Icons of Mt. Sinai There is at least one icon from Mt. Sinai that even people far from the Church know: the famous Christ Pantocrator, one of the most ancient iconographic depictions of Christ, painted in Constantinople in the mid-sixth century and given to the monastery at Mt. Sinai. There is at least one icon from Mt. Sinai that even people far from the Church know: the famous Christ Pantocrator, one of the most ancient iconographic depictions of Christ, painted in Constantinople in the mid-sixth century and given to the monastery at Mt. Sinai. What is generally representative of icons from Mt. Sinai? The art scholar Galina Kolpakova, in one of her books, notes: “In the icons of Sinai there is no canonicity, no dependence on examples. And this is not only because there were no examples. Their spontaneity and individuality came as the result of a sort of clairvoyance; they are witnesses to a strong and living faith that could not be translated onto the plane of a calculated system.” We offer a few examples of icons from Mt. Sinai for your attention. Compiled from open sources. Christ Pantocrator. Encaustic icon from the mid-sixth century Christ Pantocrator Christ Pantocrator. Thirteenth century The Theotokos between Sts. Theodore and George. Sixth century. (There is an interesting visual parallel with the icon of the Ascension: two angels gazing at heaven, but in place of the apostles two of the most famous warrior saints of the East; it is evidentially an icon turned to in prayer during the many raids and sieges of the monastery by Muslims.) Icons of Mt. Sinai. The Theotokos with Child Icons of Mt. Sinai. The Theotokos with Child Icons of Mt. Sinai. The Theotokos with Child The Theotokos with John the Theologian. Seventeenth century The Nativity. Seventh century Christ’s appearance to Mary Magdalene. Seventh century The raising of Lazarus. Twelfth century Icon of the Holy Martyrs Sergius and Bacchus of Antioch Martyrs Sergius and Bacchus of Antioch. Thirteenth century

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7645 E.g., Appian R.H. 8.19.132; on Alexander of Macedon, Diodorus Siculus 17.69.4 (it was meant to praise him; cf. 17.69.9); Arrian Alex. 7.11.5; 7.12.3. 7647 Seneca Dia1. 11.4.1; Ep. Luci1. 116.1; Socratics Ep. 21; Plutarch Apol1. 33, Mor. 118E; Iamblichus V.P. 32.226; 33.234; Let. Aris. 268; T. Zeh. 10:1–2. Virtue supposedly protected from this malady (Epictetus Dmfr. 1.9.7; Let. Aris. 232). More reasonably, on limits, cf. Plutarch Conso1. 2, Mor. 608C; 4, Mor. 608F-609A; Pliny Ep. 2.1.10–11; 3.21.1–6; Syr. Men. 463–469; perhaps 1 Thess 4:13. 7649 On stereotypes in condolence letters, see, e.g., Theon Progymn. 8.53; Dio Chrysostom Or. 30, On Charidemus passim; Lewis, Life, 89–81; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–46. Funerary inscriptions and rhetoric contain stereotypical expressions of mourning (Demosthenes Or. 60, Funeral Speech 1–37; Greek Anth. 7.339–340, 389); time is sorrow " s best healer in Diodorus Siculus 34/35.17.1. 7650 Apollonius of Rhodes 1.292–305; Acts 21:13; cf. also the Roman attachment to duty (Ovid Fasti 4.845–848, though cf. 849–852; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.8.6; Appian R.H. 8.12.81–82,86). 7651 Likewise of the archangel Michael, provoked by Abraham " s tears (T. Ab. 3:9–10A; 3:9–10B); and of Abraham, provoked by Isaac " s tears over his impending death (T. Ab. 5:9–10A); tears were apparently contagious (Josephus Ant. 7.202–203; Josephus himself is moved by others» tears in Life 205–210). Not weeping over a matter not requiring mourning (cf. 11:25–26) differs from mourning only when others are looking, hence seeking praise but meriting ridicule (Martial Epigr. 1.33). 7653 Brown, John, 1:426; Barrett, John, 401. For more detail on tombs of this period, see Meyers and Strange, Archeology, 94–103. 7655 Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 97–98; for spices at funerals, see, e.g., Josephus Ant. 17.199; War 1.673; m. Ber. 8:6; Herodian 4.2.8. 7656 Many felt the soul departed after three days and decomposition started (m. Yebam. 16:3); the fourth day thus underlines the miracle (Barkhuizen, «Lazarus»; cf. Whitacre, John, 283–84).

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V: Diss. R., 1969; Sottocornola F. L " anno liturgico nei Sermoni di Pietro Crisologo: Ricerca storico-critica sulla liturgia di Ravenna antica. Cesena, 1973; Zattoni G. Origine e giurisdizione della metropoli ecclesiastica di Ravenna// Idem. Scritti storici e ravennati. Ravenna, 1975. P. 77-96; idem. Cronologia crisologhiana//Ibid. P. 309-318; Lemari é J. La liturgie de Ravenne au temps de Pierre Chrysologue et l " ancienne liturgie d " Aquilée//Aquileia e Ravenna. Udine, 1978. P. 355-373; Spinelli M. L " eco delle invasioni barbariche nelle omelie di Pier Crisologo//VetChr. 1979. Vol. 16. P. 87-93; idem. Il ruolo sociale del digiuno in Pier Crisologo//Ibid. 1981. Vol. 18. P. 143-156; idem. Sangue, martirio e redenzione in Pier Crisologo//Sangue e Antropologia Biblica nella patristica: Atti della [seconda] Settimana (Roma, 23-28 nov. 1981)/A cura di F. Vattioni. R., 1982. Vol. 1. P. 529-546; idem. La simbologia ecclesiologica di Pier Crisologo//Ibid. P. 547-562; Benelli A. Note sulla vita e l " episcopato di Pietro Crisologo//In verbis verum amare: Miscellanea dell " Istituto di Filologia latina e medioevale dell " Universima di Bologna/Ed. P. Serra Zanetti. Firenze, 1980. P. 63-79; Speigl J. Petrus Chrysologus über die Auferstehung der Toten//Jenseitsvorstellungen in Antike und Christentum Gedenkschrift f. A. Stuiber. Münster, 1982. S. 140-153; Cortesi G. Cinque note su S. Pier Crisologo//Felix Ravenna. Ser. 4. 1984/1985. Vol. 127/129. P. 117-132; Studer B. Peter Chrysologus//Patrology/Ed. A. Di Berardino. Westminster (Md.), 1986. Vol. 4. P. 575-577; Picard J.-C. Le souvenir des évêques: Sépultures, listes épiscopales et culte des évêques en Italie du Nord des origines au Xe s. R., 1988. P. 146-149; Palardy W. B. Peter Chrysologus " Interpretation of the Raising of Lazarus//StPatr. 1993. Vol. 25. P. 129-133; Benericetti R. Il Cristo nei sermoni di S. Pier Crisologo. Cesena, 1995; Westra L. The Authorship of an Anonymous «Expositio symboli» (CPL 229a)//Augustinianum.

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This language of images, called iconography, was unified not only across national boundaries, but also throughout subsequent centuries, thus revealing artists» respect for a consecrated tradition. For all icons, the prototype, which is the transfigured world, remains unchanging; whether expressed in a scene or individual portrait, the deeper truth that it reveals is timeless. Both symbolic and figurative depictions of Christ were employed in early Christian art. They could be based on Old Testament prophetic types, pagan figures such as Orpheus, or, more literally, on the historical Jesus who performed miracles such as the raising of Lazarus. The catacomb of Commodilla, dated to approximately the fourth century, contains a bust of Christ, flanked by the Greek letters alpha and omega (cf. Rev 1:8), which portrays him according to an iconographic type that would later become familiar as the Pantokrator («All-Ruler»). 246 This represents a theological statement, marking the victory over the Arian heresy; it was intended to leave the faithful in no doubt that Jesus is both the Son of God and the Son of Man. The use of more symbolic images for Christ was finally forbidden at the council »in Trullo», sometimes called the " Quinisext» council, in Constantinople (AD 692). This council decreed that symbols such as the lamb, along with Old Testament types for Christ, had been superseded by the Incarnation. Christ was incarnate and prophecy had been fulfilled; thus: the figure in human form of the Lamb who takes away the sin of the world, Christ our God, [should] henceforth be exhibited in images, instead of the ancient lamb, so that all may understand by means of it the depths of the humiliation of the Word of God, and that we may recall to our memory his conversation in the flesh, his passion and salutary death, and his redemption which was brought about for the whole world. 247 ICONOCLASM AND THE THEOLOGY OF IMAGES In the early eighth century, a reaction against the growing importance of holy icons in religious worship developed in the Byzantine Church.

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About Pages Проекты «Правмира» Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Navigation The Fidelity and Love of the Myrrh-Bearing Women Metropolitan Philaret of Eastern American and New York (+1985) 20 May 2013 Today the Holy Orthodox Church, as you know, glorifies the Holy Myrrh-Bearing Women, for which reason this Sunday is called the “Sunday of the Myrrh-Bearing Women.” Yesterday we already spoke of how the Myrrh-Bearing Women were, in essence, the first heralds of Christ’s Resurrection and, in a certain sense, as one Russian holy hierarch put it, the Apostles to the Apostles themselves. Here is something characteristic: reading the Gospel, our attention cannot but be drawn to the following circumstance. When the Apostles themselves see the risen Teacher, they are not immediately seized by full faith; and when others tell them that their Teacher is risen, they cannot believe this as they should. The Holy Evangelist Mark even mentions that once, when the Lord appeared to them, He began to upbraid them – that is, directly to rebuke them for their unbelief and their hard-heartedness, for having heard of His Resurrection but not being capable of believing those who spoke to them about the Resurrection. But if the Apostles were not able to believe in the miracle of the Resurrection, the Myrrh-Bearers did immediately recognize the One Who appeared to them. They were excited and ran enthusiastically, but at the same time fearfully, from the Lord’s Grave; initially they were afraid of telling this to anyone, given how unusual and strange was that which they had heard from the Angel. But as they were fleeing, He Whom they had wished to anoint with sweet-smelling myrrh appeared to them. He appeared and said only one word to them: “Rejoice!” The faithful Myrrh-Bearers immediately recognized that it was the Savior appearing to them, and they worshipped Him joyfully. Why such joy? The Most Blessed Metropolitan Anthony pointed out how much fidelity to truth and infidelity to it mean to a man. Fidelity that is constant and firm in all things is the opposite of the cowardice of infidelity. Such was the case here, Vladyka Anthony said. The Apostles, rather than following their Teacher when He (to speak in modern terms) was arrested, fled in various directions. When the Lord went to raise Lazarus, the Apostle Thomas said: Let us go that we might die with Him (John 11:16). This did not meet with a single objection from the Apostles. This means that they were in agreement with the Apostle Thomas. Yet in the garden of Gethsemane it came out that they were frightened, and they fled. Only the apostle of love, the Apostle John, stood up to this fear and was inseparable from the Teacher even to Golgotha, where he stood with the Savior’s All-Holy Mother.

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Different versions of the anointing story occur in the four canonical gospels. The differences in the accounts of the anointing among the Gospels may have arisen through oral traditions, which developed in different directions; different evangelists may have mixed different strands of the tradition. 7751 Similarities do, however, indicate common sources rather than free invention. 7752 Origen improbably suggested three anointings to harmonize the accounts, 7753 but conflations from two basic anointing stories (which represent either variants of one original incident or a second incident imitating the first) seem far more likely. The particular mixture of different traits suggests that the various writers may have conflated two different anointing stories, with Lukés story being the most distinctive (and characteristically Lukan). Moule, for instance, provides a basic summary comparison of some key elements: 7754 Mark Matthew Bethany Bethany Bethany (Lazarus [Eleazar]) the leper the leper a Pharisee a woman a woman a sinful woman anointing anointing gratitude for anointing for burial for burial forgiveness for burial As E. P. Sanders notes, «These stories probably rest on memories, though details have been exchanged and possibly confused.» 7756 It would have been only natural that in the oral tradition some conflation between two anointing stories would occur; it would be equally natural that each evangelist, reporting only one incident, would employ the most suitable features of the anointings for his own account. Sanders thinks that John 12 may represent a composite between Luke 7 and the accounts in Matt 26/ Mark 14 , or the traditions associated with them. 7757 The two stories we propose would be either divergent traditions stemming from one event, 7758 or a second event in which a second woman probably followed the example of the first. In view of the likely pre-Markan divergence (except in his programmatic scene at Nazareth, Luke rarely takes such liberties as to rewrite an entire Markan narrative from scratch, and the Johannine account probably confirms the independent antiquity of some of its details), and in view of what most often seems accurate preservation of tradition in the early period (though this pattern would not preclude exceptions transmitted in different circumstances), two distinct anointings eventually conflated in the tradition seem more likely. 7759

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Those who were seeking him in the temple (11:56) probably included these Jewish people from outside Jerusalem (11:55) who remembered hearing Jesus at earlier recent feasts (thus presumably they were mostly Galileans rather than distant foreigners, who could make pilgrimage only rarely); in contrast to the leaders mentioned in 11:57, they do not appear uniformly hostile to Jesus. They had good reason to wonder whether he would come to the feast (11:56); although it was considered pious behavior to come, they were also aware that the leaders wanted to kill Jesus (11:57; cf. 8:59; 10:31; 11:8). Thus John again builds suspense as his narrative begins to climax in Jesus» final coming to, and suffering in, Jerusalem. 4. Mary " s Lavish Devotion (12:1–8) Even though Jesus» passion overshadows the entire body of the Gospel from ch. 2 on, fully one-third of the Gospel specifically occurs during the week of Jesus» execution, mostly in or near Jerusalem. This reflects and further augments the sort of emphasis on the passion that one finds in Mark. In contrast to most modern biographies, some ancient biographies devoted an extensive proportion of their space to events immediately preceding and surrounding their protagonists» deaths. 7745 R. Alan Culpepper points to structural parallels between John 12 and 13: Category John 12 John 13 Six days before Passover Before Passover Companion Lazarus Beloved disciple Washing feet Mary washed Jesus Jesus washed disciples Jesus» death Day of my burial Took off robe (implied) Jesus» departure You do not always have me Hour to depart from the world As Culpepper notes, this repetition increases pathos. 7746 The repetition also builds toward a climax, the discourse making Jesus» death and departure more explicit. Most of ch. 12 is transitional, closing Jesus» public ministry and (with 11:45–57) leading into the Passion Narrative. 7747 Mary " s anointing at Bethany contrasts starkly with the preceding scene of calculated plans to have Jesus killed: «a supreme act of ignorant unbelief and a supreme act of intelligent faith.» 7748 The smaller units (11:45–46, 54–57; 12:9–11) in this section underline the mixed response to Jesus; the two longest units, however, contrast the high priests (11:47–53) and Mary (12:1–8), while linking Judas with the attitude of the Judean elite (12:4–6). 7749 After the leaders have plotted against Jesus» life (11:47–53), Mary lovingly anoints him for burial, Jesus is acclaimed king of Israel (12:13) as he will be at the cross (18:39; 19:3, 14–15, 19), and Jesus» brief discourse elaborates on his impending death (12:23–33), preparing the way for the Passion Narrative. 7750 4A. The Tradition

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8) One week before Pascha, Entrance of the Lord into Jerusalem Known popularly as Palm Sunday (although it falls on Monday in the Gospel of John), this feast inaugurates Holy Week-separate from Lent (q.v.) in the East-and is intrinsically linked with the raising of Lazarus and the causal events that led to Jesus’ arrest and crucifixion. On this day the faithful hold palms, or branches of willows in the Russian Orthodox tradition, to identify themselves with the people who greeted Jesus as he entered Jerusalem, an entrance that was both a display of political and eschatological significance as the beginning of the last week. 9) Forty days after Pascha, Ascension Celebrated by the whole Church from at least the 4th-5th c., this feast commemorates the end of the Resurrection appearances and the joyous “sitting down of Jesus Christ at the right hand of the Father.” Although the Eastern Church liturgically follows the Lucan chronology ( Lk 24 ; Acts 1), the only one that gives us a forty-day ascension, it is not unaware of the other alternatives that see the Resurrection-Ascension-Pentecost as a single event, since the Johannine readings are prescribed for the forty-day period. A Russian Orthodox monastery sits atop the Mount of Olives and marks the traditional identification of the site of the Ascension. 10) Fifty days after Pascha, Pentecost The fiftieth day after Passover is the Feast of Weeks in Jewish practice, or Pentecost; and in the Lucan chronology (Acts 2) is identified as the day the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles (q.v.). Pentecost marks the birth of the Church and falls near the end of the Paschal celebrations, although the whole of the time between Easter and Pentecost has occasionally been referred to as Pentecost, a fast-free time when the liturgical book (q.v.) the pentecostarion is used. On this day, in addition to the descent of the Holy Spirit, the Orthodox especially remember the confusion of tongues at the Tower of Babel as contrasted with the translation of the Good News into languages comprehensible to all.

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Tweet Нравится Synaxarion for Lazarus Saturday On this day, the Saturday before Palm Sunday, we celebrate the fourth-day raising from the dead of Lazarus, the righteous friend of Christ. The resurrection of Lazarus. Lazarus was a Hebrew, of the sect of the Pharisees and, as far as is known, he was the son of Simon the Pharisee, who dwelt in the village of Bethany. He became a friend of our Lord Jesus Christ when He sojourned on earth for the salvation of our race. For when Christ continually conversed with Simon, entering his house and discoursing on the resurrection from the dead, Lazarus was quite pleased with the genuineness of this teaching, and not only he, but also his two sisters, Martha and Mary. As the time of the Savior " s Passion drew near, when it was especially necessary to believe in the Mystery of the Resurrection, Jesus was sojourning on the other side of the Jordan. Here, He raised from the dead the daughter of Jairus and the son of the widow. At this time, His friend, Lazarus, contracted a grievous illness and died. Then Jesus, even though He was not present there, said to His disciples, Our friend Lazarus sleepeth; but I go, that I may awake him out of sleep (John 11:11), and again a little later, Lazarus is dead. (See John 11:14.) Then Jesus left the Jordan and went to Bethany, which was about fifteen stadia (approximately 2 miles) away from Jerusalem. Martha, the sister of Lazarus, went to meet Him and said, Lord, if thou hadst been here, my brother had not died. But I know, that even now, whatsoever thou wilt ask of God, God will give it thee. (John 11:21-22). Jesus asked the crowd, Where have ye laid him? (John 11:34.) Immediately everyone went to the tomb. As the stone was removed, Martha said, Lord, by this time he stinketh: for he hath been dead four days. (John 11:39). He shed tears for the one lying there, and He cried out with a loud voice, Lazarus, come forth (John 11:43). At once, he who was dead came forth, was unbound, and set out for home amidst great rejoicing and thanksgiving. This strange wonder roused the Hebrew people to malice, and they were infuriated with Christ. But Jesus once more fled and escaped. The high priests determined to kill Lazarus, because many who saw him were won over to Christ. Since Lazarus knew what they were thinking, he sailed away to Cyprus. He dwelt there and was later elevated by the Holy Apostles to be Archbishop of Citium (present-day Larnaka). He was beloved by God, conducting himself most nobly as an archpastor, performing many miracles.

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Lazarus Saturday and Palm Sunday The week following the Sunday of St Mary of Egypt is called Palm or Branch Week. At the Tuesday services of this week the Church recalls that Jesus’ friend Lazarus has died and that the Lord is going to raise him from the dead ( Jn 11 ). As the days continue toward Saturday, the Church, in its hymns and verses, continues to follow Christ towards Bethany to the tomb of Lazarus. On Friday evening, the eve of the celebration of the Resurrection of Lazarus, the “great and saving forty days” of Great Lent are formally brought to an end: Having accomplished the forty days for the benefit of our souls, we pray to Thee, O Lover of Man, that we may see the holy week of Thy passion, that in it we may glorify Thy greatness and Thine unspeakable plan of salvation for our sake. ...(Vesper Hymn) Lazarus Saturday is a paschal celebration. It is the only time in the entire Church Year that the resurrectional service of Sunday is celebrated on another day. At the liturgy of Lazarus Saturday, the Church glorifies Christ as “the Resurrection and the Life ” who, by raising Lazarus, has confirmed the universal resurrection of mankind even before his own suffering and death. By raising Lazarus from the dead before Thy passion, Thou didst confirm the universal resurrection, O Christ God! Like the children with the branches of victory, we cry out to Thee, O Vanquisher of Death: Hosanna in the highest! Blessed is he that comes in the name of the Lord! (Troparion). Christ —the Joy, the Truth and the Light of All, the Life of the world and its Resurrection—has appeared in his goodness to those on earth. He has become the Image of our Resurrection, granting divine forgiveness to all (Kontakion). At the Divine Liturgy of Lazarus Saturday the baptismal verse from Galatians:As many as have been baptizedl into Christ have put on Christ ( Gal 3:27 ) replaces the Thrice-holy Hymn thus indicating the resurrectional character of the celebration, and the fact that Lazarus Saturday was once among the few great baptismal days in the Orthodox Church Year. Because of the resurrection of Lazarus from the dead, Christ was hailed by the masses as the long-expected Messiah-King of Israel. Thus, in fulfillment of the prophecies of the Old Testament, he entered Jenrsalem, the City of the King, riding on the colt of an ass ( Zech 9:9; Jn 12:12 ). The crowds greeted him with brancfies in their hands and called out to him with shouts of praise: Hosanna! Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord! The Son of David! The King of Israel! Because of this glorification by the people, the priests and scribes were finally driven “to destroy him, to put him to death” ( Lk 19:47; Jn 11:53, 12:10 ).

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