| 1590 Feldman, «Antiquities,» also suggests that some of L.A.R " s traditions sound closer to those later preserved in the rabbis than to Josephus. 1591 Martin Abegg in Wise, Scrolls, 355, on 4Q389 frg. 3 (though the text is fragmentary, making the parallel less clear). 1592 Cf. also, e.g., the story told by Judah ha-Nasi in b. Sank 9lab (cf. Mek. Sir. 2), which appears in more elaborate form in Apocr. Ezek. 1–2, a document which may have been in circulation by the late first century c.E. (assuming that the Clement quote represents this document; cf. comparisons in OTP 1:492,494). 1593 Jub. 4:30; Gen. Rab. 19:8; Pesiq. Rab. 40:2. These were the results of an unpublished study in Essene and Pharisaic haggadic (with some halakic) trajectories from common Judaism. 1596 Jub. 7:20–25; Finkelstein, Making, 223–27; Schultz, «Patriarchs,» 44–45, 48–49, 55–56; Mek. Bah. 5; b. c Abod. Zar. 64b; Sanh. 56a; 59a; 74b; Yebam. 48b; Gen. Rab. 26:1; 34:14; Exod. Rab. 30:9; Deut. Rab. 1:21. 1598 Jub. 4:17–23; 10:17; Gen. Apoc. 2.19; 1–3 Enoch; T. Ab. 11:3–10B; contrast Gen. Rab. 25:1; on Jubilees special Enoch traditions, cf. VanderKam, «Traditions,» 245. Cf. perhaps also Noah haggadah (Jub. 10:17; Gen. Rab. 26:6; 28:8; 29:1, 3; 36:3; more positive in b. Sanh. 108a), especially his birth (Gen. Apoc. co1. 2; extraordinary birth narratives apply especially to Moses in b. Sanh. 101a; Sotah 12a; Exod. Rab. 1:20,23,26: Lev. Rab. 20:1; Pesiq. Rab. 43:4; also in Philo Moses 1.3, §9; Josephus Ant. 2.217–37, but not in Jub. 47:1–8). 1599 Jub. 4:22; 5:1; 7:21; 2 Bar. 56:10–15; T. Reu. 5:5–6; CD 2.16–18: Philo Unchangeable 1; rare in rabbis except perhaps Gen. Rab. 31:13. 1601 Jubilees» and Qumran " s continuance of the old solar calendar (see Morgenstern, «Calendar»; Marcus, «Scrolls,» 12), possibly influential in the second century B.c.E. (Wirgin, Jubilees, 12–17, 42–43; for a consequent pre-Hasmonean dating, see Zeitlin, ««Jubilees,»» 224), naturally created a rift with the lunar-based temple service and Pharisaism (Noack, «Pentecost,» 88–89; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32; Baumgarten, «Beginning»; cf. Jub. 2:9–10; 6:17, 32–38). Rivkin, «Jubilees,» even argues that Jubilees was written against the Pharisee-scribes because they had created their own calendar. This may also indicate why the sun is extolled (Jub. 2:12; 4:21; cf. 1QS 10.1–5; CD 10.15–16; cf. Smith, «Staircase,» who may go too far, given synagogue zodiacs and Josephus " s astrological interpretations of temple imagery). |
| 3711 Often «truth» vs. «opinion» (e.g., Diogenes Laertius 9.22, Parmenides, ca. 500 B.C.E.); for Stoics, truth especially involved propositions (Mates, Logic, 33–36). For Plato, truth is perceived with the soul, not with the eyes (Rep. 7.527E). 3712 Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 351E; for Justin Martyr and the Gospel of Truth, see Story, Truth, 220–23. 3713 Marcus Aurelius 9.1.2. Cf. Irenaeus Haer. 1.1.1, where gnosticism " s first aeon emanated nous and alëtheia. 3714 E.g., 1 Esd 4:38–39; T. Jud. 14:1. Pagan thought also could connect truth and virtue (e.g., Marcus Aurelius 3.11.2), though mainly portraying deceit against reality itself as the impiety (e.g., Marcus Aurelius 9.1.2); the different sources of truth reflect the different concepts of morality. 3715 E.g., Ps 119:160 ; 2 Bar. 44:14; T. Ash. 6:1, 3; cf. Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.45 (on the Logos); later rabbinic sources like b. Abod. Zar. 4b; Exod. Rab. 30(purportedly Tannaitic, but probably later); Num. Rab. 12(third-century attribution); Dodd, «Background,» 335, cites Midr. Pss. 25:10, which may also illustrate the principle of exposition grounded in more explicit texts such as Ps 119:160 ; Prov 23:23 . Cf. perhaps even Philo in Knight, «Aletheiá» Some writers, including Painter, John, 46; Longenecker, Christology, 40, suggest a contrast between Jewish views of Torah and the view of Jesus in John 14:6 . 3716 So, e.g., Dodd, Bible, 67–75; Manson, Paul and John, 94; Boice, Witness, 62; Ladd, Theology, 264. Thus lying to save another " s life (often in the OT) could be viewed as an act of truth; Epictetus Diatr. 4.6.33 also allowed lying in some cases (LCL 2n. 1, cites also Stobaeus Ee1. 2.7,11). 3717 1QS 11.4; cf. 1QM 13.9–10. In later rabbinic texts, actually becomes a surrogate name for God (p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Marmorstein, Names, 73,179–81; Urbach, Sages, 1:181). 3719 Cf. Kuyper, «Grace,» 15–19; Ladd, Theology, 264–69; van der Waal, «Gospel,» 28–33; Boice, Witness, 62; Lindsay, «Truth.» Cf. Schnackenburg, John, 2(in Excursus 10, «The Johannine Concept of Truth,» 225–37); Albright, «Discoveries,» 169, on Qumran contacts. |
| 3170 Ibid., 29. The Law, Moses, and the Scriptures appear repeatedly in the Fourth Gospel; see 1:17, 45; 2:22; 5:39, 45–47; 6:32; 7:19, 22–28; 8:17; 9:28–29; 10:34–35; 12:34; 13:18; 15:25; 17:12; 19:24, 28, 36–37; 20:9; cf. 3:14; 7:38,42, 51; 12:14; and perhaps 8:5. 3176 See Petersen, Sociology, 6,123,131. Ancient writers could adapt terms» usage even in shocking directions (cf., e.g., κατχρησις in Anderson, Glossary 66), so Jesus» superiority to Wisdom does not violate semantic plausibility. 3177 This is true whether or not the prologue is directly dependent on a source that identified Wisdom, Torah, and Word (Painter, John, 25). 3178 Davies, Torah, 93. Longenecker, Christology, 39 n. 57, cites Chamberlain, «Functions,» concerning a Qumran perspective on the Messiah as Torah in lQIs(a) 26.8; 51.4, 7; but Davies is probably correct. 3179 Noted by others, e.g., Kittel, «λγω, λγος,» 134–35, although (following Strack-Billerbeck) he sees Jesus as a new Torah ruling out the old, whereas we see Jesus as embodying Torah. The terms for word(s) (nearly always logos in the singular, rhmata in the plural) in the Fourth Gospel apply to the message offered by Jesus (2:22; 4:41; 5:24; 6:63, 69; 8:31, 37, 43, 47, 51–52; 12:47–48) or the Father (8:55; 17:17), or his followers» testimony (4:39), but also to Torah (5:47; 10:35; cf. 5:38) and the prophets (12:38). In some cases, Jesus» words fulfill the function of Torah (cf. 5:47; 6:63; 8:51; 12:47–48; 17:17; compare 5with 8:37). 3180 Hoskyns, Gospel, 159 (he surveys backgrounds, 154–63); Glasson, Moses, 26; Harrison, « John 1:14 ,» 35; Epp, «Wisdom,» 141; Longenecker, Christology, 40; cf. Kysar, «Contributions,» 358–59; Richardson, Theology, 162–63; Culpepper, Anatomy, 188; Lee, Thought, 101–2 (as one source among many). 3182 Ibid., 141–45; cf. Glasson, Moses, 86–94; Titus, Message, 202; in early Christian belief in general, Bonsirven, Judaism, 80. 3185 Cf. Bruce, Books, 159; idem, Documents, 41; Sandmel, Judaism, 259; Dodd, Bible, 25–26. This need not imply that nomos represented a misunderstanding of Torah (an idea that may be implied in some scholars» differentiations, e.g., Dodd, Bible, 33; critiqued by Segal, «Torah»); further, John employs nomos in the range of meanings found in Torah, as in the LXX (also Dodd, Interpretation, 76). |
| 3219 E.g., b. Ned. 39b, bar.; Pesah. 54a, bar.; Gen. Rab. 1:4; Lev. Rab. 14(his spirit); Pesiq. Rab. 33:6; Midr. Pss. 72:17; cf. similarly Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 138; Schoeps, Paul, 150; Urbach, Sages, 1:684. Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 586, suggest that the preexistent-messiah tradition may appropriate Christian theology. In Mek. Pisha 1.54–56, all Israel was «fit for the kingship» until David was chosen, which would argue against a préexistent messiah in this stream of Tannaitic tradition (i.e., it may have fallen only to Akibás heirs). 3220 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 37, §95 B; Gen. Rab. 1:4. Moses appears as preexistent or premeditated in T. Mos. 1and in very late Samaritan tradition (MacDonald, Samaritans, 162–79; cf. 423–24 on the date); cf. Moses» divinity in Philo Sacrifices 9; Exod. Rab. 8:1; Num. Rab. 15:13; based on Exod 7:1. Cf. 2 Clem. 14.1 for the preexistence of the church (2 Clement reflects many Jewish motifs). 3221 We are assuming here that the Similitudes might not be pre-Christian; see 1 En. 48:3,6 (OTP 1cites 1 En. 46:1–2; 48:3; 62:7; 4 Ezra 12:32; 13:26, on 2 Bar. 30:1; the last reference may not imply a préexistent messiah). 3223 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:24; Gen. Rab. 8:2; Lev. Rab. 19(«before the Beginning»); Pesiq. Rab. 46:1; Midr. Pss. 90:3; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen. 3:24 . Ibn Ezra (twelfth century C.E.) concurred with this opinion but did not regard it as literal, observing that one could not calculate years without days nor days before creation (Jacobs, Exegesis, 14–15). 3224 " Abot R. Nat. 31 A (R. Eliezer b. R. Yose the Galilean); b. Šabb. 88b (R. Joshua bar Levi, third century). 3226 Cf. Loewe in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 171: «The pre-existence of the Torah is very often merely tantamount to an expression that God Himself is bound by His own Laws.» Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.154–156 uses the law " s antiquity (albeit not its metaphysical préexistence) apologetically (cf. Ag. Ap. 1.1–29, 196, 215–218, 227; 2.1, 144, 279, 288). 3229 Jub. 2:30; 3:8,10; 6:2,18–19; 7:3; 14:24; 16:21; 22:1–9; 44:4. See Schultz, «Patriarchs,» passim, who contrasts Genesis " s Noahides with Jubilees» (and some later Jewish sources») law keepers; cf. Endres, Interpretation, 3–4 (though Sinai apparently began a new era in Israel " s history; cf. Wintermute in OTP 2:39, following Testuz [if the latter is correct]). |
| 476 The speeches in Acts borrow considerable language from the LXX (Soards, Speeches, 160) and function similarly to interpretive speeches in Deuteronomy, Joshua, and Samuel-Kings (Soards, Speeches, 12–13,156–57). The same may well be true of John " s discourses. 477 Some have suggested that Mark drew on complexes of tradition rather than merely individual sayings and stories (Jeremias, Theology, 37–38; Taylor, Mark, 90; cf. Dodd, Preaching, 46–51; idem, Studies, 10); while some general arrangements may have become traditional, however, it remains unclear that Mark drew on connected oral narratives, except perhaps on Q at points. 478 Lewis, History, 43; on a more popular level, cf. the accuracy of the griot " s basic information in Alex Haley " s popular work Roots (New York: Dell, 1976), 717–25. 479 Anthologists and others felt free to redact sacred cultural texts (e.g., Cicero Nat. d. 3.16.42 [concerning Homer Od. 11.600ff.; see esp. Cicero LCL 19:324–25 n. a]; Diogenes Laertius 1.48: Solon into Homer I1. 2.557), philosophical works (e.g., possibly Hierocles in Stobaeus; Malherbe, Exhortation, 85), although Jewish scribes were quite restrained in practicing this with Scripture (despite an occasional fourth-century Palestinian Amora who reportedly attempted some redaction criticism on Scripture: cf. Lev. Rab. 6:6; 15:2). 480 See Gundry, «Genre,» 102; Witherington, Christology, 22; contrast the older approach of Dibelius, Tradition, 3. Those who transmitted traditions would have preserved sayings with greater detail, allowing greater variation in recounting narratives (Pesch, «Jerusalem,» 107; cf. Culpepper, John, 21–22). 481 Cf., e.g., Hoeree and Hoogbergen, «History»; Aron-Schnapper and Hanet, «Archives»; on rote memorization in traditional Quranic education, cf. Wagner and Lotfi, «Learning.» Limitations do, however, exist, especially over time (e.g., Iglesias, «Reflexoes»; Harms, «Tradition»; Raphael, «Travail»). 482 Though exact words are fixed only at the written stage, the basic story is already stable at the oral stage (Lord, Singer, 138). |
| 6676 Brown, John, 1:349, thinks that 8:21–22 preserves another form of the scene reported in 7:33–36. The debate structure in 8:25–35 also bears resemblances to 6:30–40; 10:24–28 (Von Wahlde, «Structure,» 576–77); such parallels may, however, stem from Johannine editing. 6677 Jesus would not have been the first to apply the image of «going away» to suicide (see Appian R.H. 12.9.60). 6678 Also, e.g., Brown, John, 1:349; Haenchen, John, 2:27. 6679 Acts 16:27; Sophocles Track 721–722; Demosthenes 3 Philippic62; Diodorus Siculus 2.6.10; 12.19.2; 16.45.4–5; 20.71.4; 25.17.1; Tacitus Ann. 1.61; 3.42; 4.25; 6.23–26,38–40; 11.37–38; 12.8,22; 13.1,25,30; 15.57,63–64,69; 16.11,14–15,17; Suetonius Aug. 27,53,67; Tib. 45,61; Nero 49; Otho 9, 11 ; Dio Cassius R.H. 17.15.4; 18.4.6; 19, frg. in Zonaras 9.21 ; 48.44.1 ; 51.15.3; 57.18.10; Appian C. W 1.8.74; 1.10.94; 2.14.98–99; Livy 26.15.13–15; 41.11.4–6; Cornelius Nepos 20 (Timoleon), 1.6; 23 (Hannibal), 12.5; Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.19; 3.8.6; Pausanias 9.17.1–2; 9.25.1; Apuleius Metam. 1.16; Philo Names 62; Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.236. 6680 4 Macc 17:1; Josephus Life 137; the Sicarii at Masada (Josephus War 7.320–406); cf. Goodblatt, «Suicide.» 6681 So Seneca Controv. 2.3.10. 6682 Schnackenburg, John, 2:198. Beasley-Murray, John, 130, provides some evidence for the Jewish expectation of judgment on those who committed suicide. 6683 Barrett, John, 341, citing m. Hag. 2:1; b. Hag. 14b, bar. 6684 See our discussion of vertical dualism in our introduction. The attribution of vertical dualism to gnostic redaction (Westermann, John, 87) reflects inadequate sensitivity to its presence in apocalyptic. Antithesis was also a standard category in rhetoric (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 14). 6685 E.g., Homer II. 3.276–278; Virgil Aen. 12.199; Livy 31.31.3; Pausanias 2.2.8; Chariton 5.7.10; PGM 1.264, 315–316; 17a.2–3; 117.frg. 14; PDM Sup. 131–134; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.240; cf. the subterranean dead in Hesiod Op. 141; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 11.37.6. The Jewish worldview also could accommodate a three-tiered universe (Pr. Jos. 11; " Abot R. Nat. 2A; Phil 2:10 ; Rev 5:13). |
| 10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14). |
| None of this is to deny that Jesus probably visited Jerusalem on numerous occasions. 4601 Gospel portrayals of Jesus as a Galilean pilgrim fit our expectations for most Galileans; although travel to Jerusalem required a three-day journey, 4602 many Galileans must have traveled frequently to festivals. 4603 Normally they traveled in groups, 4604 so in the logic of the narrative as it stands Jesus» family and disciples may well have traveled together (2:12–13; cf. 7:10). Because this is one of the passages which allows and invites examination from the standpoint of other extant traditions, we examine below some features of historical tradition which John develops. In the Johannine context, however, John " s point is striking. Jesus sets aside a purification ritual «of the Jews» in 2:6; here he disrupts a public festival «of the Jews» (2:13). 4605 The link between the two passages portends his «hour» (2:4), the destruction of his body (2:19–21); the cross overshadows the Gospel from this point forward, and (given his placement of Jesus disrupting the temple) in the looser theological sense in which John likely intends it, John " s Passion Narrative coincides with the whole of his public ministry. (Other links between 2:1–11 and 2:13–23 include the third day 19] and Jesus «showing» a sign which «manifests» his glory 4606 The Jerusalem temple is for Jesus a place of conflict in this Gospe1. Jesus here assaults the dignity of the temple (2:14–15), later finds in the temple one who will betray him (5:14), and encounters in the temple those who wish to kill him (8:59). Granted, he teaches in the temple (7:14; 18:20), but his teaching involves conflict with the Judean religious establishment (7:28; 8:20; 10:23; cf. 11:56), and while in the temple Jesus declares himself the foundation stone of a new temple (7:37–39). While it is undoubtedly true that much of John " s audience was too young to have visited the temple in Jerusalem and would perhaps picture it in terms of local temples in Asia, 4607 there is no question that the role of the temple would have remained a central issue of contention for Jewish Christians in the final decade of the first century C.E. Certainly most Jews had always valued the temple, including Diaspora Jews. 4608 Nevertheless, a minority of Jews before 70, mainly sectarian, opposed the temple or felt threatened by the establishment that controlled it. 4609 After 70 such sentiments undoubtedly appeared vindicated, and those groups able to reorganize themselves may have continued to use the Jerusalem temple as a symbol for the hostility of the Judean religious establishment, those leaders who had had sufficient resources to gain a broader hearing in the wider Judean community. John " s enmity focuses on the Jerusalem authorities; Jerusalem " s crowds are impressed with Jesus» public signs (2:23), but most (cf. 3:2) of the establishment is not (2:18). 2A. Historical Probability |
| 6812 The contrasting tenses in the two lines of 8allow the interpretation that Jesus «saw» (perfect) the Father in «a préexistent vision» (Brown, John, 1:356); but cf. the present tense in 5:19–20. Bernard, John, 2:310, and Michaels, John, 143, take ποιετε as imperative, hence a challenge to kill him (contrasted with the alternative imperative for true children of Abraham in 8:39). 6813 M. " Abot 5:19; Dibelius, James, 168–74. He even became the model Pharisee (p. Sotah 5:5, §2). 6814 For more detail, see further DeSilva, Honor, 202–6. 6815 See ibid., 194 (citing esp. 4 Macc 13:24–26 and texts in Philo). 6816 Cf., e.g., the «children of the prophets» in 1 Kgs 20:35; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 7, 15; 4:1, 38; 5:22; 6:1; 9:1. See more fully under John 13:33 . 6817 4 Macc 9:21 (βραμιαος νεανας). 6818 4 Macc 15(OTP2:560). 6819 Ps.-Phoc. 178; t. Sanh. 8:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:6; Lev. Rab. 23:12; probably Wis 4:6; cf. Aristotle Po1. 2.1.13,1262a. Children were said to bear the images of their parents ( Gen 5:3; 4 Macc 15:4; LA.B. 50:7; Chariton 2.11.2, 3.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 52.2; P.Oxy. 37). 6820 Homer Il. 16.33–35. 6821 Lysias Or. 13.65–66, §135 (noting that the defendant " s brothers had all been executed for crimes); cf. Rhet. Alex. 35, 1440b.5–13; in nonlegal contexts, Theophrastus Char. 28.2. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 161, rightly note that ancients could infer ancestry from behavior or the reverse. 6822 A rhetorical attack used, when possible, before classical Athenian juries (Aeschines False Embassy 78; Ctesiphon 172). 6823 Lysias Or. 30.1–2, §183; for honorable background, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 148–150. For honorable birth as a matter of praise, e.g., Xenophon Agesilaus 1.2. 6824 Lysias Or. 10.2, §116; Plutarch Cicero 26.6. 6825 Phaedrus 6. Aristocrats assumed that thieves usually had some dishonest lineage on one side or the other (Sophocles Searchers 280–283). 6826 Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.611; cf. Acts 23:6. Pindar praises a victor who is also son of a victor (Ryth. 10.12). |
| 8969 Cf. 1QS 4.13–14; Gen. Rab. 6:6; most sinners in t. Sanh. 13:3, 4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 11:5; cf. 2Macc 12:43–45. 8970 Num. Rab. 18:20. Other texts are unclear, e.g., Sir 7:16 ; Sipre Num. 40.1.9; Sipre Deut. 311.3.1; 357.6.7; " Abot R. Nat. 16 A; 32, §69B; 37, §95B. Twelve months is a familiar duration (b. Sabb. 33b; Lam. Rab. 1:11–12, §40). 8971 Also Jude 7; Mart. Po1. 11.2. Although Luke does not reject future eschatology in his effort to contextualize for Greek readers (Acts 17:31–32; 23:6; 24:15), as do some Jewish sources (e.g.. Josephus Ant. 18.14, 18; War 2.163; Philo Sacrifices 5, 8), Matthew " s emphases retain more of their original Jewish flavor (cf. Milikowsky, «Gehenna»). 8975 A disciple would normally follow a teacher " s wisdom (e.g., Xenophon Anab. 3.1.5–7), but in view of his Christology, John would undoubtedly expect his informed audience to think of more than this (cf. comment on John 1:27 ). 8977 Because μνω predominates in 13:31–15(thirteen of its fourteen occurrences in the discourse), Boyle («Discourse,» 211) makes 15the pivotal verse, with 15:12–16treating exterior relations (p. 213). But love (concerning God and one another) unites 15:1–17, so the new section (focusing on hate and relations with the world) begins with 15:18. 8978 See Grayston, Epistles, 67. Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 77, finds in the καθς of 13and 15a parallel with Pentateuchal commands to imitate God " s ways. 8979 In the Gospels, λελληκα, the first-person perfect active indicative of λαλω, appears only in Jesus» speech in John (6:63; 8:40; 14:25; 15:3,11; 16:1,4,6,25,33; 18:20), underlining the significance of his words. 8980 Aristotle N.E. 8–9 (a fifth of the work) addresses friendship, relating it to the goal of a happy life (Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and Stoics, 74; cf. 77). On enjoying friendship, see Seneca Ep. Luci1. 63. 8981 E.g., b. Yoma 4b; Lev. Rab. 16(purportedly from Ben Azzai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 51:4; Urbach, Sages, 1:390–92; Bonsirven, Judaism, 95; see especially the Tannaitic sources in Urbach, Sages, 1:390; most fully, Anderson, «Joy.» In Song Rab. 4:11, §1, public teaching of Torah should generate as much joy as wedding guests experience from beholding a bride (cf. lohn 3:29). |
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