| 9981 Livy 36.14.4; Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 3.1–4; some commentators cite Pollux Onomasticon 9.110; cf. also Herodotus Hist. 1.114; Horace Carm. 1.4.18. 9983 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 149; cf. in general Martial Epigr. 4.14; 5.84; 11.6.2; 14.14–17; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.39; Philostratus Hrk. 20.2; 33.3; Carcopino, Life, 250–53, esp. 251; Grant, Christianity, 82–83; Stamps, «Children,» 198; it appears naughty (or frivolous) in Anacharsis Ep. 3.6; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 380, §§126D-127D; certainly childish in Maximus of Tyre Or. 12.10. Some people gambled on dice and similar instruments (Xenophon Hel1. 6.3.16; Athenaeus Deipn. 15.666E-668B), sometimes leading to tragic results (Xenophon Hel1. 6.3.16; Alciphron Parasites 6 [Rhagostrangisus to Stemphylodaemon], 3.42; 18 [Chytroleictes to Patellocharon], 3.54; Philostratus Hrk. 22.3). Archaeology confirms that Roman soldiers probably played such games in the Fortress Antonia (see Finegan, Archeology, 161). 9984 Martial Epig. 14.14–17; Diogenes Laertes 9.1.3; Callimachus frg. 676; Plutarch Alc. 2.2; Lysander8A; Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.5–6; 12.10; 36.5; Philostratus Hrk. 45.4. 9987 E.g., CPJ 1:24–25; 2:36–55, §153; 3:119–21, §520; Philo Flaccus 1,47,85; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2; Sib. Or. 3.271–372. 9988 Horace Sat. 1.5.100–101; Juvenal Sat. 14.96–106; Quintilian 3.7.21; Tacitus Hist. 5.1–5; Persius Sat. 5.179–184; for more general Roman xenophobia, cf., e.g., Rhet. adHerenn. 3.3.4; Cicero Leg. 2.10.25. For more detail, see Whittaker, Jews and Christians, 85–91; Sevenster, Anti-Semitism; Daniel, «Anti-Semitism»; Meagher, «Twig»; and esp. Gager, Anti-Semitism. 9989 Blinzler, Trial, 227; Haenchen, John, 2:181. Some suggest thorns from date palms, also turned outward, matching the source of fronds in 12(Whitacre, John, 447, following Hart, «Crown»); John " s audience would probably not know the source of thorns, in any case. 9990 See, e.g., Blinzler, Trial, 226–27; Jeremias, Theology, 78; Lane, Mark, 559; Anderson, Mark, 339; Hill, Prophecy, 52; Carson, «Matthew,» 573; Brown, Death, 866; cf. 1Macc 11:58; 14:43–44. Some refused a diadem in 1Macc 8:14, but cf. the gold crown in 10:20. |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 6581 Aristophanes Ach. 371–373. 6582 T. Hag. 1:2. The rabbis did require higher moral standards for the learned (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 190), but any who neglect Torah study or even listening to sages would be damned ( " Abot R. Nat. 36A). Priests were also trained in the Law (Sanders, Judaism, 178). 6583 Cf. m. «Abot 3(though contrast m. »Abot 4:8). 6584 M. " Abot 2:6, probably a hyperbolic way to underline the importance of learning Torah, but a not unnatural view, considering the price he himself reportedly had to pay to acquire learning. 6585 M. " Abot 3:10/11, unless it means death in the present world (also not a pleasant event). 6586 For the contrast, see, e.g., m. Git. 5:9; Hag. 2:7; t. Demai2:5,14–15,19; 3:6–7; 6:8; Ma c as. 2:5; on the Am Háarets, see also the excursus in Keener, Matthew, 294–96. 6587 Though the severest rabbinic accounts (including Akibás comments on his former antipathy toward scholars) may be intended hyberbolically (b. Ber. 61a; Pesah. 49b); cf. kinder sentiments in m. Git. 5:9; " Abot R. Nat. 16, 40A. Many see a reference to the Am Háarets here (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 2:160; Barrett, John, 332; Hunter, John, 85; Brown, John, 1:325; cf., at more length, Karris, Marginalized, 33–41); Du Rand, « John 7:49 ,» allows that Jesus» followers may be viewed thus but notes that not all of them were Am Háarets (19:38–41). 6588 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.224. Josephus elsewhere appeals to Galilean populist support on his behalf against the Jerusalem aristocracy, distancing himself from it, both because of its purported role in the war and the rhetoric of egalitarianism popularized by propaganda concerning the princeps. 6589 E.g., Virgil Aen. 2.40–56; 11.243–295. 6590 Cf. similarly Jonge, Jesus, 29–30. 6591 See favorably τον νμον … των Εουδων, C7/2:34, §774 (third-century C.E. Phrygia). 6592 Wessel, «Mensch,» points out that the Law judges only those who know it (cf. Rom 2:12 ) and that Nicodemus " s title for Jesus in 7:51, τον νθρωπον, matches 19(but cf. 7:46). |
| 10576 Also 1 En. 87:2; 90:31–33; 2Macc 3:26; 11:8; Jannes and Jambres fragments in P.Beatty 16; cf. the exception in late Pesiq. Rab. 20:4. 10577 Also 1 En. 71:1; cf. Adam in Gen. Rab. 20:12. For angels» beauty, see also Liv. Pro. 16.2 (Malachi) (Greek §23: ed. Schermann, 73). 10578 Jos. Asen. 10:8–9/10; 14:12; Isaeus Estate of Nicostratus 7; Lysias Or. 13.40, §133; Euripides Alc. 216, 427; Aristophanes Frogs 1337; Ovid Metam. 8.777–778; Valerius Maximus 1.7.7; Seneca Controv. 10.1.1, 4; Plutarch Alex. 49.3; Apollodorus Epitome 1.7, 10; Silius Italicus 11.257–258; Valerius Maximus 2.4.5; Philostratus Hrk. 31.9; 53.9, 11, 17; Herodian 4.2.3; Dupont, Life, 260; death is regularly dark (e.g., Homer I1. 5.22, 47, 310; cf. Homer Od. 11.32–33; death as «black» in Statius Thebaid 4.528; the Styx in Lycophron Alex. 705; see further the comment on 1:4–5). 10579 E.g., p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §27; Ovid Tristia 5.5.8; hence the burial clothes of the righteous (L.A.B. 64:6; cf. T. Ab. 20:10A; L.A.E. 48.1; Apoc. Mos. 40.1–3; b. Ber. 18b; cf. Plutarch R.Q. 26, Mor. 270DE). Gregory the Great Homilies 21 opined that the angel came in white because of joy (Oden and Hall, Mark, 243). But people might prefer either white or dark wool (Seneca Nat. 3.25.4). 10580 Culpepper, John, 85 (on the scenes in ancient literature, see 72–77; in lohn " s Gospel, 77–86). 10581 Homer I1. 4.86–87, 121–124; 5.127–128, 177, 183, 191, 461–162; 5.604, 784–785; 7.58–59; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720, 788–789; 17.71–73, 322–326, 551–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; Od. 1.420; 2.267–268, 382–387, 399–401; 4.417–18; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8, 193–194; Virgil Aen. 1.314–315, 402–406, 657–660; 5.618–620, 645–652; 7.415–416; 9.646–652, 657–658; 12.784–785; Georg. 4.405–414, 440–442; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 11.241–246, 633–643; 14.765–771; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Achilles Tatius 2.15.4; Apollodorus 2.4.8; 3.8.2; 3.10.7; 3.12.6; 3.13.5; Silius Italicus 7.422–425,435; Eunapius Lives 468; for ghosts, cf. Philostratus Hrk. 21.1 (the closest parallel to lohn 20:14–16 is Hrk. 21.5–6, it but may be derivative). They could also disguise the appearance of mortals (e.g., Homer Od. 13.397–399) and become invisible (Homer II. 5.845). |
| 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. 4078 4 Ezra 5:26; LA.B. 39(23:7); b. Šabb. 49a, 130a; Exod. Rab. 20:6; Song Rab. 2:14, §§1–2. Johnston, Parables, 595, cites Mek. BeS. 3:86ff.; 7:27ff. but notes that it is not frequent enough to constitute a standard metaphor. Although Augustine applied it to the Spirit (Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.13.1), he noted some applied it to the church (6.11.2). 4079 B. Ber. 3a; cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:47. One may compare the prophetic doves of Dodona (alluded to in Sib. Or. 1.242–252; the term is different from here). 4080 Abrahams, Studies, 1:48–49 (followed by Barrett, Spirit, 38; cf. Taylor, Mark, 160–61), cites only Gen. Rab. 2 and Ya1. Gen. 1(where the interpretation seems dominated more by exegetical principles than by standard tradition); Lachs, Commentary, 47, adds b. Hag. 15a (or the Spirit as an eagle in t. Hag. 2:5). A link with the Spirit naturally became common in early post-Synoptic Christian tradition, however (Odes So1. 24:1; 28:1; and the interpolation in T. Levi 18). The Hebrew Bible does sometimes portray God as a bird (e.g., Ps 91:3–4 ). 4081 E.g., Lane, Mark, 57. 4082 Against the arguments of Odeberg, Gospel, 33–36; Lightfoot, Gospel, 104; Dahl, «History,» 136, which effectively assume that the Johannine community would more readily read the Jacob narrative through late rabbinic tradition on the Hebrew than through the LXX. 4083 Gen 8:8–12 ; cf. 4 Bar. 7(which develops from Gen 8 the image of messenger-birds); Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.19.2–4; pace Bürge, Community, 57. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 20, suggests a combination of Gen 8:8–9 and Isa 11:1–2. Writing on Mark 1:10 , Garnet, «Baptism,» connects the dove with Noah, Noah with Enoch, and Enoch with the Son of Man; but this scheme of associations is too complex, and the last two links are particularly tenuous. In early Christian literature, see 1Pet 3:20–21 ; cf. 2Pet 3:6 ; Matt 24:38. For a connection with Gen 1and its eschatological interpretation in the DSS, see Allison, «Baptism.» |
| 8264 If we read «with me» temporally, on the analogy of the Essene custom of dipping by rank 11QS 6.4–5; lQSa [lQ28a] 2.20–21; Josephus War 2.130–131), as do Fensham, «Hand»; Albright and Mann, Matthew, 321; but this reading does not explain well why the disciples did not recognize the betrayer ( Mark 14:19 ). 8265 Others also contrast the respective emphasis, in the Markan and Johannine portraits, of the passion (e.g., Boring et a1., Commentary, 151, comparing Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 7.14). 8267 Matthew mentions «Satan» three times, Mark five (in four contexts), and Luke five times. The devil appears six times (in three contexts) in Matthew and five times (in two contexts) in Luke. 8268 Various titles of the devil were synonymous (on the term, see, e.g., Bruce, Acts: Greek, 132; Elgvin, «Devil»). Thus «Satan» is Sammael or Beliar (e.g., Ascen. Isa. 2:2). 8270 The image of Satan " s inspiration or filling an agent " s heart appears in Acts 5:3; T. Job 41:5/7; cf. the late Apoc. Sedr. 5:4–5; Boring et a1., Commentary, 296, cite T. Sim. 2:7, where the prince of error moves Satan against Joseph. 8277 E.g., Pesiq. Rah. 25:2. A common purse was one sign of organization as a group (Livy 39.18.9). 8278 With Michaels, John, 237. One who was trusted could excuse oneself and then go elsewhere than where onés companions assumed, especially at night (Xenophon Eph. 3.10; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 2.11). 8279 The Passover meal was after nightfall (m. Pesah. 10:1; t. Pisha 5:2; 10:9; b. Ber. 9a; Pesah. 107b; cf. Lachs, Commentary, 405). 8280 With Bultmann, John, 482–83; Schnackenburg, John, 3:32; Lee, Thought, 35. Night symbolized evil in other sources as well (e.g., 4Q299 frg. 5, lines 1–4; cf. Aeschylus Eumenides 745). 8283 See Schnackenburg, John, 3:167. Thus «now» in 13may involve Judas " s departure (Holwerda, Spirit, 13), but only because it foreshadows the cross (17:5; cf. «now» in 12:27; 13:1). 8284 Thus Barrett, John, 450–51, reads the announcement as Jesus» sharing the Father " s pre-creation glory (17:5), in contrast with those who expect this glory only eschatologically. |
| 3932 E.g., Yadin, Masada, 164; Avigad, Jerusalem, 142; Bruce, Thoughts, 50–51; Kotlar, «Mikveh,» 1535; see fuller discussion in comment on John 2:6 . 3933 Avigad, Jerusalem, 85–86; notes in Cornfeld, Josephus, 50; probably at Gezer, in Reich, «Mqww " wt»; Netzer, «Mqww " wt.» 3934 E.g., Reich, «Miqweh.» 3935 Pearlman, Zealots, 179, who identified this mikveh as the earliest known at the time of his writing. 3936 See Avigad, Jerusalem, 139–43. M. Parah 3also mentions a place of immersion at the Mount of Olives. 3937 Avigad, Jerusalem, 139,142. 3938 Cf. the «Chamber of Immersion» (m. Mid. 1:9) and, for the immersion of lepers, the Chamber of Lepers (m. Neg 14:8). See Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 55; Mazar, «Excavations,» 52; Cornfeld, Josephus, 272. The list of «officers» in the temple (m. Seqa1. 5:1–2) includes one Nehemiah as «over the water,» literally, a «trench-digger,» and he was «in charge of the aqueduct and the temple cisterns, and to look after the baths» used for ablutions (Jeremias, Jerusalem, 174). 3939 Neusner, Beginning, 24–25. 3940 See especially the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Talmudic tractates MiqwáOT. The most extensive discussion of this material to date is in Neusner, Purities. Mikveh was considered a commandment of God (cf. the Amoraic blessing in b. Ber. 51a). 3941 M. Parah 11:6; b. Šabb. 64b; p. Sebu. 2:1, §6. The touch of Gentiles could communicate impurity requiring immersion (cf. p. 6:1, §12,36c). 3942 E.g., b. Ber. 2b, with a purportedly Tannaitic attribution. 3943 B. Pesah. 90b; Šabb. 84a; Yoma 6b; the importance of this may be underlined by the haggadic illustration on an OT narrative in Lev. Rab. 19:6, and the illustration of R. Gamaliel " s maidservant in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:15. 3944 M. Maks. 4:6; Miqw. 9:5–7, 10; Sipra Sh. pq. 9.115.1.6–8; b. Šabb. 15b, 34a, 84a; Zebah. 22a; Menah. 101a; Bek. 22a; Hu1. 123a; p. Hag. 3:8, §§1–3; cf. m. Tehar. 8:9; CD 10.12; 11.3–4. Other Eastern cults (such as that of Cybele) also purified vessels (Martial Epigr. 3.47). |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 10131 E.g., Juvenal Sat. 1.71; Phaedrus 4.16.5–6; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274A; Diogenes Laertius 2.73; but contrast Plato Rep. 5.452C; Dio Chrysostom Or. 13.24. 10134 Often recognized even in gospels where the psalm is not cited (e.g., Cope, Scribe, 103). Dodd, Tradition, 122, thinks John found the testimonium in a non-Markan stream of tradition. There is probably no symbolic allusion to the custom of a wearer rending garments for mourning (Plutarch Cicero 31.1; 1Macc 2:14; 4:39–40; 5:14; Keener, Matthew, 651–52). 10140 Edersheim, Life, 608, citing Ya1. Isa. 60; cf. also Pesiq. Rab. 36:2; 37:1. Whether this interpretation existed before the time of Jesus is unclear (Longenecker, Exegesis, 156, notes its use five times in 1QH to suggest that it may be messianic, but this is not absolutely clear), and certainly other interpretations existed (e.g., Midr. Pss. 22applies to Esther–Bowman, Gospel, 136); in any case, though many parallels with Ps 22 in the Passion Narrative are noteworthy, they also correspond with what we genuinely know of crucifixion. 10141 With Dibelius, Tradition, 188; Sherwin-White, Society, 46; also recognized in b. Sanh. 48b, bar. This practice stemmed from the custom of plundering the slain on the battlefield (cf., e.g., 1Sam 31:8 ; Joel 3:2–3 ; 2Macc 8:27; Virgil Aen. 11.193–194; Polybius 9.26; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.40.3; 3.56.4; 6.29.4–5; Livy 41.11.8; Appian R.H. 4.2; Philostratus Hrk. 35.3; and throughout ancient literature). 10142 Brown, Death, 955, notes that the law itself exempts the clothing the condemned is wearing, but acknowledges that such rules may not have been followed in the first century. We would add doubts that anyone would have restrained provincial soldiers from such seizure (especially given the abuses of requisitioning from persons not condemned). 10145 Cf. Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 149. On the use of dice, see, e.g., Martial Epigr. 4.14; 14.15–16; cf. 11.6.2; for knucklebones, see Martial Epigr. 14.14; Diogenes Laertius 9.1.3; see further the comment on 19:2–3. |
| 3420 Sir 3:5–6, 12–15 ; L.A.B. 11:9. Long life could reward obedience (1QS 4.7; 11QT 65.3–5; Ps-Phoc. 229–230; b. Ber. 13b, bar.; Meg. 28b; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §8; Gen. Rab. 59:1; Num. Rab. 11:4; Ecc1. Rab. 3:2, §3; cf. Josephus War 2.151) but would not be confused with perpetual life (Aulus Gellius2.16.10). 3421 Sipre Deut. 336.1.1; cf. m. Réah 1:1; " Abot R. Nat. 40A; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Qidd. 1:7, §6. 3422 E.g., Sophocles Phil 415; Euripides Hec. 435; Hipp. 57; Phoen. 1547–1548, 1553; Ale. 18, 206–207,395,437,852; Virgil Aen. 12.660. «Looking on light» means continuing to live (Ale. 82,271, 457,691, 1073) 3423 E.g., Homer I1. 4.503,526; 5.22,47,310; Euripides Hipp. 1444; Phoen. 1453; Ale. 989–990; Virgil Aen. 6.545; Georg. 4.497; Ovid Metam. 10.54; Propertius Eleg. 2.20.17; Silius Italicus 7.586,690,724. 3426 E.g., Rhet. Alex. 26, 1435b.25–39; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22; Rowe, «Style,» 142 (citing as examples Gregory Nazianzus Or. 3; Augustine Ep. 196.6); for the LXX, Lee, «Translations of OT,» 780. 3427 E.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 122.3–4; cf., e.g., Macrobius Comm. 1.2.2 (in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225; he cites as relevant to John 1also Macrobius Sat. 3.10, where nox me comprehendit); cf. also texts on spiritual blindness in Seneca Ep. Luci1. 50.3; see further under John 9:39–40 . See similarly, e.g., Lucan C.W. 6.624; comments on John 20:12 . 3428 Gen. Rab. 33:1; 89:1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9:1; other connotations sometimes existed, however, e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 7:12. The contrast between darkness and light did not always have moral connotations, however ( Gen 1:14–18 ). 3429 Cf. 1QS 11.10; 1 QM 13.11–12 («dominion» in line 11 is partly reconstructed, but the parallelism supports it); 15.9. 3430 1QM 1.7, 10; cf. the eschatological end of darkness in 1 En. 58:5–6 (Sim.); Gen. Rab. 89:1. The suggestion that the passage is antignostic (because Gnosticism felt that the cosmos fell into darkness through Fate rather than morally through rejecting the light–Lohse, Environment, 274) is therefore improbable. |
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