9; 12:6; 17:7; 29:19, 23; 30:11–12, 15; 31:1; 37:23; 40:25; 41:14, 16, 20; 43:3, 14–15; 45:11; 47:4; 48:17; 49:7; 52:19; 54:5; 55:5; 56:7; 57:13, 15; 58:13; 60:9, 14; 63:10–11; 65:11, 25; 66:20. Jeremias [Jeremiah] 23:9; 31:23; 50:29; 51:5. Baruch 2:16; 4:22, 37; 5:5; 20:39–40; 28: 14; 36:20–22; 39:7, 25. Ezekiel 43:7–8; Daniel 3:52–53; 4:5–6, 10, 14–15, 20; 5:11; 9:16, 20, 24. Joel 2:1; 3:17; Amos 2:7. Abidias 1:16. Jonas 2:5, 8; Michaias [Micah] 1:2; Abbacum [Habbakuk] 1:12; 2:20; 3:3; Sophonias [Zephaniah] 3: 11–12; Zacharias [Zechariah] 2:13; 2 Maccabees 8:15; 14:36; 15:32; 3 Maccabees 2:2, 11, 16; 5:8; 6:1–2, 4, 17, 26; 7:8; 2 Esdras 14:22; Matthew 1:18, 20; 3:11; 12:32; 28:19. Mark 1:8, 24, 29; 12:36; 13:11; Luke 1:15, 35, 41, 49, 67, 72; 2:25–26; 3:16, 22; 4: 1, 34; 11:13; 12:10, 12. John 1:33; 7:39; 14:26; 17:11; 20:22; Acts 1:2, 5, 8, 16; 2:4, 33, 38; 3:14; 4:8, 25, 27, 30–31; 5:3, 32; 6:3, 5; 7:51, 55; 8:15, 17–19, 39; 9:17, 31; 10:38, 44–45, 47; 11:15–16, 24; 13:2, 4, 9, 35, 52; 15:8, 28; 16:6; 19:2, 6; 20:23, 28; 21:11; 28:25. 1 Peter 1:12, 15–16; 2 Peter 1:21; 1 John 2:20; 5:7. Jude 1:20; Romans 5:5; 9:1; 14:17; 15:13, 16; 1 Corinthians 2:13; 3:17; 6:19; 12:3; 2 Corinthians 6:6; 13:13. Ephesians 3:5; 4: 30; 1 Thessalonians 1:5–6; 4:8; 2 Timothy 1:14; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 2:4; 3:7; 6: 4; 9:8, 14; 10: 15; Revelation 3:7; 4:8; 6:10; 15:3–4; 16:5).

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John is calling his audience to a full confession of resurrection faith: Jesus is God in the flesh, and therefore his claims cannot be compromised, for synagogue or for Caesar. John will settle for no faith less secure than this. Further, while Thomas " s faith by sight is accepted, the faith without sight expected of John " s audience is greater (20:29; cf. 2Cor 5:6–7 ; 1Pet 1:8 ). It is grounded in the beloved disciplés testimony sampled in the Gospel (20:30–31), confirmed to hearers by the Paraclete (15:26–16:15). 10778 E.g., Ellis, Genius, 297–98; Minear, «Functions.» The «signs» include the resurrection chapter (esp. 20:27, 29) but also the rest of the «signs» in this Gospel (with, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 336). 10779 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 196; Cicero Fin. 5.32.95–96; Or. Brut. 40.137; Polybius 39.8.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 32; Thucyd. 55; Musonius Rufus 6, pp. 54.26–56.11 (esp. 54.26; 56.7–11); Aelius Aristides Fifth Leuctrian Oration 43–44; Rhet. Alex. 36,1443b.l5–16; 1444b.21–35; 37, 1445b.21–23; Hippolytus Haer. 10.1; Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 181–82; less fully, cf. Matt 28:18–20; Rom 16:17–19 . Of course, open or abrupt endings also appear, as in Mark 16 (see our comments on Mark 16:9–20 above, on the resurrection tradition). 10780 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 48, out of fifty-one paragraphs. Often they come at the conclusion of the proofs, though this might be near the work " s end (Cicero Quinct. 28.85–29.90), possibly relevant here; they could also conclude a section (Xenophon Hel1. 