| Like Paul ( Phil 3:3 ), John may contrast true worship in the Spirit with traditional measures of religious devotion, in this instance sacrifices and rituals in the temple; the use of «true» in 1(ληθς) may support this contrast. Such a contrast would not be surprising given John " s teachings about God " s house elsewhere in the Gospel (2:16–17; 8:35; 14:2); the believer becomes the place where the Father, Jesus, and the Spirit make their home (14:23). That John indeed refers to the sort of worship viewed in Revelation is confirmed by his «hour is coming» (4:21; cf. 5:28) and his «hour is coming and already is» (4:23; cf. 5:25), which (especially in the latter case) is the language of realized eschatology in the Fourth Gospel (5:25; 16:25, 32), inaugurated by the «hour» of Jesus» cross (7:30; 8:20; 12:23–24, 27; 13:1; 16:21; 17:1). 5556 As Aune puts it, «worship in the Spirit» is «a proleptic experience of eschatological existence.» 5557 John " s «worship in the Spirit» is a foretaste of the eschatological worship around God " s throne depicted in Revelation. Both prophets and philosophers critiqued worship based merely on sacred space, such as a temple cult. 5558 Thus philosophers «reconceptualized» sacred space, making philosophy the genuine cultic activity. 5559 John similarly reconceptualizes sacred space, but in terms of «the manner of worship: in spirit and truth.» 5560 This is not to deny that some could emphasize both the Spirit and sacred geography; some rabbinic traditions restricted prophecy primarily to the land 5561 and often associated the Spirit with the holy place. 5562 But as post-70 rabbis often used the language of biblical prophets to redefine the cultus ethically, John redefines it here especially pneumatically. In its most dramatic divergence from traditional Jewish expectations, however, this context speaks of a worship in the Spirit that ultimately transcends ethnic allegiances (4:20–24), just like the worship in Revelation (Rev 5:9–14; 7:9–10). |
| 7318 Thus «voice» here refers not to the «tone» as opposed to the «contents» (the word; Lenski, John, 753), but to covenant language (Betz, «φων,» 278). 7321 On prophetic inspiration in early Judaism, see Keener, Spirit, 10–26 and sources cited there; on the heavenly voice, see comment on 12:28. 7322 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:4; Pesiq. Rab. 3:3. God " s voice sounded gentle to Adam before his sin but harsh afterward (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:3; Pesiq. Rab. 15:3). God " s voice sometimes appears as a surrogate for God (T. Ab. 14–16; 20:13A; Rev 1:12), which some have even regarded as hypostatic (Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha and NT, 128–30; idem, «Voice»; but on Rev 1:12, cf. Exod 20:18). 7324 Robinson, «Parable,» 235; Dschulnigg, «Hirt.» Käsemann, Testament, 40, opines that John regarded the church as «exclusively … the community under the Word,» those who embrace Jesus» message. 7326 At least in 5:37; 6:45; 8:47, as Jesus hears the Father (5:30; 8:26, 40; 15:15; cf. 8:38) and the Spirit hears him (16:13). Hearing Jesus is hearing the Father (e.g., 14:24). 7327 Cf. Philós acceptance of the Greek view that God speaks inside rather than to humans (Amir, «Philo»). 7329 Cf. conceptions of innate law (Plutarch Uned. R. 3, Mor. 780C; Apuleius Metam. 3.8), the related idea of innate virtue (Philo Abraham 5–6), innate knowledge (Plato Phaedo 75CD, 76A; Cicero Topica 7.31), and innate knowledge of God (Cicero Leg. 1.22.58–59; Dio Chrysostom Or. 12, Olympic Discourse, §§27–28). 7331 Even in the forests of Corsica, grazing sheep would flee from strangers but gather when their shepherd signaled (Polybius 12.4.2–4). 7332 Longus 1.27. Yet presumably in Johannine theology, even an impostor remains identifiable by his voice (Rev 13:11). 7335 Herdsmen might also use caves in times of emergency, like heavy winter snows (Babrius 45.2–3). 7344 Cf. also Whitacre, John, 255. We base this on the textual contrast; in the culture itself, shepherds were frequently employed by others (MacMullen, Relations, 3; e.g., Polybius 9.17.6). |
