| Many private burials employed vertical shaft tombs, but this burial was in a cave, probably oriented horizontally (11:38). 7653 The stone (11:38) would keep animals from the body. 7654 Marthás objection about the stench (11:39) makes sense on natural human assumptions. Spices could cover the stench for a while, 7655 but after four days the stench of decomposition would be intense. 7656 Unlike ancient Egyptians, Jewish people did not embalm the dead to prevent decomposition 7657 but in this period actually encouraged decomposition to allow for secondary burial a year later. 7658 Yet Jesus challenges her to act in faith in his word, contrary to natural expectations. Although throughout the Gospel seeing signs often provokes the most basic level of faith, Jesus calls Martha, who already has confessed her faith (11:21–22, 27), to a deeper level of faith: if she believes, then she will see. Thus she would see God " s glory (11:40) in Jesus» sign (2:11), like Israel in the exodus (Exod 16:7, 10). In this case, the glory was the divine purpose for which Lazarus had died: that Jesus might be glorified (11:4), ultimately by the cross (see comment on 1:14; 11:4). The Gospel emphasizes Jesus» deity, which might be one reason that prayer preceded the miracles recorded to this point in only one case at most (cf. 6:11). 7659 Nevertheless, Jesus» prayer (11:41–42) would not strike an ancient Jewish-Christian audience as too unexpected; prayers often appear in Israelite and early Jewish healing stories. 7660 In earliest Christian literature public healings usually occurred by commands rather than by prayer (e.g., Mark 5:41 ; Acts 3:6), but prayer or a lifestyle of prayer often preceded such commands to be healed ( Mark 9:29 ; Acts 3:1; 9:40; 28:8). 7661 Lifting onés face toward heaven was a known posture for prayer (11:41; cf. 17:1), 7662 and (especially given some charges that Jesus was a magician) many people in the ancient Mediterranean would have distrusted a silent prayer. 7663 |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 7818 Schnackenburg, John, 2:374. He could have even sought to assimilate Passover with Tabernacles to reemphasize his earlier Tabernacles motifs. 7820 Noted, e.g., by Jerome Homilies 94. It may have come to function as a jubilant cry (as some words became in Gentile refrains, e.g., Callimachus Hymns 2 [to Apollo], 21, 25, 97, 103; Catullus 61.117–118,137–138,142–143; Menander Rhetor 2.7,409.11–13); Augustine Tr. Ev.Jo. 51.2 explains it as an interjection. 7822 Of the extant gospels, only the two with the most Jewish audiences, Matthew and John, make the Zechariah allusion explicit (Longenecker, Christology, 112). All four gospels include the colt (for breaking a colt, see Xenophon Horsemanship 2.1–5; Maximus of Tyre Or. 1.8). 7824 With modifications (cf., e.g., Schuchard, Scripture, 71–84): «Do not fear, Zion» may derive from Zeph 3(cf. Isa 10:24; 40:9; Smith, John 236, adds especially Isa 35:4; 40:9), midrashically linked with «Rejoice, daughter of Zion» (Zech 9:9). Menken, «Redaktion,» attributes some changes to Jewish traditions (cf. Gen 49:11 ). Later rabbis applied the messianic promise of salvation (here omitted) to the suffering Messiah (Pesiq. Rab. 34:2). 7825 B. Sanh. 99a; Gen. Rab. 75:6; Ecc1. Rab. 1:9, §1. A second-century Tanna expected the messianic fulfillment at the time of the templés rebuilding. 7826 E.g., Diodorus Siculus 27.16.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.54.2; Polybius 1.72.3; 3.99.7; 39.7.3–6; Arrian Alex. 1.17.12; 4.19.6; Appian R.H. 10.4.24; Cornelius Nepos 8 (Thrasybulus), 2.6; Herodian 1.2.4; cf. also Josephus Life 353; Sipre Deut. 323.4.1; despite Achilles» more commonly vengeful personality, Homer 17. 24.507–508, 665–670; see further Good, King, 47–49. 7831 Yet in Exodus the wisest of Egypt recognized their state while Pharaoh remained hardened (Exod 10:7); in view of the one greater than Moses, such a comparison portrays the Pharisees as harder than the pagans. 7833 Contrast the reportedly Tannaitic tradition that glory did not dwell in the second temple because Cyrus was responsible for its rebuilding (Pesiq. Rab. 35:1). On appointed times, see comment on 2:4; 7:6. |