3.5.25, ending book 3; 4.8.19, ending only some events; Polybius 2.71.7–10, esp. 2.71.7–8; Cicero Fin. 3.9.31; Quinct. 19.60). 10781 Aeschines Timarchus 111. After his closing summary (Polybius 39.8.4–6), Polybius adds only closing comments (39.8.7–8). 10782 Achtemeier, «Miracle Workers,» 176. Even if redactional, Homer " s claim that Aeneas would rule the Trojans (Il. 20.303–308) is pre-Virgil and virtually invited the sort of development one finds in Virgil Aeneid. 10783 E.g., Valerius Maximus 2.7.5; 3.8.ext.l; Musonius Rufus 10, p. 78.22. Epideictic bards might also complain that time provided the only limit on their praises (Pindar Nem. 4.33–34; O1. 2.95; Pyth. 4.247–248; cf. Heb 11:32). In many oral genres, one should limit onés examples (Menander Rhetor 2.4, 393.25–30). 10787 Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 55; Isaeus 19–20; Demosth. 42,46, 58; Lit. Comp. 11. More detailed discussion might await another occasion, but he needed to use most wisely the space that he had (Demosthenes 32; Isaeus 14); he wanted to avoid wasting the reader " s time (Demosthenes 40).

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Attische Feste. 2 Aufl. Berlin. 1956. S. 40 ff., cf. Robert C. Athena Sciras und die Scirophorien Hermes. 1885. 20. S. 367 ff.) 40 Hatch E. The influence of Greek Ideas on Christianity. New York, 1957. p. 290. 41 Мф.13:11; Мк.4:11; Лк. 8:10; Рим.11:25, 16:25; 1Кор.2:7, 4:1, 13:2, 14:2, 15:51; Еф.1:9, 3:3—4, 9, 5:32, 6:19; Кол.1:26—27, 2:2, 4:3, 1Тим.3:9, 16; Откр.1:20, 10 42 Жан Пепен, говоря о риторическом использовании языка мистерий христианскими авторами, ссылается прежде всего на «Увещевание» Климента Александрийского (120, 1—2) (Pépin J. Christianisme et mythologie. Jugements chrétiens sur les analogies du paganisme et du christianisme/Pépin J. De la philosophie ancienne à la théologie patristique. Variorum reprints. London, 1986. VIII. p. 20). 43 Ср.: Eur Bacch., 470 сл. 44 Hatch E Op. cit. p. 305—306. Впрочем, уже Иустин Мученик использует для крещения термин «просвещение» (1 Апология, 61), ср.: Hatch E Op. cit. p. 295. 45 Ibid. p. 307. 46 Мистический культ Деметры и Коры существовал и в Александрии, где был даже пригород, именовавшийся «Элевсин». Античный толкователь Каллимахова гимна в честь Деметры приписывает Птолемею Филадельфу введение обряда шествия с кошницей «в подражание Афинам». Ф.Ф. Зелинский полагает, что перенесение всего элевсинского культа в Александрию могло состояться еще при Птолемее I Сотере (Зелинский Ф.Ф. Религия эллинизма. с. 27—28). 47 В «Строматах» Климент пишет даже, что Бог даровал философию эллинам через низших ангелов (Clem. Strom., VII (2) 6, 4). 48 Ср.: Tert. Apol., 17. 6. 49 Татиан, например, в «Речи против эллинов» (16, 1) заявляет, что демоны, повелевающие людьми, не есть души людей. 50 Учение Платона о демонах, конечно, сложнее, чем можно заключить на основании этих двух мест; см., например, Plat. Resp., X, 617e, 620 de; Phaed., 107d; Symp., 202e; Tim., 89e-90a; Leg., 717a-b. 51 См. также Ios. Bell. Jud., 7. 6, 3; Iust. Apol., 1, 17 – о душах умерших, вселяющихся в живущих. 52 « злоупотребили и своим естеством, и предоставленной им властью.

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Заповедь первая . Taken from Faber, Dominica 17 Post Pentecosten, No. 9 «Mysteria [on the Gospel for the day, viz. Matt. 22.35–46]», sect. 4 «Cur praeceptum dilectionis primum et maximum». 11. 1–I0 cf Faber: «Cur praeceptum dilectionis primum et maximum dicitur? Resp. Primo, quia finis praecepti charitas, inquit Apostolus 1. Tim oth. Nec solum praeceptorum omnium finis est charitas, verum etiam omnium sacramentorum et virtutum totiusque religionis Christianae, quae ultim ate eo tendit, ut hominem cum Deo bonorum omnium fonte perfecte coniungat, quod per charitatem solam fieri potest.» 11. 11–14 cf Faber: «Secundo. Quia omnia alia mandata comprehendit... Si vero diligat proximum, legem implevit, Roman. ac proinde malum non operabitur, nec ulla in re offendet proximum.» 11. 15–18 cf Faber: «Tertio. Quia maximum et praestantissimum est, quod Deo dare possumus; Charitas enim radix et fons est omnium bonorum et donorum.» 11. 19–20 cf Faber: «Quarto. Quia Charitas ostendit, quis et quantus sit homo.» 11. 21–4 cf Faber: «Quinto. Quia est vinculum perfectionis sicut nihil prosunt, inquit S. Chrysost. in cap. 3. ad Coloss, sed diffluuni partes navis, si desini tabulata, et contignationes, et ligamenta, quibus inter se devinciantur; ita nec virtutes caeterae aut virtutum opera, nisi in charitate fiant.«» 11. 25–8 cf Faber: «Sexto, quia maximam habet mercedem. Sic enim ait Apost. 1. Cor. 2. Oculuus non vidit, nec auris audivit, nec in cor hominis ascendit, quae praeparavit Deus diligentibus se.» Греси противу Духу Святому . Taken from Faber, Dominica 4 Post Pascha, No. 1 «Iniuriae in Spiritum Sanctum quadruplices», sect. 1 «Quidam resistunt Spiritui Sancto». 11. 1–4 cf Faber: «Quidam resistunt Spiritui S... Huiusmodi vero obices numerantur a D Thoma 2.2. q. 14. ar. 2. sex.» 11. 5–8 cf subsect. 1 «qui desperant»: «Resistunt ergo Spiritui S. Primo qui desperant de Dei misericordia.» II. 9–12 cf subsect. 2 «qui praesumunt de misericordia Dei»: «Secundo, qui praesumunt de Dei indulgentia. Hi enim cum ad sua peccata abutantur Dei misericordia, reddunt se ilia indignos.» 11. 13–16 cf subsect. 3 «impoenitentes»: «Tertio, inpoenitentes, qui dolere de peccatis et resurgere ad gratiam nolunt.» 11. 17–20 cf subsect. 4 «obstinati»: «Quarto, obstinati, qui monitis Spiritus S. Ecclesiae et pastorum eius, nec non parentum aliorum que superiorum aures occludunt.» 11. 21–4 cf subsect. 5 «qui impugnant agnitam veritatem»: «Quinto, qui impugnant veritatem sibi perspectam. Quid enim hoc est aliud, quam lucem meridianam excludere et velle in tenebris errare?» 11. 25–8 cf subsect. 6 «qui fraternae gratiae invident»: «Sexto, qui fraternae gratiae invident. Hi enim ligare volunt manus Spiritus S. datori bonorum omnium, ne in alios sit liberalis.»

