| 8312 A Greek proverb also regarded a friend as a second self (Diodorus Siculus 17.37.6; cf. Cicero Fam. 13.1.5; Fin. 1.20.70; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.63). Bultmann, Word, 115–16, following Kierkegaard, emphasizes that such love ultimately overpowers self-love. 8313 Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 75. John consolidates love for God and neighbor in 15:10–17 (see Grayston, Epistles, 67). 8314 Hoskyns, Gospel, 451. Segovia, Relationships, 124–25, rightly notes that love is christo-logically conditioned in 13:34–35 and 15:1–17, but probably reads too much into the situation when he finds antidocetic polemic here. 8316 E.g., Aeschines False Embassy 75; Lysias Or. 2.61, §196; Theophrastus Char, proem 3; Cicero Sesf. 48.102; 68.143; see also examples in our introduction concerning the moral functions of biographical genre; Kurz, «Models,» 176–85 on narrative models in antiquity (especially history and biography, pp. 177–83). 8318 Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 76–77, citing texts about «walking» in God " s «ways» ( Deut 8:6; 10:12; 11:22; 19:9; 26:17; 28:9; 30:16 ). For the imitation of God, see further Cicero Tusc. 5.25.70; Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Epictetus Diatr. 2.14.12–13; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Plutarch Borr. 7, Mor. 830B; Let. Aris. 188, 190, 192, 208–210, 254, 281; Philo Creation 139; Eph 5:1 ; T. Ash. 4:3; Met Sir. 3.43–44; Sipra Qed. par. 1.195.1.3; Sent. Sext. 44–45; Keener, Matthew, 205; Rutenber, «Imitation,» chs. 2–3. 8319 E.g., tradition attributed to R. Akiba (e.g., Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.7; Gen. Rab. 24:7); cf. the emphasis on love of neighbor in m. 1:12, attributed to Hillel; Jub. 36:4,8. 8320 E.g., among the great diversity of views among early Jewish teachers, many felt that honoring parents was the greatest commandment (Let. Aris. 228; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Ps.-Phoc. 8; Moore, Judaism, 2:132); by contrast, early Christians were more united around a single primary teacher and his views. See Keener, Matthew, 530–31; cf. 248–49. 8322 Cf 4 Ezra 3:7: God gave Adam one commandment, through the violation of which Adam incurred death. |
| 24 The biography of Gregory Palamas is known to us primarily through an Encomion composed by his friend and disciple, Philotheos Kokkinos, Patriarch of Constantinople, text in Migne, PG 151, cols. 551–656. For a complete account, see J. Meyendorff, A Study of Gregory Palamas (London and New York: Faith Press and St. Vladimir " s Seminary Press, 2nd ed., 1974), pp. 28113. 25 On this episode, the most recent study is A. Philippidis-Brat, «La captivité de Palamas chez les Turcs: dossier et commentaire», Travaux et mémoires, Centre de recherche d " histoire et civilisation byzantines 7 (Paris, 1979), pp. 109–221. 26 Cf. an attempt to date the death of Palamas as early as 1357 in H. V. Beyer, «Eine Chronologie der Lebensgeschichte des Nikophoros Gregoras», Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 27 (Band, Wien, 1978) pp. 150–153. However, the argument for 1359 based on the very precise data given by the Encomion of Philotheos (Palamas died at 63 after twelve and a half years as bishop) carries more weight. 27 Ed. J. Meyendorff, Grégoire Palamas. Défense des saints hesychastes. Introduction, Texte critique, traduction et notes (Louvain, 2nd ed., 1973), I, pp. I-L; cf. also the series of my earlier studies reprinted in Byzantine Hesychasm: Historical, Theological and Social Problems (London: Variorum Reprints, 1974) and an updated chronology in R. E. Sinkewicz «A new interpretation for the first episode in the controversy between Barlaam the Calabrian and Gregory Palamas,» The Journal of Theological Studies, xxxi, 2, 1980, 489–500. 