| Oxf.; N. Y., 2002. P. 495-566; Breeze A. C. St. Cuthbert, Bede, and the Niduari of Pictland//Northern History. 2003. Vol. 40. P. 365-368; Clancy T. O. Magpie Hagiography in 12th-Cent. Scotland: The Case of «Libellus de nativitate sancti Cuthberti»//Celtic Hagiography and Saints " Cults/Ed. J. Cartwright. Cardiff, 2003. P. 216-231; Kitzinger E. The Coffin-Reliquary of St. Cuthbert// Idem. Studies in Late Antique, Byzantine and Medieval Western Art. L., 2003. Vol. 2. P. 672-800; Gneuss H., Lapidge M. The Earliest Manuscript of Bede " s Metrical Vita S. Cudbercti//Anglo-Saxon England. 2003. Vol. 32. P. 43-54; Rollason D. Northumbria, 500-1100: Creation and Destruction of a Kingdom. Camb., 2003; idem. St. Cuthbert//RGA. 2004. Bd. 26. S. 111-119; idem., Dobson R. B. Cuthbert [St. Cuthbert] (c. 635-687)//ODNB. 2004. Vol. 14. P. 829-834; Crumplin S. Modernizing St. Cuthbert: Reginald of Durham " s Miracles Collection//Signs, Wonders, Miracles: Representations of Divine Power in the Life of the Church. Woodbridge, 2005. P. 179-191; eadem. Cuthbert the Cross-border Saint in the 12th Cent.//Saints " Cults in the Celtic World. Woodbridge, 2009. P. 119-129; Gretsch M. Aelfric and the Cult of Saints in Late Anglo-Saxon England. Camb.; N. Y., 2005; Lomas R. A. St. Cuthbert and the Border, c. 1080 - c. 1300//North-East England in the Later Middle Ages. Woodbridge, 2005. P. 13-28; Keefer S. L. Every Picture Tells a Story: Cuthbert " s Vestments in the Benedictional of St Æthelwold//Leeds Studies in English. Leeds, 2006. Vol. 37. P. 111-134; Lapidge M. The Anglo-Saxon Library. Oxf., 2006; Liddy C. D. The Bishopric of Durham in the Late Middle Ages: Lordship, Community, and the Cult of St. Cuthbert. Woodbridge, 2008; Young J. D. The Appropriation of St. Cuthbert: Architecture, History-writing, and Ecclesiastical Politics in Durham, 1083-1250//Quidditas. Laramie, 2008. Vol. 29. P. 26-49; Bailey R. N. «In Medio Duorum Animalium»: Habakkuk, the Ruthwell Cross and Bede " s Life of St. Cuthbert//«Listen, o isles, unto me»: Studies in Medieval Word and Image in Honour of Jennifer O " Reilly. |
| 4. Saracen Domination Beginning in about 637 with the fall of Jerusalem, Saracen invaders spread inexorably throughout the Middle East, the Mediterranian, North Africa, and eastward to Central Asia. While many Greek-speaking refugees came to Sicily and Southern Italy during the seventh century, these areas were also subject to continual raids and occupations by Saracens from 652 until the Norman conquest of Sicily in the late eleventh century. Beginning in 827, Muslims from Spain and Morocco began the conquest of Sicily, which took almost 140 years, due to the strenuous resistance of the local Italo-Greeks. At the same time there were also especially severe Saracen invasions of Calabria, Puglia, and Campania in 839–840, after which the Saracens occupied much of these provinces. However, in 875 the Byzantines began the reconquest of Southern Italy, which was finally accomplished ten years later. There followed the complete political and ecclesiastical reorganization of the territory. From this time on the Saracens no longer occupied Southern Italy, but periodically engaged in numerous destructive raids, resulting in the slaughter of many Christian inhabitants or their capture and sale into slavery in North Africa. In Sicily, while Christianity did survive under the Saracens, and some churches continued to function within the limits of Islamic law, there was still a systematic campaign of humiliation and proselytism which, along with the instability caused by local wars and famines, led to a certain amount of Islamization. As the Saracens moved eastward in their conquest of the island, Orthodox Italo-Greek inhabitants, among them many monastic saints, moved as well, eventually settling in Calabria or further north, especially in the Mercurion and Latinianon (northern Calabria), while still others migrated to Greece or even further east. Saints from this period who moved to Calabria include St. Elias the Younger (†903), St. Elias the Speleot († ca. 960), St. Leo-Luke of Corleone († 10th c.), and the monastic family of Sts. Christopher, Kale, Sava and Macarius († 10th c.). Those who moved further north include St. Fantinus the Younger († ca. 1000), St. Nilus the Younger of Rossano (†1004), and St. Bartholomew the Younger († ca. 1054). Finally, those who moved further east — to Greece, Constantinople, Sinai, Mount Athos and other eastern Mediterranian areas — include St.Methodius, Patriarch of Contantinople (†847), St. Joseph the Hymnographer (†886), St. Athanasius of Methone († ca. 880), and St. Symeon of Syracuse (†1035). |