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7:1), where his life had been threatened recently (10:31, 39; 11:8). But now Jesus goes to Judea (11:7) at the Father " s bidding, providing a model for disciples to walk in the light (11:9–10). The cost of such obedience may be death (11:8), for followers as well as for Jesus (11:16). Not stumbling because one walked in daylight (11:9) was natural wisdom (cf. 9:4; 12:35; 1 John 2:10 ); 7581 but the metaphor would also be transparent. Thus the scribes of the Qumran community claimed that the children of righteousness, ruled by the hand of the Prince of Lights, walk in the ways of light, whereas those ruled by the hand of the Angel of Darkness walk in the ways of darkness (1QS 3.20–21). 7582 Another early Jewish writer could warn that passions blind onés soul, so that one moves in the day as if it were night (ν ημρα ς ν νυκτ πορεεται, T. Jud. 18:6). 7583 Jesus» metaphor in 11:10, that the light is not «in him,» refers to spiritual light, but may play on an image borrowed from some ancient views of science, that light resided in the eye. 7584 The «light of this world» here is metaphorical (cf. 9:4), but throughout the Gospel refers to Jesus and his mission (1:9; 3:19; 8:12; 9:5; 12:46); perhaps it applies in Jesus» case to light from the Father (cf. 1 John 1:5 ). Lazarus was the «friend» of Jesus and the disciples (11:11), and therefore it was appropriate to die for him (15:13–15). That Jesus speaks of Lazarus being asleep (11:11) need not have confused the disciples. «Sleep» usually meant literal sleep, 7585 but the sleep of death was a common usage in the LXX, 7586 Jewish tomb inscriptions in Greek 7587 and Latin, 7588 and literature, both Jewish 7589 and Gentile. 7590 Indeed, because of their resemblance, 7591 Sleep and Death were twin brothers in pagan myth (e.g., Homer Il. 14.231; Statius Thebaid 5.197–199). Yet often in literature recounting accurate revelations or prophecies, mortals could interpret a revelation too figuratively or vice versa; 7592 this is the case with Jesus» words elsewhere in the gospel tradition (e.g., Mark 8:15–18 ) and regularly in John (e.g., 3:4; 6:52).

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John Anthony McGuckin Incense JEFFREY B. PETTIS The word incense comes from the Latin incendere, “to burn.” According to Exodus 37.29 incense (Hebrew, qtrt; Greek, thymiama) consists of sweet spices made by an apothecary or skilled perfumer. In ancient Judaism the main ingredient for incense was frankincense or olibanum, a whitish resin from southern Arabia (see Pliny, Natural History xii.14; Jer. 11.20 ; Isa. 60.6). Other ingredients might include a combination of gum resins includ­ing stacte, onycha, and galbanum ( Ex. 30.34–35 ). Although burning incense was seen as a domestic luxury in ancient Israel, and sold by specialist perfume merchants (Song of Songs 3.6; 4.6, 14), incense had a particular liturgical use in the Temple as an offering to atone for the people’s sins and propitiate the wrath of God ( Num. 26.46–48 ; cf. Lev. 16.12–13 ; cf. Ps. 141 ). In this sense it was distinguished as being sacred and “holy for the Lord” ( Ex. 30.37 ). Incense was burned in portable censers in the Tent of Meeting ( Lev. 10.1; 16.12 ) and later the altar before the Holy of Holies in the Temple was used ( Ex. 40.26; 1 Kings 7.48). Only the High Priest burned incense, in the morning and in the evening ( Ex. 30.7–8 ). The scripture recounts the improper making and use of incense (referred to as “strange fire”) as exacting the divine wrath ( Num. 10.1–2 ). In the New Testament references to incense are predominantly connected with prayer and the concept of prayer arising like incense (see Psalm 141.2 , which is used in the Orthodox Vesperal service at the time of the incensing of the church). Zechariah enters the Temple of the Lord “praying in the sixth hour of the incense offering [thumiamatos]” (Luke 1.9–10). The use of incense in the funeral procession of St. Peter of Alexandria in 311 represents one of the earliest attesta­tions in Christian liturgical practice. Earlier Greek Christian writers tended to frown upon it because of its associations with the veneration of the pagan gods (Tertullian, Apologeticus 42; cf. 30; Athenagoras, Suppli­cation for the Christians 42). Its use in the West is attested only after the 9th century. In the Eastern Church the incensing of the altar, church, people, etc. is recorded in the 5th century by Dionysius the Pseudo- Areopagite. He explains how it symbolizes prayer and occurs as an invariable accom­paniment to Orthodox services. The priestly prayer of blessing which precedes every burning of incense in church reads: “Incense we offer to Thee, O Christ our God, do Thou receive it on Thy heavenly throne, and send down on us in return the grace of Thy all-holy Spirit.” The prayer of incensing in the Presanctified liturgy also expresses the similar thought from Psalm 141 : “Let my prayer be directed to Thee as Incense before Thy presence.”