| Yet John " s baptism may be seen in continuity with Christian baptism. Certainly John " s baptism was incomplete without Jesus» gift of the Spirit, but John " s death did not end the practice of baptism, which already had been adopted by the Jesus movement (4:1–3). 4893 The proposal that John 3refers to Christian baptism also has much to commend it. 4894 Like the image of becoming a newborn child, the command to baptism stems from earlier in the Jesus tradition. 4895 Moreover, one can argue that baptism and faith typically occur together in Johannine thought; Potterie contends that faith elsewhere precedes (1 John 5:6), accompanies ( John 19:34–35 ), and here follows Christian baptism. 4896 Unfortunately, the baptismal character of these other references is also disputable, 4897 and it is difficult to see that Christian baptism would be offering Nicodemus an earthly analogy he could grasp (3:10–12). Still, John and his audience clearly do presuppose some information which Nicodemus does not (such as the identification of water with the Spirit in 7:37–39), so it is not impossible that John intends a reference to Christian baptism. Whatever else the water here means, if it alludes to any kind of baptism (and it probably does), it alludes to the public crossing of social boundaries, which would transfer Nicodemus from one community to another. 4898 It is hardly self-evident, however, that John " s audience would presuppose Christian baptism here; even some interpreters who see Christian baptism in this text acknowledge that the Fourth Gospel includes no other clear references to the ritua1. 4899 Further, in the context of his whole water motif, where Jesus frequently supersedes the water of Jewish traditions (see comment on 2:6; 4:10; 5:2; 7:38; 9:6; 19:34), including the water of John " s baptism (1:33), we propose another interpretation as more likely. 4900 One Jewish lustration ritual probably makes the most appropriate sense of the «earthly» analogy (3:12) that Jesus seems to offer Nicodemus: as noted above, converts to Judaism were apparently seen as newborn children, and proselyte baptism seems to have been a vital step in this conversion process. If this is the referent of «water,» it would certainly drive home a stark point: the teacher of Israel (3:10) himself needs to become a true Israelite (1:47), a true child of Abraham (8:39–40), one of the Lord " s sheep (10:14–15). 4901 |
| 6449 Hunter, John, 82; Cadman, Heaven, 103; Haenchen, John, 2:16; Michaels, John, 118; ÓDay, «John,» 620. Commentators cite 1 En. 48:6; 4 Ezra 13:52; Justin Dia1. 8.4; 110.1; for rabbinic documentation, see Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 137–39; our comment on 8:59. See further 1 En. 62:7 (no later than first century C.E.). 6450 E.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Song Rab. 2:9, §3; Pesiq. Rab. 15:10; Glasson, Moses, 103. 6451 Smalley, John, 65, declares that the hidden Messiah appears only in rabbinic sources, but this is true only of its developed form. Wrede, Secret, 213–14, thinks the early Jewish concept is too far from the Christian idea. 6452 In this case, agnosticism on the matter. But Greek polemic against the Skeptic school suggests that the philosophical principle of agnosticism was much debated among Greek thinkers (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.5; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.2.5–6; Aulus Gellius 11.5.8). 6453 Cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 1.10 (which warns against evaluating a philosopher by appearance, age, or status rather than by his wisdom); Eunapius Lives 472–473; 2Cor 5:16 . 6454 The crowd wondered if Jesus was «truly» the Christ (7:26; cf. 1:9; 7:40); Jesus now speaks of the one who sent him as «true» (7:28; cf. 8:26; 17:3). 6455 Schillebeeckx, Sacrament, 27–28, plays on both aspects of being «going from» a father in Jewish tradition: going on a mission for the father and rupturing family relations (here in embracing the world " s sin); but probably only the former is intended. 6456 The term πιζω contains no double entendre but is characteristically Johannine (7:30, 32, 44; 8:20; 10:39; 11:57; 21:3, 10; cf. Rev 19:20; only three other times in the NT and only once in the LXX). Their attempts to «lay hands» on Jesus (7:30, 44; 10:39) might contrast with the Father " s authority (10:29) that the Father assigned to Jesus» «hands» (3:35; 10:28; 13:3), but it may simply be idiomatic, as it usually is (e.g., Mark 14:46 ; Acts 4:3; 5:18; 12:1; 21:27; cf. also Menander Rhetor 2.1–2, 375.15–17, which exempts those who have fled to sanctuaries from such violence). |