| Mundus Intelligibilis: Eine Untersuchung zur Aufnahme und Umwandlung der Neuplatonischen Ontologie bei Augustinus. Fr./M., 1937; Chevalier I.S. Augustin et la pensee grecque: Les relations trinitaires. Fribourg, 1940; Falkenhahn W. Augustins Illuminationslehre im Lichte der jungsten Forschungen. Koln, 1948; Cayre F. La contemplation Augustinienne. Paris, 1954; Anderson J.F. St. Augustine and Being: A metaphysical essay. La Haye, 1965; ArmstongA.H. Augustine and the Christian Platonism. Villanova, 1967; Wittmann L. Ascensus: Der Aufstieg zur Transzendenz in der Metaphysik Augustins. Munchen, 1980; Bubacz B. St. Augustine’s theory of knowledge. N.Y.; Toronto, 1981); антропологическим и этическим проблемам (например: Mausbach J. Die Ethik des heiligen Augustin. 2 Bde. Freiburg, 1929; Nygren G. Das Pradestinationsproblem in der Theologie Augustins. Lund, 1956; Stelzenberger J. Conscienda bei Augustinus. Paderbom, 1959; Berlinger R. Augustins dialogische Metaphysik. Fr./M., 1962; Mader J. Die logische Struktur des personalen Denkens: Aus der Methode der Gotteserkenntnis bei Aurelius Augustinus. Wien, 1965; MaxseinA. Philosophia cordis: Das Wesen der Personality bei Augustinus. Salzburg, 1966; Schmaus M. Die psychologische Trinitatslehre des hi. Augustin. Munster, 1927; O’Connell R.J. Soundings in St. Augustine’s Imagination. N. Y., 1994; idem. The Origin of the Soul in St. Augustine’s Later Works. N. Y., 1987; idem. Imagination and Metaphysics in St. Augustine. Marquette UP, 1986; idem. Art and Christian Intelligence in St. Augustine. Oxford, 1978; idem. St. Augustine’s Confessions: the Odyssey of Soul. Cambridge (Mass.), 1969; idem. St. Augustine’s Early Theory of Man: A. D. 386–391. Cambridge (Mass.), 1968; Stein W. Sapienda bei Augustinus. Bonn, 1968; Bohm S. La temporalite dans l’anthropologie augustinienne. Paris, 1984; и др.); эсхатологии (например: Deane Н.А. The political and social ideas of St. Augustine. N. Y.; L., 1963; Markus R. Saeculum: history and society in the theology of St. |
| Because of his poor health, Archbishop Lazar wished to see St Theodosius consecrated to the episcopate, seeing in the saint a worthy successor to himself. On September 11, 1692 the election of St Theodosius as Archbishop of Chernigov was confirmed, and he was consecrated in the Dormition cathdral of the Moscow Kremlin two days later. Little information regarding St Theodosius’s administration of the Chernigov diocese has been preserved. The saint worked incessantly to raise the level of true Christian piety in his flock. He also focused on maintaining old monasteries, and founding new communities. At the very beginning of his episcopate, the the Pecheniksk women’s monastery was established with his blessing, and he himself consecrated the monastery church in honor of the Dormition of the Most Holy Theotokos. In 1694, a skete was founded near Liubech. The same year, at the Domnitsky men’s monastery, the saint consecrated a temple in honor of the Nativity of the Most Holy Theotokos. In the summer of 1695, he consecrated a majestic temple in honor of the Most Holy Theotokos, on the summit of Boldino Hill, near the ancient monastery of St Elias. Under St Theodosius there was a special enthusiasm for and strengthening of monasticism in the Chernigov diocese. The saint also devoted much attention to the clergy, and he tried to choose worthy candidates for the priesthood. He also encouraged the pastoral education of the Chernigov clergy. He invited learned monks from Kiev, among whom was St John (Maximovitch), the future Metropolitan of Tobolsk (June 10), and also a helper and successor of St Theodosius in organizing the Chernigov clergy school. Strict uprightness in regard to clergy and flock, deep compassion, concern and Christian love of peace were distinguishing features in the activity of St Theodosius. Not only did the Orthodox turn to him for help and advice, but even persons of other confessions. St Theodosius did not remain with his Chernigov flock very long. Sensing the approach of death, he summoned the administrator of the Briansk Svensk monastery, St John (Maximovitch), and appointed him Archimandrite of the Chernigov Elets monastery. |