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25 3 Kgd 19:9 ff. 26 Probably an echo of both the chariot in which Elijah ascends into heaven in 4 Kgd 2:11, and of the chariot of the soul in Plato’s Phaedrus (246A-C). 27 Cf. 4 Kgd 2:1ff. 28 Probably commenting on 4 Kgd 1:9–12, but alluding also to 4 Kgd 6:15–17. 29 Cf. 1 Kgd 1:9–20. 30 Cf. Lev. 14:33–42 . 31 Cf. 3 Kgd 17:8–24. 32 Cf. Matt. 17:1–8, Mark 9:2–8 , Luke 9:28–36. 33 Cf. Isa. 53:2. 34 Cf. Psa. 44:3. 35 Cf. John 1:1 . 36 Apophasis: Maximus introduces here the technical terms of apophatic and cataphatic theology. 37 Cf. John 1:14 . 38 This section develops the theme just introduced in the dual interpretation of the radiant garments of the Transfigured Christ as both Scriptures and creation. 39 The Evagrian triad of ascetic struggle (praktike), natural contemplation (physike), and theology was related by Origen to a very similar classification of the categories of philosophy in the prologue to his Commentary on the Song of Songs: see Louth (1981), 57–8. 40 Cf. Denys the Areopagite, Ep. 9.1 (1105D). 41 Literally: in a Greek way. It is in contrast with the later ‘in a Jewish way’: cf. St Paul’s contrast between Greeks/Gentiles and Jews, especially in Rom. 1–3 . 42 Cf. Phil. 3.19 . 43 A metaphor for the Incarnation used by Gregory Nazianzen in Sermon 38.2 (PG 36:313B). Maximus devotes a Difficulty to Gregory’s use of the term (suspected of Origenism?): Amb. 33:1285C-1288A, where the Word’s expressing itself in letters and words is one of the interpretations offered of the metaphor. 44 Cf. Gen. 39:11–12 . 45 This is an important section in which Maximus reworks a fundamental Evagrian theme. For Evagrius, the five modes of contemplation are: 1. contemplation of the adorable and holy Trinity, 2. and 3. contemplation of incorporeal and incorporeal beings, 4. and 5. contemplation of judgment and providence (Centuries on Spiritual Knowledge I.27, in Guillaumont 1958 ). Maximus’ understanding is quite different. See Thunberg (1965), 69–75 and Gersh (1978), 226–7. 46 I do not know where Maximus gets these five secret meanings (or hidden logoi) from. They recall Plato’s ‘five greatest kinds’ (being, rest, motion, sameness and difference: see Sophist 254D-255C), but are evidently not the same.

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2819 Goppelt, Theology, 1:45. 2820 Ovid Metam. 14.136–144; cf. Aulus Gellius 2.16.10. A more helpful Hellenistic notion would be «immortality» (cf. 1Cor 15:53–54 ), though to some Greeks it would connote apotheosis. 2821 See above, pp. 178–79, 292–93. 2822 Dodd, Interpretation, 14,151; cf. true being in Plato Rep. 6.490AB. 2823 Schedl, History, 1:293; cf. Hos 6:2–3 . 2824 Buchanan, Consequences, 131–34; for Qumran, cf. Schütz, «Knowledge,» 397; and life for a thousand generations in 4Q171 1–2 3.1. 2825         Isis 1, Mor. 351E. 2826 Dodd, Interpretation, 144–50. 2827 Pss. So1. 3:12, using the full expression; cf. 13:11. 2828 M. " Abot 2:7, attributed to Hillel; b. Ber. 28b; Lev. Rab. 13:2; CIJ 1:422, §569 (Hebrew funerary inscription from Italy); 1:474, §661 (sixth-century Hebrew inscription from Spain); 2:443, §1536 (Semitic letters, from Egypt); cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:168–70; Philo Flight 77. The usage in 1 En. 10(cf. 15:6; 25:6) and Jub. 5(cf. 30:20) is more restrictive, perhaps figurative; the Similtudes, however, seem to follow the ordinary usage (37:4; 58:3,6), and the circles from which 1 En. and Jub. derive probably used «long duration» language to represent eternity as well (CD 7.5–6; cf. Sir 18:10 ); for «eternal life» in the DSS, see also 4Q181 (Vermes, Scrolls, 251–52); Coetzee, «Life,» 48–66; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. «Eternal» occurs with other nouns (e.g., Wis 10:14; 1QS 2.3) far more rarely. 2829 Tob 12:9–10; Ladd, Theology, 255, also cites Pss. So1. 14:7; 2Macc 7:9–14; 4 Ezra 7:137; 14:22); see Manson, Paul and John, 112 n. 1. 2830         Sipre Deut. 305.3.2,3. 2831 4 Macc 17:18, using a cognate of βος rather than of ζω. Cf. T. Ab. 20:14A. 2832 Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 159; Bultmann, Theology, 2:159; Ladd, Theology, 255–56. See, e.g., Mark 10:17, 30 ; Matt 25:46; Acts 13:46, 48; Rom 2:7; 5:21; 6:22–23 ; Gal 6:8 ; 1Tim 1:16; 6:12 ; Tit 1:2; 3:7 ; Jude 21. 2833 See Filson, «Life,» 114; Simon, «Life.» 2834 Dodd, Studies, 149. 2835 Marcus Aurelius 4.2; Epictetus frg. 3 (LCL 2:442–43; but cf. frg. 4).

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4832         Sipre Deut. 45.1.2; " Abot R. Nat. 16A; b. B. Bat. 16a; Ber. 5a; Qidd. 30b, bar.; Sukkah 52b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2; Lev. Rab. 35:5; Pesiq. Rab. 41:4; cf. 2Macc 2:23; T. Ash. 3:2; Aristotle Po1. 3.11.4, 1287a. 4836 Often noted, e.g., Sylvia Mary, Mysticism, 64; White, Initiation, 70 (though White, p. 252, sees Hellenistic background in John 3:3 ); Watkins, John, 74; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 82 (citing b. Yebam. 22a; 48b; 62a; 97b; Bek. 47a). Lightfoot, Talmud, 3:265, noted this in regard to John 3in the seventeenth century. 4840 In practice, freed slaves converted to Judaism were forbidden lest they view Judaism as less than holy (Cohen, Law, 148–49). Moreover, the emphasis on embracing proselytes fully (Kern-Ulmer, «Bewertung»; Bamberger, Proselytism, 145–61; McKnight, «Proselytism,» 840–41) may not have always translated into practice (cf., e.g., m. Hor. 3:8; Sipre Deut. 253.2.2; Bamberger, Proselytism, 161–69; McKnight, «Proselytism,» 841–42; Keener, Spirit, 146–47; 4Q279 frg. 1, line 6). 4841 Cf., e.g., Jeremias, Jerusalem, 324. Further on legal status, see Hoenig, «Conversion,» 54–55. 4842 Gaius Inst. 1.59; this remained true even after the adoptive tie was broken. Cf. also blood siblings in Mbiti, Religions, 276. 4843 Gaius Inst. 1.127–128. Cf. the loss of agnatic ties by change of status in 1.161; the invalidation of a will through status change in 2.147. 4846 Sallust Speech of Gaius Cotta 3; cf. Cicero Att. 6.6.4. Accepting citizenship in one place terminated it elsewhere (Cornelius Nepos 25 [Atticus], 3.1). 4849 L.A.B. 20:2; 27:10. For Philo, ascending to the pure realm of spirit as Moses did could produce a «second birth» (QE 2.46). 4850         Jos. Asen. 8:9/8:10–11. Some also think the prayer for the regeneration of catechumens in Apos. Con. 8.6.6 reflects an earlier Jewish prayer, but this is unclear. 4854 n Abraham: Gen. Rab. 44:12; 48:6; Exod. Rab. 38:6; cf. Apoc. Ab. 20:2–5. Abraham " s exaltation appears in earlier sources without reference to this motif (e.g., T. Ab. 9:6–15A; 8:2–12:15B; cf. T. Mos. 10:8–9), which may reflect broader Hellenistic currents about exalted deities (cf. also Eph 1:21–22 ).

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