| Another text, however, has received some (though less) attention in this connection, namely Gen 22:2 . 4138 The differences between this text and the Markan acclamation are considerably less pronounced. Although γαπητς could conceivably reflect a variant of κλεκτς (cf. Luke 9:35; other manuscripts of John 1:34 ), 4139 in the LXX it sometimes is used to translate yahid (an only son), including in Gen 22 , 4140 where it adds to the pathos of God " s call to a father to sacrifice His son; for Mark, in which Jesus» Sonship is defined in terms of the cross (14:36; 15:39), this makes good sense. That the Fourth Gospel would draw on such a tradition also makes sense, given the prevalence of the «only, that is, beloved» son motif of 1:14,18. New Disciples (1:35–42) The Baptist " s general testimony to the reader (1:29–34) gives way to a specific testimony to his disciples (1:35–36), who trust his witness (contrast 1:19–28) and experience Jesus for themselves (1:37–39; cf. 3:25–30). These disciples in turn become witnesses themselves (1:40–42). John weaves his sources into a theology of witness here, and emphasizes that even those who tentatively accept another " s witness must also experience Jesus for themselves to be fully convinced (1:39,46). On 1:36, see comment on 1:29. 1. Historical Plausibility In contrast to the previous paragraphs of the Fourth Gospel, we lack corroboration from the Synoptic accounts here (a matter which seems not to trouble the writer, in whose day perhaps numerous other sources besides the Synoptics and his own eyewitness traditions were extant; cf. already Luke 1:1). 4141 Although the Fourth Gospel is well aware of the historical tradition of the Twelve (6), 4142 he shows no interest in recounting the occasion of their call ( Mark 3:13–19 ; Matt 10:1–4; Luke 6:12–16) or the Synoptic call stories of the fishermen ( Mark 1:16–20 ; Matt 4:18–22; Luke 5:1–11; although the writer is well aware that some are fishermen and may know the Lukan tradition– John 21:3–6 ). The readiness of those disciples to abandon their livelihoods on the occasion depicted in Markan tradition (or to lend Jesus use of their boat in Luke) may actually make more sense historically if they had encountered Jesus on a prior occasion, as this narrative in John would suggest. 4143 |
| 7674 «The skeptical question of how Lazarus got out of the tomb if his hands and feet were bound is really rather silly in an account which obviously presupposes the supernatural» (Brown, John, 1:427). 7677 Cf. also Matt 23and comment in Keener, Matthew, 558–59; possibly also Rev 11:11–13 (Keener, Revelation, 296–97). 7678 Theissen, Stories, 72. The skepticism of some that a report directly to Jesus» enemies would injure him (Bernard, John, 2:402, citing 5:15, which further weakens his case) ignores both the indications in the context that it is known that the authorities wish to arrest Jesus (11:8,16,20,28,30; cf. 7:13,25,44; 8:59; 10:31) and the contrast with the more receptive «Jews» of 11:45. 7679 Outside the Gospels, see esp. Acts 4:2–3; 5:16–18; 6:8–11; 14:10–19; 16:18–19; 19:10–12,26–28. 7682 Cf. other corrupt leaders (from Josephus " s perspective) in Josephus Life 216. Greek priesthoods also could engage in plots to deceive people politically (Plutarch Lysander 26.1–3, on some Delphic priests). 7683 Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 50, citing Josephus Ant. 18.117–118. Thus, whether or not Caiaphas spoke these words, it was the establishment " s attitude (Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 12). 7684 Brown notes the necessity of the Sanhedrin " s conviction for execution in Josephus Ant. 14.167 (Brown, Death, 339); although this text reflects practice in the time of Herod the Great, Roman governors who had less reason to accommodate the people held less power than Herod and may have accommodated custom (cf. 18:39). Less convincing would be Stauffer " s use of later evidence for the necessity of the Jerusalem Sanhedrin sentencing false prophets (Jesus, 207–8). 7685 E.g., Pliny Ep. 10.97; Herodian 7.3.2; Judge, Pattern, 71; cf. Harvey, History, 16; SherwinWhite, Society, 47. 7687 Pharisees are elsewhere attested alongside high priests (see, e.g., Von Wahlde, «Terms,» 233), and undoubtedly, aristocratic Pharisees participated in the municipal aristocracy; but John consistently heightens their pre-70 role; see their presence with the aristocratic priests in 7:32; 11:57. |
| 6156 Some suggest that this adjective may reflect later rabbinic discussion concerning whether manna was angels» food (Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:482; Brown, John, 1:262). The idea is early enough ( Ps 78:25 ; Wis 16:20) but probably irrelevant here; «true» is a frequent christological adjective in John (see comment on 1:9). 6158 Cf. Buchanan, Hebrews, 134–35; Montefiore, Hebrews, 135–36; Clifford, «Tent,» 226; Cassuto, Exodus, 322. 6162 Also Painter, John, 49. Wisdom also offers food and drink in Prov 9:5 ; cf. 24:13–14; «divine law» as food in Porphyry Marc. 26.411–413,416. Some (e.g., Smith, John 160; Turner, Spirit, 63) also cite Isa 55in view of 55and the contextual quotation of 54:13. John " s midrash probably does read the wisdom materials in light of Isa 54–55, but the sapiential background is most conspicuous. One drinks of wisdom also in Philo Flight 166. 6163 The contrast is more rhetorical than substantive; one thirsts for more of Wisdom and one thirsts for nothing but Jesus, but one could also thirst for more of Jesus and nothing but Wisdom without contradicting the sayings. Cf. Isa 49:10, drawn on in the Johannine community (Rev 7:16). 6164 Most commentators note the frequent predicative «I am» sayings (e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 167; Brown, John, 1:534; Michaels, John, 96). 6168 Barrett, John, 68–69, citing 6:39,40,44, 54; cf. 1Pet 1:5 . The «last day» represents the life of the coming world in Exod. Rab. 52(a probably Amoraic legend about a Tanna). Although «last» can mean eschatological without meaning «final» (1 John 2:18, but this is anarthrous), the proposal that, despite Jesus» audience in the story world, «last day» refers to merely the last day of a «church age» (Strombeck, Rapture, 187–88) is without exegetical merit. 6170 Rhetoricians classified opening repetitions as αναφορ or επαναφορ (or, more technically, when repeating several words, επιβολ); see Anderson, Glossary, 19 (cf. 52); Rowe, «Style,» 131; elsewhere in the NT, Watson, «Speech to Elders,» 200; Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 170; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 86; in LXX, see Lee, «Translations of OT,» 779. |
| The healed man responds with a heightened Christology as soon as the word makes a more adequate interpretation possible (9:38). Gentiles sometimes prostrated themselves before rulers, 7174 and Jewish people apparently often followed suit; 7175 even looking at another " s feet instead of another " s face showed respect for the other " s higher status. 7176 It could connote intense respect (e.g., Rev 3:9) or that one was begging or seeking mercy. 7177 Thus the term by itself need not indicate worship of a deity; but in its broader Johannine context (4:20–24; 12:20–21), including John " s Christology (1:1, 18; 20:28), it fits the Johannine portrait of Jesus» deity and invites John " s own audience to worship Jesus. 7178 2. Jesus Convicts the Pharisees (9:39–41) In 9:39–41 John epitomizes and makes more explicit the guiding irony that dominates the whole of ch. 9. 7179 John earlier affirms that Jesus did not come to judge the world (3:17; also 12:47); here (9:39) he claims that he came to bring about judgment (a characteristic messianic mission); the judgment here is to divide people into two groups, those who heed the light and those who reject it (also 3:19; cf. 1 John 2:11 ). One who presses far enough, however, will have the paradox resolved (12:44–49). John " s words about spiritual blindness develop his dualism of light and darkness (see comment on 1:4–5). Greek and Roman tradition could play on the irony of the spiritual sight of a blind seer like Tiresias; 7180 one Greek philosopher allegedly blinded himself physically to make his mental contemplations more accurate. 7181 But pagan sources more frequently viewed figurative blindness as a primarily intellectual than as a primarily moral fault, 7182 and the Jewish tradition provides much more abundant source material for John " s irony. 7183 Isaiah the prophet offered the standard text about spiritual blindness adopted by John (Isa 6:9–10 in John 12:40 ), but the image was common in the biblical prophets (Isa 29:9; 42:18–19; 56:10; Jer 5:21 ; Ezek 12:2 ), the Jesus tradition (cf. Matt 13:14–15; 15:14; 23:16; Mark 4:12; 8:17–18 ; Luke 8:10; perhaps Luke 4:18; cf. Acts 28:26–27), and appears in other early Jewish sources. 7184 John " s irony sometimes turns on convicting the leaders from their mouths, but sometimes on paradox from Jesus» own. 7185 |
| The evangelist especially wishes his audience to overhear 17:20: the prayer for unity concerns not merely the first generation but their own generation as well, just as their generation " s faith will be rewarded even more than that of the first generation (20:29–31). 9474 Subsequent generations would believe through the first generation " s «word» (17:20), thus sanctifying them as well (17:17); their «word» was God " s own word, Jesus himself mediated through the witness of the disciples (see comment on 16:7–11). 9475 The witnesses in the Fourth Gospel, from John the Baptist to the disciples to the Samaritan woman, thus become a bridge to, as well as a paradigm for, the faith of John " s audience. This renders all the more relevant for John " s audience Jesus» specific prayer on their behalf: unity for the sake of their witness. Just as the unity of Father and Son was central to John " s apologetic (one thus dare not oppose the Son while claiming loyalty to the Father, 10:30), the unity of believers is at the heart of John " s vision for believers (10:16; 11:52; 17:11, 21–23). The Fourth Gospel equipped John " s audience with an apologetic approach from Scripture but most of all summoned them to invite the open-minded to «come and see» (1:39,46; 4:29,39–42), which in their day must have included the questioning to experience the presence of Jesus living among his followers by the Spirit. This presence of Jesus would be experienced through prophetic proclamation (16:7–11) but also through the mutual love of the disciples, who thus revealed Jesus» character (13:34–35; 15:8–12). The way believers treat one another is an essential component of proclaiming Jesus to the world. 9476 Indeed, if one compares this prayer with Jesus» earlier prayer in 11:42, one finds that the unity of believers provides the same kind of witness concerning Jesus» origin as Jesus» raising of Lazarus (τι συ pe πστειλας, 11:42; 17:23). It is noteworthy that when the prayer turns to generations after those of the first disciples, the mention of unity (17:11) becomes a central emphasis (17:21–23). Whereas the «world» was divided (e.g., 7:43; 9:16; 10:19; 12:42–43), Jesus» followers were to be cohesive (13:34–35; 17:21–23). 9477 Disunity characterized the broader culture as a whole. 9478 Intercity rivalries, for example, were common. 9479 Writers and speakers emphasized the need for unity for the state, 9480 for armies, 9481 for families, 9482 and so forth, and the dangers of disunity; 9483 they might praise those who made peace. 9484 Personal enmity was standard in partisan politics 9485 but also extended to matters such as favored teachers 9486 and literary competition. 9487 Sometimes, however, enemies could be reconciled. 9488 |
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