| Upon receiving his education, the future hierarch received monastic tonsure at the Kiev Caves Lavra with the name Theodosius, in honor of St Theodosius of the Caves (May 3). Metropolitan Dionysius (Balaban) of Kiev made him archdeacon of Kiev’s cathedral of Holy Wisdom (Hagia Sophia) , and then appointed him steward of the episcopal household. Soon he left Kiev and went to the distant Krupitsky monastery near Baturino (in the Chernigov diocese), which was famed for its strict monastic life. There he was ordained to the holy priesthood, but remained there only a short time. In 1662, St Theodosius was appointed Igumen of the Korsun monastery in Kiev diocese, and in the year 1664 he was made head of the ancient Kiev-Vydubitsky monastery. This monastery had fallen into the hands of the Uniates and Poles at the beginning of the seventeenth century and was in complete ruin. Thanks to the energy and initiative of St Theodosius, the Vydubitsky Mikhailovsk monastery was quickly restored. He was particularly concerned with the order of church services. He formed an excellent choir, which was famed not only in Little Russia, but also in Moscow. St Theodosius sent his singers to Moscow in 1685 to instruct their choirs in Kievan chant. As a strict ascetic himself, St Theodosius was concerned with the spiritual growth of his monks. He founded a small skete on the island of Mikhailovschina, not far from the monastery, for brethren wishing to live in solitude. He appointed the hieromonk Job (Opalinsky), one of the most zealous monks of his monastery, to organize and administer the skete. St Theodosius had to live through some quite difficult days, enduring many sorrows. He and other Igumens were accused by Bishop Methodius of Mstislav and Orshansk of betraying Russia in a supposed correspondence with the enemies of Russia. On September 20, 1668 St Theodosius explained the matter. On November 17, 1668 the lie was exposed, and St Theodosius together with the other Igumens were vindicated. Archbishop Lazar (Baranovich) esteemed the high spiritual qualities of St Theodosius and befriended him. He called him “a sheep of the flock of Christ, teaching by humility,” and he prophetically expressed the wish that the name of St Theodosius might be inscribed in Heaven. |
| The following excerpt is from the book Atlas of American Orthodox Christian Monasteries , by Alexei Krindatch and is now available through Holy Cross Bookstore . St. Michael Skete on Spruce Island and St. Nilus Skete on St. Nilus Island Compared to the nuns on St. Nilus Island, the monks at St. Michael Skete are somewhat more exposed to the outside world. In the last decade several Orthodox families (one with six children) have bought land and built their houses nearby, thus becoming regular attendees of worship services at the monastery. In many ways St. Michael Skete serves today as a “connecting point” for this small local Orthodox community. Each of three monks at St. Michael Skete brings unique skills and experience into the life of their small brotherhood. In his past secular life, Fr. Andrew, the skete superior, spent significant time doing various construction, landscaping, and gardening works. Once a devoted surfer, he found it easy to become a fisherman and good skipper of the monastery’s small motorboat. He also likes to joke that “surfers make good monastics, because they are wellbalanced persons.” Fr. Adrian, the senior monk at the skete, has degrees in economics and photography. Before becoming a monk, for a time he lived outside the United States while working for IBM in London and teaching English in Japan. Fr. Lawrence, the junior member of brotherhood (he joined St. Michael about three years ago), served several years in the navy, where he learned land surveying before eventually earning a degree in engineering. Being Orthodox monastics does not mean that the monks and nuns at St. Michael and St. Nilus separate themselves from the local wider non-Orthodox community. This is, after all, Alaska—the place where neighbors must be able to rely on each other’s help and support. When word got out that a summer gale had destroyed the nuns’ newly planted garden, a surprise work party of Kodiak locals arrived on the nuns’ beach, with new seedlings in hand, as well as materials for additional garden beds. |
| St. Justin saw humanism as evil, pure evil and totally opposite to God, the Gospel and the Church. The source of this humanism and its entrance and increased influence in society has its roots in the papacy and the “infallibility” of the pope, according to St. Justin. St. Justin sees the pope as the model of the anti-Christian theory of “the ubermensch”. The fall of the pope, as well as the fall of Adam and Judas, the saint sees as the three biggest falls of mankind. St. Justin sees “papism” and its earthly and human power as the pan-heresy of humanism, as the putting of man before the God-man in the center, instead ending up where man is the measure of all things, and no longer God. St. Justin also sees the pope as the father of Protestantism, which he sees as the final stage of “papism”: “each [Protestant] believer – a self-appointed and separate pope” 15 (This is why the term “papism” also for St. Justin includes Protestants, who according to St. Justin all consider themselves as popes.) By this he is referring to the fact that the pope is (in his understanding) held infallible in questions of faith according to how he understands the Roman Catholic teaching, while every human is infallible in understanding the bible in Protestantism, according to St. understanding of these confessions. Both of these he sees as man-worship, humanolatry, scholastic and rationalistic bacchanalias. “Hence so many sects [Protestants]: it is actually all one, having been fathered by the pope, by his humanolatry and by his man-godhood. In opposition to: the God-man.” 16 European humanism is essentially anti-human and equal to “papism”, according to St. Justin. Humanists have one soul: “a papistic-protestant soul” 17 . He calls the humanistic society of Europe the “mount Olympus of the Roman-Protestant Europe; Zeus=the Pope” 18 . Through humanism, the European man degenerates himself into a homunculus, a non-man. For St. Justin, at the heart of humanism lies rationalism, which he also sees at the heart of scholasticism: “For scholasticism and rationalism gauge everything ‘according to man’, by man; but man is incomparably more extensive than all this, in the same proportion as the God-man is more extensive than man” 19 |
| In the Late Antiquity, Apollonia, also called Sozopolis lost some of its regional center positions to Anchialos, and the nearby Roman colony Deultum (Colonia Flavia Pacis Deultensium). After the division of the Roman Empire into a Western Roman Empire and Eastern Roman Empire (today known as Byzantium) in 395 AD, Apollonia/Sozopolis became part of the latter. Its Late Antiquity fortress walls were built during the reign of Byzantine Emperor Anastasius (r. 491-518 AD), and the city became a major fortress on the Via Pontica road along the Black Sea coast protecting the European hinterland of Constantinople. In 812 AD, Sozopol was first conquered for Bulgaria by Khan (or Kanas) Krum, ruler of the First Bulgarian Empire (632/680-1018 AD) in 803-814 AD. In the following centuries of medieval wars between the Bulgarian Empire and the Byzantine Empire, Sozopol changed hands numerous times. The last time it was conquered by the Second Bulgarian Empire (1185-1396 AD) was during the reign of Bulgarian Tsar Todor (Teodor) Svetoslav Terter (r. 1300-1322 AD). However, in 1366 AD, during the reign of Bulgarian Tsar Ivan Alexander (r. 1331-1371 AD), Sozopol was conquered by Amadeus IV, Count of Savoy from 1343 to 1383 AD, who sold it to Byzantium. During the period of the invasion of the Ottoman Turks at the end of the 14th century and the beginning of the 15th century AD, Sozopol was one of the last free cities in Southeast Europe. It was conquered by the Ottomans in the spring of 1453 AD, two months before the conquest of Constantinople despite the help of naval forces from Venice and Genoa. In the Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Sozopol was a major center of (Early) Christianity with a number of large monasteries such as the St. John the Baptist Monastery on St. Ivan Island off the Sozopol coast where in 2010 Bulgarian archaeologist Prof. Kazimir Popkonstantinov made a major discovery by finding relics of St. John the Baptist; the St. Apostles Monastery; the St. Nikolay (St. Nikolaos or St. Nicholas) the Wonderworker Monastery; the Sts. Quriaqos and Julietta Monastery on the St. Cyricus (St. Kirik) Island, the Holy Mother of God Monastery, the St. Anastasia Monastery. |
| The characteristics of a distinctly »Philokalic» spirituality are now beginning to emerge. There are three other features that call for special mention: 3.1. The Evagrian -Maximian Tradition Although the works included in the Philokalia reflect a variety of viewpoints, the predominant influence is that of Evagrios and St Maximos. There is nothing from the Apophthegmata, from the Greek version of St Ephrem, from St Gregory of Nyssa, St Dionysios the Areopagite, St Varsanuphios or St Dorotheos. There is, it is true, a relatively long section of Makarian material, in the version of Symeon Metaphrastis. But it is the Evagrian terminology and classification that prevails, and this is apparent particularly in the texts from St Maximos the Confessor, which occupy a central place in the Philokalia. 3.2. Palamism How far is it legitimate to regard the Philokalia as a work reflecting, not only the Evagrian-Maximian approach to the spiritual life, but more specifically the theology of St Gregory Palamas? Any answer requires to be carefully qualified. The Kollyvades were definitely upholders of Palamism, and St Nikodimos himself prepared an edition, never in fact published, of Palamas» collected works in three volumes (the Greek press in Vienna, to which St Nikodimos had sent the manuscript of this, was closed by the Austrian authorities in 1798, following the arrest of Rhigas Velestinlis; a small part of the manuscript was saved, but most of it was destroyed by the Austrian police, or otherwise dispersed and lost) 20 . On the other hand, fourteenth century Hesychast writings occupy no more than a quarter of the Philokalia; moreover, the Hesychast texts included by the editors are for the most part pastoral and non-polemical, and there is relatively little that alludes explicitly to the technical Palamite teaching concerning the divine light and the distinction between the essence and the uncreated energies of God. In a broader sense, however, the Philokalia is certainly a work conceived and executed in a Palamite spirit. |
| 1953. T. 11. P. 175-186; idem. Un problème d " anthropologie et de christologie chez St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie//RechSR. 1955. T. 43. P. 361-378; idem. St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie et le schèma de l " incarnation Verbe-chair//Ibid. 1956. T. 44. P. 234-242; idem. «Impassibilité» du Logos et «Impassibilité» de l " âme humaine chez St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie//Ibid. 1957. T. 45. P. 209-224; idem. St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie aux prises avec la communication des idiomes avant 428 dans les ouvrages antiariens//StPatr. 1962. Vol. 6. P. 112-121; idem. La date des écrits antiariens de St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie//RBen. 1977. Vol. 87. P. 172-178; Kyrilliana: Études variées à l " occasion du XVe centenaire de St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie (444-1944). Le Caire, 1947; Monsegú B., de. La teologia del Espiritu Santo según S. Cirilo de Alejandria//Revista Española de Teologia. Madrid, 1947. Vol. 7. P. 161-220; Munier H. Le lieu de la naissance de St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie//Kyrilliana. 1947. P. 197-201; Sagüés J. El Espiritu Santo en la sanctificación del hombre según la doctrina S. Cirilo de Alejandria//Estudios Ecclesiásticos. Madrid, 1947. Vol. 21. P. 35-83; Devreesse R. Essai sur Théodore de Mopsueste. Vat., 1948. P. 153-161, 233-238. (ST; 141); Mercati G. Osservazioni a Proemi del Salterio di Origene, Ippolito, Eusebio, Cirillo Alessandrino e altri, con frammenti inediti. R., 1948. (ST; 142); Charlier N. Le «Thesaurus de Trinitate» de St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie: Questions de critique littéraire//RHE. 1950. Vol. 45. P. 25-81; idem. La doctrine sur le Saint-Esprit dans le «Thesaurus» de St. Cyrille d " Alexandrie//StPatr. 1957. Vol. 2. P. 187-193; Haring N. M. The Character and Range of Influence of St. Cyril of Alexandria on Latin Theology (430-1260)//Mediaeval Studies. Toronto, 1950. Vol. 12. P. 1-19; Bonsirven J. Pour une intelligence plus profonde de saint Jean//RechSR. 1951. T. 39. P. 176-196; Camelot P.-Th. De Nestorius à Eutychés: L " opposition des deux Christologies//Das Konzil von Chalkedon. |
|
|