| This transition must have occurred early in the Palestinian church. The marana tha invocation of 1Cor 16 " is clear evidence that in the very earliest days the Aramaic-speaking church referred to Jesus by the title that in the OT belongs to God alone.» 2571 In other words, the title «is the ascription to Jesus of the functions of deity.» 2572 Yet apart from occasional asides by the narrator (11:2; 20:20) and the frequent but indeterminate use of the vocative, characters rarely call Jesus «the Lord» before the resurrection, even in John (20:2,13,18, 25; 21:7,12); this suggests some constraints established by historical tradition. Jesus» Deity in Early Christian Tradition We have noted some arguments against Jesus» deity from the synagogue leaders and rabbis above and we will address John " s particular focus on the issue in the many relevant texts in the commentary. Here, however, we consider the tradition and doctrine which early Christianity made available to the Fourth Gospel " s author, whose special contributions on the subject are best first understood in the context of early Christian views already existing in his day. The opponents of the Johannine community challenged its Christology; John makes that Christology the centerpiece of his message to the community. As God " s people had to respond obediently to each new stage of revelation in biblical history (Abraham, the law, successive generations of prophets), so now people were to respond to Christ (cf. Heb 1–10). Just as the dividing line between true and false Christians focused on their understanding of Jesus (1 John 2:22–23; 3:23–4:6; 2 John 7–11 ) and their response toward his community (1 John 2:9–11, 19; 3:10–23; 4:7–8, 12, 20–21; 3 John 9–11 ), the dividing line between the true and false heirs of Israel was the person of Jesus, response to whom was expressed by response to his Spirit and his community (cf. Rev 2:9; 3:9). 1. Greek Divinization or Jewish Monotheism? It has often been asserted that John " s high Christology is a late, Hellenistic development. |
| 9328 E.g., Michaels, John, 271–72; Witherington, Wisdom, 266; Titus, Message, 204; Bernard, John, 2:513. 9330 Plutarch Lect. 11, Mor. 43BC; Aulus Gellius 1.26.2; 12.5.4; 20.10.1–6; t. Sank 7:10; " Abot R. Nat. 6A; see also Goodman, State, 79. 9331 Cf. Isocrates Demon. 41, Or. 1; Plutarch Lect. 18, Mor. 48A. Pythagoreans carried this further than others (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 52.10; Aulus Gellius 1.9.4; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.10). 9333 Cf. also 8:56; 17:13. For the association of joy with the resurrection of the righteous, see T. Jud. 25:4. See further the comment on 3:29. 9336 Syr. Men. 97–98; Xenophon Mem. 2.2.5. Often mothers did die in childbirth (Safrai, «Home,» 765, noting texts that blame such deaths on disobedience to the law; see Keener, Paul, 118–19), albeit not frequently enough to produce a decline in the Jewish population. 9337 Safrai, «Home,» 765, citing m. Šabb. 18:3; Roš Haš. 2:5; " Oha1. 7:4; also among Gentiles, e.g., Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.4. On the importance of midwives, see, e.g., Aristophanes Lys. 746–747; Galen N.F. 3.3.151–152; on the urgency, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 117.30. 9338 Descriptions of it nearly always focus on pain (e.g., Ovid Metam. 9.292–304; Phaedrus 1.18.2–3). 9343 E.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 294; Morris, John, 706; Cadman, Heaven, 196; Fenton, John, 169; Robinson, Coming, 174; Carson, Discourse, 162. 9346 Cf. realized eschatology in Rev 12:2, 5; Rom 8:22 . Many spoke of the final turmoil without the specific metaphor of «birth pangs» (e.g., Jub. 23:13; 36:1; 1QM 15.1; Sib. Or. 3.213–215; 4 Ezra 8:63–9:8; 13:30; 2 Bar. 26:1–27:13; 69:3–5; T. Mos. 7–8; m. Sotah 9:15; b. Sanh. 97a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9). 9348 Cf. Hoskyns, Gospel, 487–88. The distributive singular for «heart» (14:1; 16:22; Brown, John, 2:618) might also reflect Isa 66LXX here. 9351 It may have been a commonplace that, even if one was robbed of possessions, others could not seize onés abilities or identity (cf. Cicero Atf. 3.5; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.26.614); but the childbirth analogy remains central here. |
| 3614 Boismard, Prologue, 48–49; Morris, John, 103–4; survey of background in Coloe, Temple Symbolism, 31–63; against Barrett, John, 165. Jesus thus becomes the new temple (Jerusalem was God " s tabernacling-place, κατασκνωσις–Tob 1:4); see comment on 2:19–21; 4:21–24; 7:37–39; 10:36; 14:2–3; and cf. Brown, Community, 49; Painter, John, 57; cf. commentators on the hidden manna and ark under Rev 2:17. 3615 Stuart, «Examination,» 311; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; Gaston, Stone, 209; contrast Barrett, John, 165. 3616 Sir 24:8 ; the parallel is widely noted (Harris, «Origin»; Vos, «Range,» 404; Haenchen, John, 1:119; Gaston, Stone, 209; Glasson, Moses, 66; Hoskyns, Gospel, 148; cf. Barrett, John, 166). Cf. Bar 3:37 ; Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.46 and Congr. 116 (the tabernacle represents Wisdom); Posterity 122 (the λγος θεος ενοκει among those who contemplate eternal things); cf. T. Levi 2:11; 5:2; 6:5; the name in Did. 10.2. 3618 On the sukkah recalling the wilderness cloud of glory, hence God " s sheltering presence, in rabbinic texts, see Rubenstein, «Sukkah» Isa 4suggests an eschatological cloud of glory for a new exodus (even more emphatic in Tg. Isa. 4:5). 3619 Wis 12:1; See further Isaacs, Spirit, 23. Isaacs suggests that Philós doctrine of immanence may reflect dependence on biblical tradition as well as on the language of the Stoa (Spirit, 29). 3620 «Abot R. Nat. 1 A; b. Yoma 4a (early Tannaitic attribution); Num. Rab. 11:6; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1(citing m. »Abot 3:2, the oldest comment on the Shekinah); Abelson, Immanence, 143–45; with the Word, 146–49. Wisdom has glory in Wis 9:11, and functioned as God " s glory or Shekinah in the wilderness, guiding the righteous and being a covering by day and flame of stars by night (Wis 10:17; cf. Exod 13:21). 3621 4Q504 4.2–6; Num. Rab. 12:3; 14:22; Song Rab. 3:11, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7, 9; 7:4; Tg. Neof. on Exod 25:8; cf. Urbach, Sages, 1:51–53; for transferral of the idea to synagogues, see Lev. Rab. 11:7; glory is associated with booths in the wilderness, but again only rarely (b. Sukkah lib, attributed to R. Eliezer vs. R. Akiba). Some Amoraim sought to harmonize the universality of God " s presence with its localization in the tabernacle (e.g., Pesiq. Rab Kah. 1:2; Num. Rab. 12:4; Song Rab. 3:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 5:7). On glory and the tabernacle, see Exod 40:32–36; 1 Kgs 8:10–11; Boismard, Prologue, 144. |
| John further emphasizes here the inseparable relationship between the Father and the Son, repeatedly emphasized and clarified throughout the Gospel (e.g., 1:1–2). The Spirit «proceeds» from the Father (cf. Rev 22:1) 9148 but is sent by the Son (15:26; 16:7; cf. Luke 24:49) as well as by the Father (14:16,26); yet even in sending the Spirit, Jesus first receives the Spirit from the Father (15:26; Acts 2:33; cf. Rom 8:11 ). John attempts no precise disinction between the roles of the Father and the Son here except in acknowledging the Father " s superior rank; the Father often delegates his own roles to the Son in the Gospel (5:20–29). Various other early Christian texts likewise appear unconcerned to make stark differentiations between the roles of Father and Son here; some portray the Spirit as from the Father (e.g., Acts 2:17; 5:32; cf. Eph 1:17 ; Phil 3:3 ; 1Pet 1:12 ), others perhaps from the Son (cf. Rom 8:2, 9 ; Phil 1:19 ; 1Pet 1:11 ). Early Christians probably regarded the alternatives as complementary rather than contradictory (see esp. Gal 4:6 ). On the title «Spirit of truth,» see comment on 14:17. 3A. The Spirit Testifies against the World Certainly the Spirit " s witness is not limited to prosecuting the world as in 16:8–11; the Spirit can witness to believers to confirm their relationship with God, as both the Johannine tradition (1 John 5:6–8, 10) and other early Christian tradition ( Rom 8:16 ; cf. 9:1; Acts 15:8) concurs. But in this context the emphasis lies on prophetic witness to the world (cf. Rev 19:10). Certainly «witness» appears in a forensic sense in some Jesus tradition reported in Mark 13 : believers will be brought before authorities for a witness to (or against) them ( Mark 13:9 ), which will be empowered by the Holy Spirit ( Mark 13:11 ). Although the world could not receive the Spirit (14:26), the Spirit could witness to it (15:26–16:11), just as Jesus testifies but no one receives his witness (3:11,32; 1:10–11). The Spirit of truth and the disciples would both testify concerning Jesus. It is possible that this Paraclete saying is a general statement that summarizes the next two: when the Spirit comes, he will bear witness both to the world (16:8–11) and to the community (16:13–15); both of these sayings are introduced in a manner similar to the ταν ελθη of 15:26, and in each instance the Spirit comes to believers (15:26; 16:7,12–13). 9149 |
| 9992 «Purple» could mean scarlet (e.g., Rev 17:4; 18:16; Appian C.W. 2.21.150; cited in Brown, Death, 866; cf. Dupont, Life, 260), though the Gospel tradition probably preserves it for its symbolic value, both to the soldiers and to Jesus» later followers. Egyptian gentry in nome capitals purchased green, red, and especially blue outer apparel (Lewis, Life, 52–53). 9994 For its association with wealth, see, e.g., Lucretius Nat. 5.1423; Horace Carm. 1.35.12, 2.18.7–8; Cicero Sen. 17.59; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.159d; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.73; 1Macc 10:20, 62, 64, 14:43–44; lQapGen 20.31; Sib. Or. 3.389, 658–659; 8.74; Petronius Sat. 38, 54; Epictetus frg. 11; Martial Epigr. 5.8.5; 8.10; Juvenal Sat. 1.106; 4.31; Apuleius Metam. 10.20; Chariton 3.2.17; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7, 15:3; T. Ab. 4:2A; Jos. Asen. 2:2/3, 8/14–15; 5:5/6. Some writers complained about its extravagance (Seneca Dia1. 12.11.2; Plutarch T.T. 3.1.2, Mor. 646B; 1 En. 98MSS). 9995 Cf. Brown, John, 2:875. Derrett, «Ruber,» suggests that the red alludes to Isa 1and (somewhat less unlikely) 63:1–2; Lukés white robe in Luke 23characterized Jewish kings as well (Hill, Prophecy, 52). 10003 Flusser, Judaism, 600 (cf. Suggit, «Man»); Flusser argues (Judaism, 602) that on the historical level it is perfectly in character to suppose that Pilate joined in the ridicule of Jesus. Cf. Smith, John, 346. 10006 For the emphasis on Jesus» humanity here, see also Sevenster, «Humanity»; Koester, Symbolism, 187; Smith, John, 346. Schwank, «Ecce Homo,» finds an answer to Pilatés own question in 18:38; but the connection, while possible, is unclear. 10007 John elsewhere juxtaposes announcements of Jesus» humanity with his messianic identity (4:29; cf. 5:27) though more often those who do not recognize Jesus» fuller identity call him «human» (5:12; 7:46, 51; 9:16,24; 10:33; 11:47,50; 18:17,29); he may link his humanity and mortality in 3:14; 6:53; 8:40; 12:23, 34; 13:31. 10010 A familiar accusation; they may allude in part to Jesus» claims to authority to revise the Sabbath law (5:18; cf. Wead, «Law»); but cf. esp. 10:33. Less probably, Barrett, John, 541, thinks the law of blasphemy is particularly in view. |
| 7046 On «God " s works,» cf. comment on 6:28; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 415, on 1QS 4.4. John 3also speaks of «manifesting works,» but the parallel is primarily one of idiom rather than of theology (cf. 1 John 3:8 ; Johannine literature employs φανερω frequently: 1:31; 2:11; 7:4; 17:6; 21:1, 14; 1 John 1:2; 2:19, 28; 3:2, 5, 8; 4:9; Rev 3:18; 15:4); the idea in 2is closer. 7049 E.g., Chrysippus contended that Providence did not make sickness but in making good had to allow the bad to be produced (Aulus Gellius 7.1.7–13). 7051 Sipre Deut. 306.30.2, 5, 6. God " s mighty acts could be said to be predestined before creation (Gen. Rab. 5:5). 7052 Martyn, Theology, 28. For the verb «working» with the noun «works,» see also 6:28; Philostratus Hrk. 17.6. 7053 E.g., Homer Il. 2.387; 7.282; 8.529–530; 11.209; 14.259–261; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1059; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.48.3; Arrian Alex. 1.19.2; Polybius 5.86.1–2; Caesar Alex. W. 1.11; Gallic W. 2.11; Apollodorus Epitome 4.2; Silius Italicus 5.678; 13.254–255; Philostratus Hrk. 58.4; their uncommonness made night attacks all the more devastating (Homer II. 10.100–101; Arrian Alex. 1.4.1); forced dismissal of the Senate (Cicero Earn. 1.2.3). Augustinés interpretation of «night» here as hell (Tract. Ev. Jo. 44.6) is fanciful (Whitacre, John, 238). 7054 Including for the eyes (Tob 11:11–13; CIG 5980, in Deissmann, Light, 135–36; cf. commentaries on Rev 3:18). Proper use of eye salve could help (Epictetus Diatr. 2.21.20; 3.21.21), but use of the wrong substance could produce blindness instead (Diodorus Siculus 22.1.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 20.5.2–3; Appian R.H. 3.9.2). 7056 E.g., