| 8804 Ascen. Isa. 2(although this text, with much or all of Ascen. Isa. 1–3, may be Christian material). 8807 E.g., Gen. Rab. 20(the Shekinah); 2Macc 7:9; cf. Michael in b. Yebam. 16b (Blau and Kohler, «Angelology,» 588) and an angel in Exod. Rab. 17:4. Applications of the title to Satan (e.g., in Hoskyns, Gospel, 426) appear exceptiona1. 8808 3 En. 29:1; 30:1–2; Mek. Sir. 2.112–115; b. Ber. 16b-17a; Yoma 77a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 23:2; Exod. Rab. 32:3; Lev. Rab. 29:2; Ruth Rab. proem 1; Pesiq. Rab. 17:4. For their opposition to Israel, see 3 En. 26:12; Sipre Deut. 315.2.1; Gen. Rab. 77:3; Exod. Rab. 21:5; Lev. Rab. 21:4; Deut. Rab. 1:22–23; Song Rab. 2:1, §3; 8:8, §1; for their eschatological judgment, see 1QM 15.13–14; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:9; 27:2; Song Rab. 8:14, §1. 8809 Jub. 15:31–32; 35:17; 49:2–4; cf. 1QM 14.15–16; 15.13–14; 17.5–8; T. So1. 6:4; 8:10. This image probably develops the OT demythologization of national deities as angels in YHWH " s court (in 11QMelch, see Kobelski, «Melchizedek,» 123); cf. a δαμων or guardian spirit of a nation in pagan thought (Plutarch Fort. Rom. 11 , Mor. 324B). 8812 Cf. the language of Sammael dwelling in, and clinging to, Manasseh in Ascen. Isa. 2(of uncertain date); more relevant, no place remains for Satan in heaven (Rev 12:8). 8814 Glasson, Moses, 77–78, comparing Assumption of Moses with John 14:30 . Ben Azzai also claimed that one who died while obeying a commandment, as opposed to being engaged in some more frivolous matter, would be rewarded CAbot R. Nat. 25A; cf. Akibás martyrdom in p. Sotah 5:5, §4). 8815 The devil often appears as accuser before God " s throne; see, e.g., Rev 12:10; Jub. 1:20; 48:15, 18; 3 En. 14:2; 26:12; Gen. Rab. 38:7; 84:2; Exod. Rab. 18:5; 31:2; lev. Rab. 21:2; Ecc1. Rab. 3:2, §2; with other angels 1 En. 40:17; 3 En. 4:8–10; Apoc. Zeph. 3:8; 6:17; and the very sense of «Satan» in Hebrew (cf. 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7 ; Zech 3:1–2). The exception, in later tradition, was the Day of Atonement (b. Yoma 20a; Lev. Rab. 21:4; Num. Rab. 18:21; Pesiq. Rab. 45:2; 47:4). |
| 6439 For the utility of antithesis in rhetoric, see Rhet. Alex. 26,1435b.25–39; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22 (citing Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.21, 58; Demetrius 22–24, 247, 250). 6440 R. Eliezer (ca. 90 C.E.) in t. Šabb. 15:16; and other passages (cf. b. Yoma 85b) cited by commentators (e.g., Dodd, Tradition, 332; Hoskyns, Gospel, 316; Smith, Parallels, 138; Schnackenburg, John, 2:134). Later rabbis also applied qal vaomer arguments to other matters superseding the Sabbath (p. Roš Haš. 4:3, §3). Haenchen, John, 2:15, cites another line of argument from Num. Rab. 12 (the foreskin as a physical blemish), but it is late and probably irrelevant. 6441 Josephus Ant. 12.277; 13.12–13; 14.63; War 1.146; b. c Arak. 7a; Yoma 84b, bar.; Gen. Rab. 80:9; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:368; it overrides even Yom Kippur (b. Yoma 82b). One should care for all a birthing mother " s needs even on the Sabbath (Safrai, «Home,» 765, cites m. Šabb. 18:3; Roš Haš. 2:5). 6442 E.g., m. " Abot 1:6, 8; 2:4. In broader Greco-Roman thought, see, e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 14.1; 94.13; for rhetorical invitation to «judge for yourselves,» see, e.g., Alciphron Courtesans 7 (Thaïs to Euthydemus), 1.34, par. 7; Acts 4:19; 1Cor 10:15; 11:13 . The more specific contrast some offer to the Tabernacles ritual (Moloney, Signs, 79–80) may presuppose knowledge not available even to most Tabernacles pilgrims over two decades before the Gospel " s writing. 6443 Cicero Off 2.14.51 6444 Cato Col1. dist. 53; Columbanus, (probably) Catonian lines, line 27; Hesiod Precepts of Chiron 2. 6445 Brown, John, 1:313. 6446 Populist support could shield a person from the Jerusalem elites power (e.g., Josephus Life 250). Yet pace Morris, John, 415, the language of 7and 7does suggest that by this point they wished to arrest, not merely watch, Jesus. 6447 Cf. Yee, Feasts, 78. 6448 See, e.g., Judg 19:17 ; 1Sam 25:11 ; Homer Od. 19.104–105; Euripides Cyc1. 102, 275–276; Helen 86; Iph. taur. 495, 505; Rhesus 682; Virgil Aen. 2.74; 8.112–114; Terence Eunuch 306; Propertius Eleg. 1.22.1–2; Appian C.W. 1.14.116; Parthenius L.R. 26.4. See comment on 3:8. |
| 6145 2 Bar 29:8; Mek. Vay. 3.42ff.; 5.63–65. Cf. the manna restored with the ark (2Macc 2:8; cf. 4 Bar. 3:11). 6146 Many commentators, often following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:481,4:890,954 (e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 335; Cullmann, Worship, 96); see further Rev 2:17; probably also 4Q511 frg. 10.9. This image continued in Christian tradition (Sib. Or. 7.149), in which Christ was the holy manna-giver (γλε μαννοδτα, Sib. Or. 2.347). Cf. also the préexistent manna (b. Pesah. 54a; Hoskyns, Gospel, 294, cites Sipre Deut. 355). 6147 E.g., m. " Abot 3:16; 4:16; b. Ber. 34b; Sanh. 98b; see further Feuillet, Studies, 70–72, and our introductory comments on John 2:1–11 ; probably also lQSa (=lQ28a) 2.11–12, 19–21. Kuzenzama, «Préhistoire,» suggests that receiving Torah was the prerequisite. 6148 Lev. Rab. 27:4; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Ecc1. Rab. 3:15, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 31:10; 52:8. Israel would continue to celebrate the exodus in the messianic era but would celebrate the kingdom more (t. Ber. 1:10; b. Ber. 12b). 6150 See, e.g., Glasson, Moses, 15–19, on Isaiah. For exodus typology in the Hebrew Bible, see Daube, Pattern, passim. 6152 E.g., early Amoraic tradition in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab. 5:6; Ecc1. Rab. 1:9, §1; in some cases (Exod. Rab. 2:6; Deut. Rab. 9:9) Moses himself would lead Israel in the end time. On the hidden Messiah tradition, see comment on John 8:59 . 6153 E.g., Edersheim, Life, 334; Billerbeck, Kommentar, ad loc; Dodd, Interpretation, 83; Hunter, lohn, 71. 6154 See b. Ta c an. 9a; Num. Rab. 1:2; 13:20; Song Rab. 4:5, §2; Tg. Jon. to Deut 10:6 ; though cf. also Abraham in Gen. Rab. 48:12. Tannaim might recount similar details without the names (Sipre Deut. 313.3.1; 355.6.1). Haggadah also commented on the adjustable flavors of manna (Sipre Deut. 87.2.1; Exod. Rab. 5:9; 25:3), that it fell sixty cubits deep (b. Yoma 76a), that more fell nearer the homes of the righteous (b. Yoma 75a), and that it was préexistent (b. Pesah. 54a). 6155 That the second line repeats the final «gives/gave bread from heaven» fits typical ancient Mediterranean speech forms (πιφορ, ντιστροφ; Anderson, Glossary, 23, 54; idem, Rhetorical Theory 163; Rowe, «Style,» 131; in the NT, see Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 86; in the LXX, see Lee, «Translations of OT,» 779), thereby drawing further attention to the contrast. |
| 7099 In apposition to the pronoun αυτν earlier, this title functions as epitheton (similar to an-tonomasia; see Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.31.42; Anderson, Glossary, 23, 52–53; Rowe, «Style,» 128; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579–80). 7100 Culpepper, John, 177. In the last case, the Pharisees do not know as much as they hope (9:29), as the man points out (9:30). 7101 Interestingly, however, what «we [Jews] know» is correct when laid against the knowledge of the Samaritans (4:22), except for Samaritans who affirm Christ (4:42); preresurrection disciples also could admit inadequate knowledge (14:5; 16:30; 20:2; but cf. 21:24). 7102 On their meaning, see «knowledge» in the introduction; I suspect οδα clusters in ch. 9 for solely stylistic reasons, either because the term was fresh on John " s mind or because he wished to emphasize the continuity of the term in the debate. 7103 For further comment, cf. introduction, ch. 6; also Keener, «Knowledge,» 34–40,94–98. Probably a rhetorically trained reader would have viewed this repetition of epistemological language as akin to diaphora, «the repeated use of the same word, which acquires added or different significance in the repetition» (Rowe, «Style,» 133–34; cf. Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 580). 7105 Many teachers probably permitted medicine if it had been prepared before the Sabbath (t. Šabb. 12:12) or the act was medically urgent (m. Ed. 2:5; Šabb. 22:6; Yoma 8:6; Lachs, Commentary, 199–200 adds Mek. Sab. 1.15–23 on Exod 31:13, which speaks of saving life on the Sabbath), which most of Jesus» healings were not (cf. Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 13; idem, Figure, 208). 7106 Cf. Falk, Jesus, 149. Tradition reported that the Shammaites were usually stricter (e.g., b. Ber. 23b; Hu1. 104). Probably all Pharisees allowed what was necessary to preserve life (m. Yoma 8:6), but the blind man is not in danger of dying. 7107 M. Šabb. 1:4; t. Šabb. 1:16; b. Besah 20a; majority opinion came to carry much weight among the sages (t. Ber. 4:15; b. Ber. 37a; p. Moed Qat. 3:1, §6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:17; Gen. Rab. 79:6; Ecc1. Rab. 10:8, §1; Song Rab. 1:1, §5; cf. Essenes in josephus War 2.145). |
| See «Abot R. Nat. 2 A; »Abot R. Nat. 2, §13 B; b. Hag. 14a; Ber. 12b; c Abod. Zar. 16b-17a (R. Eliezer; cf. Ecc1. Rab. 1:8, §3), 27b (R. Ishmael with a Christian faith healer); Ecc1. Rab. 1:8, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 13:6; Justin Dia1. 35; cf. Herford, Christianity, 218–19; Schiffman, Jew, 64–67. On Justin in the above connection, see Williams, Justin, xxxii, 74 n. 3. Kalmin, «Heretics,» finds the emphasis on their seductiveness especially in early Palestinian materia1. 1638 E.g., b. Sanh. 33b; Hu1. 84a (Amoraic); Herford, Christianity, 226–27; Dalman, Jesus, 36–37. The discussions may be simply a literary form to glorify the rabbis and to present the minim as foolish, but the substance of the debates suggests that some genuine controversies occurred (e.g., perhaps memories of conflicts in Lydda; cf. Schwartz, «Ben Stada»). 1640 Palestinian rabbinic anti-Christian polemic appears sophisticated by the fifth and sixth centuries C.E.; cf. Visotzky, «Polemic.» 1642 Num. Rab. 4:9, 9:48; Ecc1. Rab. 2:8, §2; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:2, 4(all purportedly from the Johannine period); p. Meg. 1:11, §3 and 3:2, §3 (claiming to reflect Tannaitic tradition); see Barrett, «Anecdotes.» Some antipagan polemical collections may have later been adapted against Christians (Hirschman, «Units»). 1646 E.g., m. «Abot 2:14; b. Sanh. 38b [=»Abot 2:14]; cf. t. Sanh. 13:5; p. Sanh. 10:1, §7; see Geiger, «Apikoros.» 1647 E.g., b. Sanh. 39a; Bek. 8b; Ecc1. Rab. 2:8, §2 (all purportedly Tannaitic; this category is probably fictitious, maybe in response to anti-Jewish propaganda like Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs). 1649 B. Hu1. 84a; Sanh. 38b (purportedly Tannaitic), 39a, 43a, 90b, 99a; Meg. 23a; Ber. 10a; cf. b. Yoma 56b-57a (textual variant and probably a Sadducee); cf. further Moore, «Canon,» 123–24; Maier, Jesus in Überlieferung, 170–71; Bagatti, Church, 98ff. 1650 The forms are culture-specific and are even used of God with his angels (e.g., b. Roš Haš. 32b). Despite this stylization of form, there may have been some similarity to actual debate techniques and issues; cf. Stylianopoulos, Justin, 124. |
| 2463 CD 12.23–13.1 (albeit with an emended misspelling of o );14.19 (not all the word is clear, but the relevant ending is); 20.1; also the warrior messiah of 1QM 11.7–8. Puech, «Apocalypse,» considers 4Q521 an «apocalypse messianique» (but contrast Bergmeier, «Beobachtungen»); Garcia Martinez, «Textos,» finds a messianic king (4Q252,285, 521), priest (4Q540), and heavenly figure (4Q246). 2464 LaSor, «Messiahs,» 429; Gaster, Scriptures, 392; Bruce, History, 122. Stefaniak, «Poglady,» thinks Qumran stressed eschatology more than messianology; this is probably right, unless the messiah was a Teacher of Righteousness redivivus. 2465 Silberman, «Messiahs,» 82, questioning whether the expectation is even eschatological in the final sense. It is reasonable to surmise that originally the title applied to the first Teacher of Righteousness. 2466 Cf. the priest " s precedence over the «Messiah» in lQ28a 2.19–20; «Moses God " s anointed [Messiah " ]» in 4Q377 2 2.5; 1Q22 11–12 even adds Eleazar to Joshua in Deut 31:7 , to couple priest and ruler figures; see also the «anointed priest» in 4Q376 1 1.1. Some late rabbis also spoke of a priest «anointed for battle,» i.e., an eschatological priest to accompany the troops, along with the Davidic messiah (b. Yoma 73b; Song Rab. 2:13, §4). 2467 For the suffering and triumphant messiahs, see 3 En. 45:5; for a suffering Messiah, see the various views offered in b. Sukkah 52a; p. Sukkah 5:2, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 34:2; 36:1–2, and see data listed in Torrey, «Messiah.» For a messiah suffering for Israel " s sins, cf. Pesiq. Rab. 36:1–2; 37:1. For a servant messiah, cf. 2 Bar. 70:9. The doctrine of two messiahs continued in ninth-century Karaite doctrine (possibly from Essene roots?); cf. Wieder, «Messiahs.» 2468 Driver, Scrolls, 465–66, notes the different exegesis but thinks the rabbinic picture could shed light on the DSS, a proposition which takes too little account of the relative dates of the traditions. Kuhn, «Messias,» 208, points out that the DSS subordinate the political messiah to the priestly one, but rabbinic literature offers no parallel to this (though Jub. 31 and some other texts, may). |
| 4911 Burge, Community, 166; Dunn, Baptism, 192; Turner, Spirit, 68; Talbert, John, 99 (Talbert also cites useful works by Léon-Dufour, «Reading»; Summers, «Born»). 4913 Bürge, Community, 166; Dunn, Baptism, 192, citing 4:23–24; 6:63; cf. the repetition of synonyms in 12:49. 4914 Calvin, John, 1:110–11 (on John 3:5 ), disagreeing with most earlier commentators and citing accurately both the grammar and other water images for the Spirit (e.g., Matt 3:11). See also Beasley-Murray, John, 48 (citing Origen Comm. Jo. 2.249ff.; Calvin, John, 1:64–65), though Beasley-Murray himself finds such interpretations dubious. 4915 So Belleville, «Born,» 134–35, though she argues that the terms together refer to the dual work of God " s Spirit, the «Spirit» here being God " s nature imparted by the Spirit (p. 140), the water here being the Spirit " s purifying work (140; followed by Carson, Fallacies, 42). Westcott, John, 49, argues that «water» and «Spirit» are separate. 4917 Cf. similarly Calvin, John, 1:111. For spiritual purification in early Christianity, see, e.g., Sent. Sext. 23–24. Conversely, Herrn. Vis. 3.3 affirms baptismal regeneration. 4919 Some rabbis appealed to Ezek 36for the eschatological eradication of the evil impulse (b. Sukkah 52a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:17; Exod. Rab. 41:7; Lev. Rab. 35:5; Song Rab. 6:11, §1) and guilt (Pesiq. Rab. 14:15), others for the eschatological pervasiveness of the Spirit (third-century tradition in Gen. Rab. 26:6). 4921 Hoskyns, Gospel, 214; LaSor, Scrolls and NT, 151; Bruce, History, 156–57; Smalley, John, 227; Belleville, «Born,» 140; Suggit, «Nicodemus,» 96; Turner, Spirit, 68; McCabe, «Water and Spirit»; cf. Ladd, Theology, 285. 4922 Lit., «waters of impurity,» an expression often used in the Hebrew Bible for waters that purify one from impurity. 4924 Num. Rab. 7:10. Citing this text, R. Akiba emphasized that God himself would be their mikve, punning on «hope» and the ritual bath (the context in m. Yoma 8applies this promise to Yom Kippur; also noted in Torrance, «Baptism,» 153; idem, «Origins,» 166). |
| 6557 Cf. Scott, «Horizons,» 498–99, citing especially Philo Embassy 281; Isa 1:26; 2LXX. 6558 Jub. 8:12; Sib. Or. 5:249–250 (probably late-first- to early-second-century C.E. Egypt); b. Yoma 54b; cf. Ezek 5:5; 38:12 ; Alexander, «Imago Mundi»; Davies, Land, 7. Let. Arts. 83 (cf. 115, μση for seaports also) places it in the midst of Judea, as does Josephus War 3.52. Curiously, 1 En. 18ignores the opportunity to identify where the cornerstone of the earth is located, but this does not mean the tradition was unknown in that period, against Jubilees; 1 En. 26may place the middle of the earth in Jerusalem (26:2–6). On the new Jerusalem image here, see, e.g., Allison, «Water.» 6559 Some of the references in the preceding note; Jub. 8:19; b. Sanh. 37a; Num. Rab. 1:4; Lam. Rab. 3:64, §9; Pesiq. Rab. 10:2; 12:10; cf. Hayman, «Observations»; Schäfer, «Schöpfung»; Goldenberg, «Axis.» For the site of the temple as the «pupil of God " s eye,» cf. b. Ber. 62b; for its elevation, e.g., b. Qidd. 69a; for its identification with the site of the Aqedath Isaac (Mount Moriah), see, e.g., Gen. Rab. 55:7. 6560 T. Kip. 2:14; Lev. Rab. 20:4; Num. Rab. 12:4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 26:4; cf. Böhl, «Verhältnis.» For a «navel» within a city, see Pindar Dithyramb 4, frg. 75 (possibly on a prominent altar within Athens); cf. Pausanias 10.16.3. 6561 Besides clearer data above, cf. 3 En. 22B:7 (from God " s throne); Odes So1. 6:7–13 (to the temple). Let. Aris. 88–91 speaks of an underground water system beneath the temple, no doubt part of its Utopian idealization of the temple; cf. the possible allusion to the source of universal waters in Josephus Ant. 1.38–39 (perhaps even in Gen 2:10–14 ; cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.12.6; Pausanias 2.5.3). 6562 Gaston, Stone, 211; Hooke, «Spirit,» 377–78; cf. Freed, Quotations, 30; Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 132–33. Some naturally see baptismal associations here (Blenkinsopp, «Quenching,» 48; Cullmann, Worship, 82). 6563 Some commentators also note that κοιλα sometimes functions as the equivalent to καρδα in the LXX; elsewhere in John the term applies to the womb (3:4), which is also abdomina1. |
| 5944 See 1 John 2:18 ; see excursus on antichrist figures in Keener, Matthew, 573–75. 5945 Bultmann, John, 270; Hunter, John, 62–63. This interpretation appears as early as Irenaeus Haer. 5.25.3. 5946 The LXX does not claim that Moses «testifies» but he very frequently appears alongside the ark of μαρτριον («testimony»; it contained the law tablets) especially in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, usually in the «tent of witness.» 5947 Cf, e.g., L.A.B. 9:16; 20:5; CIJ 2:81–82, §834; 2:82, §835; probably 2:82, §836; see further Bonsirven, Judaism, 82. Philo uses Moses» life as a paradigm (Mack, «Imitatio,» on Philo Moses 1.158–159); see further the comment on John 6:15 . Early Christians also highly respected him (e.g., Heb 3:5–6; Rev 15:3). 5948 Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20. 5949 Josephus Ant. 4.328; Sipre Deut. 306.24.2. 5950 For Philo, see esp. Meeks, Prophet-King, 103–6. In one Amoraic tradition, perhaps with tongue-in-cheek hyperbole, God even allowed Moses to be stronger than he (p. Ta c an. 4:5, §1)! 5951 Gager, Moses, 18. 5952 E.g., Jub. 1:19; Philo Moses 2.166; 4 Ezra 7:107; L.A.B. 12:8–9; Γ. Mos. 11:17; Sipre Deut. 343.1.2; as an intermediary in other respects, e.g., T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Pesiq. Rab. 6:2; 15:3. Pardon comes through Moses in 4QDibrê ham-Méorôt 2.7–12 (in Vellanickal, Sonship, 30). In greater detail, see Meeks, Prophet-King, 118, 137, 160–61, for nonrabbinic Jewish literature; 200–204, for rabbinic literature; 254, for Samaritan tradition. Joshua intercedes for Israel in L.A.B. 21:2–6. 5953 Bernard, John, 1:257; Schnackenburg, John, 2:129; Whitacre, Polemic, 51; see esp. Hafemann, «Moses.» 5954 See Pancaro, Law, 256–57. A prosecutor or accuser was the opposite of an advocate (e.g., Aeschines Ctesiphon 37, where the laws are figuratively onés advocates). 5955 For the law as reprover of God " s people, see 2 Bar. 19:3; Jas 2:9; for a commandment becoming accuser instead of advocate if one sinned, see Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6. A third-century rabbi saw Moses as Israel " s accuser on the occasion of the golden calf idol (p. Yoma 7:3, on Exod 32:31). |
| 9563 «Sanhedrin» is a broad rather than restrictive term, applicable also in Greek texts to an informal assembly of advisors (Diodorus Siculus 13.111.1) or frequently to Romés «senate» (e.g., Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.70.5; 6.30.2; 6.81.1; 6.85.2; 8.69.2; 9.32.5; 10.2.6; 12.1.14; 12.6.2 in these texts it appears interchangeably with βουλ, a more common term, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.71.1; 6.1.1; 6.21.1; 6.81.4). Usage was broad; a βουλ traditionally could constitute a local council (Aristophanes Knights 475, 653) but also a leader " s war council (Homer I1. 2.84). 9564 Officials could also assemble their own administrative «councils» from among their friends (e.g., Josephus Life 368). 9566 Overman, Community, 372–73, 385, regards the Sanhédrin as a Roman political institution, although conceding that «some of the local Jewish elite may have been involved.» Yet the dominance of the Jewish elite is clear; in cities like Jerusalem, Rome ruled through municipal aristocracies– here, pro-Roman Jewish aristocrats. 9567 M. Sank 1:6; cf. later Tg. Neof. 1 on Exod 15:27. Cf. also Josephus " s Galilean council of 70 in War 2.570 and Life 79, and that of the Zealots in War 4.336, both undoubtedly following the standard contemporary model; the models probably ultimately derive from Mosaic tradition (Exod 24:9; Num 11:16,24 ; cf. Ezek 8:11 ). Josephus also assumed a council of seven judges as a lower court in every city (War 2.571; Ant. 4.214). An odd number to break a tie made sense; as in Roman law (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.64.6), a tie vote would yield acquitta1. 9568 Brown, Death, 348–49, doubts that an exact list of seventy-one members existed in the first century, suggesting that it merely included elders from distinguished families alongside chief priests, representatives of whom were expected to appear. 9570 T. Seqa1. 3:27; b. Yoma 25a; Gen. Rab. 70:8; Num. Rab. 19:26; Ecc1. Rab. 1:1, §1. A location near the temple is not surprising; at times other peoples» leaders could use temples (the senate in Cicero Fam. 8.4.4). |
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