28 The complete edition of the theological writings of Palamas is in the process of completion by P. Chrestou (cf. Palama Syngrammata, Thessaloniki, vol. 1, 1962; vol. 2, 1966; vol. 3, 1970). In references below, the title of this edition is abbrieviated as P.S. 29 There is abundant recent publication on this subject by authors adopting different and sometimes contradictory points of view; see, for example, I. P. Medvedev, Vizantiisky Gumanizm 14–15, 20 (Leningrad, 1976); G. Podskalsky, Theologie und |
| 1482 E.g., Virgil Aen. 6.585–594; earlier for Macedonians, Arrian Alex. 4.11.1–9; 4.12.1. Even Greeks regarded neglect of onés mortality as hubris (Sophocles Ajax 758–779). 1483 See P. Pet. 3.43 (2), co1. 3.11–12 (Ptolemies); Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 1.27–28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 32.26. Scholars regularly refer to this phenomenon (cf., e.g., Brown, «Kingship»; Jones, Chrysostom, 105; Ramsay, Luke, 139; Knox, Gentiles, 11; Conzelmann, Theology, 11; Lohse, Environment, 216–18); some parallels exist even between ancient Egyptian and Roman divine kingship (Ockinga, «Divinity»). 1484 Even early in his reign people had been calling him δεσπτης and θες (Dio Cassius 67.13.4), and Rome had long been sensitive concerning secret gatherings unsanctioned by the state, especially in Rome itself (Livy 39.15.11; 39.18.9). 1485 The early literature is colored by distaste for Domitians evil temperament and deeds (Pliny Ep. 9.13.2; Tacitus Hist. 4.86; Plutarch Mor. 522E; Suetonius Titus 9), but it may well have been earned. 1488 Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 7–8; Aulus Gellius 15.11.3–5; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.488; cf. Jones, Chrysostom, 45; Koester, Introduction, 1:316. 1489 See Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.17; Koester, Introduction, 1:316; Reicke, Era, 293–302; Ramsay, Churches, 91; Parkes, Conflict, 87. It is unclear whether by «Jewish ways» (LCL) and «atheism» Dio Cassius 67.14.1–2 includes Christians, but the policies described in Pliny " s correspondence with Trajan (Ep. 10.96–97; cf. Fishwick, «Pliny») were no doubt instituted under Domitian (Ramsay, Empire, 212–13, 259–61; pace Downing, «Prosecutions»). Pliny himself was usually more humane (cf. Bell, «Pliny»). 1490 Lohse, Environment, 83. Domitian apparently disliked Judaism (Suetonius Dom. 12; Ramsay, Church, 268, 355), despite its official exemption from emperor worship (Goppelt, Times, 107; Reicke, Era, 284–86). 1492 Klauck, «Sendschreiben,» attributes the persecution not to Domitian per se but to pagan urban society as a whole. Significantly, compromise with the world is a greater danger than persecution for most of the seven churches; see Talbert, Apocalypse, 25; Smith, «Apocalypse»; Giesen, «Ermutigung.» But three of the churches faced persecution; both problems are in view (Keener, Revelation, 37–39; Beale, Revelation, 28–33). |
| Cf. Meyendorff’s introduction to Palamas, Triads, pp.xv-xviii; Meyendorff, A Study of Gregory Palamas, pp.42-7; R.E. Sinkewicz, ‘The Doctrine of the Knowledge of God in the Early Writings of Barlaam the Calabrian’, Medieval Studies 44 (1982), pp. 181-242, esp. pp. 184-7, 228, 234-7. Greek text in PG 147:636-812; Ph., pp. 197-295; ET in Kadloubovsky and Palmer, Writings, pp.164-270. Cf. Apophthegmata, Evagrios 1 ( PG 65:173A): ‘When sitting in your cell, concentrate your thought; remember the day of your death and picture the corruption of the body [. . .]. " This is similar to what Nikiphoros says: ‘Seat yourself, then, and concentrate your intellect. ’ But what Evagrios has in view is meditation in the broader sense, while Nikiphoros intends his reader explicitly to invoke God in prayer. On stillness 2 ( PG 150:1316A; Ph., p.71); How the hesychast should sit 1 ( PG 150:1329A; Ph., p. 80). On stillness 2 ( PG 150:1316A; Ph., p.71); How the hesychast should sit 1 ( PG 150:1329A; Ph., p.80). Cf. André Guillaumont, ‘Les sens des noms du coeur dans l’antiquité " in Le coeur (Etudes Carmélitaines 29: Paris 1950), pp.41-81; idem, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité ii (1953), cols. 2281-8. Triads I, ii, 3, (p.81), quoting Macarius, Homily 15:20, Collection II (H), ed. H. Dörries, E. Klostermann and M. Kroeger (Berlin 1964), p.139. Triads I, ii, 7 (pp.87-9) (cf. n.38). Elsewhere, however, Palamas suggests that the crouching position in prayer may be used even by the ‘more perfect’ ( Letter 2 to Barlaam; P.K. Christou and J. Meyendorff, ed., Grigoriou tou Palamou Syngrammata, vol. i [Thessalonica 1962], p.288). Living Prayer (London 1966), p.88. But in his earlier writings he places much greater emphasis on the physical technique: see ‘Contemplation et ascèse: contribution orthodoxe’, in Technique et contemplation ( Études Carmélitaines 28, Paris 1949), pp.49-67; ‘L’hésychasme: Yoga chrétien?’, in Jacques Masui, ed., Yoga: science de l‘homme intégral (Paris 1953), pp. 177-95; Asceticism (Somatopsychic techniques) (The Guild of Pastoral Psychology, Guild Lecture 95) (London 1957). |
| 865 A disciple could start in boyhood (Eunapius Lives 461; cf. Acts 22:3; or schoolteachers, Plutarch Camillus 10.1; Watson, «Education,» 310–12). 866 Leon, Jews, 229, notes the preponderance of early deaths (before the age of ten) in the inscriptions, but also observes (230) that «epitaphs tended to record the age of those who died young.» Perhaps only 13 percent reached sixty (Dupont, Life, 233). 867 The elderly figure of Polycarp in Martyrdom of Polycarp may also be modeled after John, though one could also argue the reverse. 868 Bruce, Peter, 121–22, cites Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.31.3–4; 5.24.2, for the early tradition (from Polycrates of Ephesus and Proclus) concerning Philip s family and John. 869 It also dulled taste (Athenaeus Deipn. 9.404D). Aulus Gellius 15.7 thinks one safer if one survived to onés 64th birthday (though Themistocles died by suicide at 65!–Plutarch Themistocles 31.5). P. Bik. 2:1, §2, makes 60 an average age for death, 70 a blessing, and after 80 life becomes difficult; in p. Ber. 1:5, seventy is a long life; in Seneca Ep. Luci1. 77.20,99 is extremely old. 870 Valerius Maximus 8.7.1; Dupont, Life, 233–34. Plutarch Marcus Cato 15.4 quotes a wise saying Cato uttered at his trial at age 86; Cicero Brutus 20.80 recalls a powerful speech Cato delivered in the year of his death (which he places at 85). Musonius Rufus 17, p. 110.7, comments on someone doing well at age 90. 871 Diodorus Siculus 32.16.1, Valerius Maximus 8.13.ext.l, and Polybius 36.16.1–5, 11, on Masinissa of North Africa at 90. Agesilaus continued to rule competently at about 80 (Xenophon Agesilaus 2.28); though his body weakened, his soul remained strong (Agesilaus 11.14–15). Polybius reports an envoy aged 80 (though he died then; 30.21.1–2). 872 Valerius Maximus does, however, accept some ancient reports uncritically (ages 500 and 800 in 8.13.7). 873 Carson, Moo, and Morris, Introduction, 150; Leon Morris was in his 70s when he contributed to that introduction. 874 Even as an old man, he claims, his memory fails only when unprompted, but remains good if his memory is jogged by some cue (Seneca Controv. 9.pref.l). His son Seneca the Younger also exceeded expectations for old age (Nat 3.pref.l-2). For some aged Stoics, see Lucian Octogenarians (LCL 1:238–39). |
| 6380 " Abot R.Nat. 40 A. 6381 E.g., Hesiod Op. 719–721; Pindar Pyth. 2.76; Horace Sat. 1.4.81–82; Martial Epigr. 3.28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 37.32–33; Marcus Aurelius 6.30.2; Josephus Ant. 13.294–295; 16.81; War 1.77,443; Philo Abraham 20; Spec. Laws 4.59–60; Sib. Or. 1.178; T. Ab. 12:6–7 Β; 1QS 7.15–16; 4Q525 frg. 2, co1. 2.1; Sipre Deut. 1.8.2–3; 275.1.1; " Abot R. Nat. 9,40A; 16, §36 B; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:2; b. c Abod. Zar. 3b; c Arak. 15a; 16a; Pesah. 118a; Sanh. 103a; Ta c an. 7b; p. Péah 1:1; Tg. Ps.-Jon. on Gen 1:16 ; Tg. Neof. 1 on Lev 19:18 ; Tg. Qoh. on 10:11. 6382 The term παρρησα used here and in 7can also apply to boldness in witness (Acts 4:13,29, 31; 28:31; 2Cor 3:12 ; Eph 6:19 ). 6383 In general, see our introduction; on this passage, cf., e.g., Haenchen, John, 2:7–8. 6384 Brown, John, 1:307. 6385 Meeks, Prophet-King, 45–46, following Glasson. 6386 " Abot R. Nat. 38A; b. Pesah. 26a; cf. Matt 21:23; 24:1; Acts 2:46; more sources in Liefeld, «Preacher,» 191; Safrai, «Temple,» 905. Later tradition that apostates were unwelcome to bring offerings (Tg. Ps.-J. on Lev 1:2 ), however, may reflect the sort of antipathy some would feel if Jesus was «leading astray» the people (7:12). 6387 An uneducated peasant might be a more credible prophet on the popular level (Aune, Prophecy, 136, on Joshua ben Anania, Josephus War 6.301), but not for the elite (elites might even wrongly think someone unlearned on the basis of unkempt appearance; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.24.529). An honest commoner was of course better than a dishonest rhetor (Aeschines Timarchus 31); but because encomium biography often praised education, this deficiency would be viewed as unusual (Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 152–53, citing Menander Rhetor Treatise 2.371.17–372.2). Although some rhetoricians refused to speak extemporaneously (Plutarch Demosthenes 8.3–4; 9.3), extemporaneous speaking was common (see, e.g., Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric, 103), so this is not the basis for the crowd " s surprise. |
| 152 For Plutarch, see Lavery, " Lucullus»; honoring subjects could, but need not, produce distortion (Fornara, Nature of History, 64–65). Rhetorical conventions appeared in ancient biography, but more in rhetorical biographers such as Isocrates (see Burridge, «Biography»). Forensic speech, where a primary object was legal victory, was naturally another story (e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 8). 153 One might be thought biased when writing about close friends (Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.33.628), but Tacitus wrote freely of his father-in-law (Agricola; see below). One pupil reportedly did omit some of his teacher " s sayings, but because they were rhetorically inappropriate (Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.29.621). 154 Eunapius Lives 461 (on Iamblichus, who is supernatural in 459); Plutarch Marcus Cato 5.1, 5; 12.4; for writers» style, Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 1. One could also disagree with the dominant view of onés school (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 117.6). 155 See e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 108.17,20,22; 110.14,20; Musonius Rufus 1,36.6–7 (Pythagoras " s disciples differed, but this was considered noteworthy–Valerius Maximus 8.15.ext.l). Occasionally pupils could even turn against their teachers (Eunapius Lives 493), but in such a case they would no longer claim his authority for the source of their teaching. 156 Thus Xenophon, largely accurate in what he reports in the Hellenica, nevertheless proves biased by what he omits of Thebes " s greatness (Brownson, «Introduction,» ix-x), although he remains our «best authority» for the period (xi). 158 Aune, Environment, 62 (citing especially Isocrates Nic. 35; Demon. 34; Polybius 1.1.2; Livy 1.pref. 10–11; Plutarch Aemilius Paulus 1.1; Lucian Demonax 2). An interpretive framework and even nonhistoric genre need not obscure all historical data; e.g., Sib. Or. 5.1–50 recites recent history accurately from its authors conceptual standpoint (i.e., including legends he assumes to be historical), despite some confusion (cf. 5.460–463). |
| 483 See below; also Witherington, Christology, 8, 17–19, critiquing Kelber. Lampe and Luz, «Overview,» 404, provide one humorous example of an oral tradition transmitted probably accurately for over 140 years in the modern academy. 484 E.g., Pausanias 1.23.2; cf. also Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xc-xci. Some claim such centuries-long accuracy for rabbinic tradition (Hilton and Marshall, Gospels and Judaism, 15). While I suspect many customs and story lines were thus preserved, attributions might be more difficult. 485 Eunapius Lives 453 (writing it down fixed it and prevented further changes). Even first-century writers recognized that centuries of oral transmission could produce variations in ancient documents (Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.12). 486 Cf. Seneca Ep. Luci1. 108.6; also Stowers, «Diatribe,» 74, on Arrian " s notes on Epictetus; Lutz, «Musonius,» 7,10, on notes from Musonius " s pupils. Cf. the brief discussion of Plutarch " s notebooks in the Loeb introduction to Stoic Contradictions (LCL 13:369–603, pp. 398–99). 488 Loeb introduction to Epictetus, xii-xiii. Even in the Enchiridion, where Arrian organizes and summarizes his master " s teaching, Epictetus " s character dominates. 490 Quintilian 1.pref.7–8 (LCL 1:8–9). Other teachers also had problems with people pirating their books and publishing them before they could nuance them properly (Diodorus Siculus 40.8.1). 491 Gempf, «Speaking,» 299, citing especially Quintilian 11.2.2. Cf. also the less formal school setting of declamations (Seneca Suasoriae 3.2). 493 Gerhardsson, Memory, 160–62; cf. Safrai, «Education,» 966. Orality and literacy coexisted in Mediterranean school settings; see Gamble, «Literacy,» 646. 495 Cf. this practice alleged even among the far more secretive Pythagoreans (Iamblichus V.P. 23.104), whose initial reticence seems unusual (32.226). 496 Some early second-century fathers even preferred oral tradition, though cf. the preference in Eunapius Lives 459–460 for written sources when an event seemed incredible. |
| 3986 Cf. Gen 26:24 ; Exod 32:13; Deut 9:27 ; Ps 105:6 ; 2Macc 1:2; Jub. 31:25; 45:3; T. Ab. 9:4A; 2 Bar. 4:4; " Abot R. Nat. 43, §121 B. 3987 Lev 25:42, 55 ; Deut 32:43 ; Isa 41:8–9; 42:1,19; 43:10; 44:1–2,21; 45:4; 48:20; 49:3; Jer 30:10; 46:27–28 ; Ezek 28:25; 37:25; 2 Bar. 44:4; t. B. Qam. 7:5; " Abot R. Nat. 43, §121 B; Gen. Rab. 96 NV; p. Qidd. 1:2, §24; cf. Tob 4MSS. 3988 Inscription in Grant, Religion, 122; Martin, Slavery, xiv-xvi (citing Sophocles Oed. tyr. 410; Plato Phaedo 85B; Apuleius Metam. 11.15; inscriptions), 46,49 (against, e.g., Beare, Philippians, 50); cf. Rom 1 (cf. Minear, Images, 156). Slaves of rulers exercised high status (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.19; 4.7.23; inscriptions in Sherk, Empire, 89–90; Deissmann, Light, 325ff., passim; P.Oxy. 3312.99–100 in Horsley, Documents, 3:7–9; Suetonius Gramm. 21 [in Dixon, Mother, 19]; cf. Chariton 5.2.2). 3989 E.g., Anderson, Mark, 72–73; Taylor, Mark, 157. 3990 Kraeling, John, 53–54 points to «the thong of whose sandals I am not fit to loose» as the most primitive form (enumerating variations therefrom on p. 198 n. 13). Matthew " s form probably reflects his penchant for abridgement (Moulton and Milligan, Vocabulary, 106; Manson, Sayings, 40, instead suggests «a single Aramaic verb» behind both). 3991 Daube, Judaism, 266, citing Mek. on Exod 21:2; Sipre Num 15:41; b. Qidd. 22b; see also Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Šelah §115 and comparing Sipre Zuta 190). 3992 On Mark " s editorial subordination of the Baptist, see Trocmé, Formation, 55 (although Mark " s condensation of Q material attested in Matt 3 and Luke 3 probably reflects standard abridgement for an introduction). 3993 Against Kraeling, John, 130 (cf. 159), who doubts Matt 11:2–6 par. (to which we would respond, if this material were anti-Baptist polemic, why would Q include Matt 11:7–15 par.?). Conversely, Mason, Josephus and NT, 159, thinks Matt 11:2–6/Luke 7:18–23, «read by itself… implies the beginning of Johns interest» rather than doubting a previous position; but any datum read «by itself» may contradict other data in an account. Both accounts reflect Q material, and the Baptist " s christological testimony may be multiply attested. |
| 2216 Gager, Anti-Semitism, 107–10; Arnold, Ephesians, 31–32; Goodenough, Symbols, 12:58–63; Hengel, Judaism, 1:241; Gaster, Studies, 1:356–60; even Moses came to be associated with magic (Apuleius Apologia in Stern, Authors, 2:201–5; Gager, Moses, 134–61). Jewish magic influenced Greco-Roman magic (cf. Deissmann, Studies, 277–300,321–36; Knox, Gentiles, 208–11; Koester, Introduction, 1:380–81). Among modern Yemenite Jews, cf. Hes, «Mon,» passim. 2217 Cf., e.g., Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69.6–7 (150); Pr. Jos. 9–12; T. Sol 18:15–16; b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 16:24; Isbell, «Story,» 13; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Tiede, Figure, 170. The name of Israel " s God (in various permutations) outnumbers any other deity in the papyri «by more than three to one» (Smith, Magician, 69); cf. also, e.g., CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168. 2218 On name invocation in general (some references including secret names), see Apuleius Metam. 2.28; Theissen, Stories, 64 (citing Lucian Menippus 9; Philops. 12; Plin. Nat. 28.4.6; PGM 4.1609–1611; 8.20–21); Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376. 2219 M. Sanh. 7:11; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš. 3:8, §1; Sanh. 7:13, §2; Urbach, Sages, 1:97–100, 572: Bietenhard, «νομα,» 270. Note also Wis 17:7; Ps.-Phoc. 149; 1 En. 65(Sim.); Asc. Isa. 2:5; 2 Βαr. 60:2; 66:2; T. Reu. 4:9; cf. Sib. Or. 1.96. The rabbis recognized that not all sorcery was genuine (m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 67b), although Amoraim stressed the dangers more (e.g., b. Hor. 10a; Sanh. 67b; Šabb. 66b; p. Ketub. 1:1, §2; cf. the amulets and charms in Goodenough. Symbols, 2:153–295), but even when genuine, rabbis stressed its limits (e.g., Gen. Rab. 11:5; Pesiq. Rab. 23:8; 43:6). 2220 See Goldin, «Magic»; Neusner, Sat, 80–81; b. Sanh. 65b; 67b; cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25 A (on R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus); Basser, «Interpretations.» Such syncretism was not intentional; apparently even Jacob employed pagan fertility rituals in Gen. 30:37–42 , though he trusted that God was the one working through them (31:8–9, 12; cf. 28:15). Cf. also some Jewish polemic in b. Git. 56b-57a which may be rooted in earlier magical tradition (Gero, «Polemic»). Many societies believe that magic can be used either for good or for evil (e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 258–59). |
|
|
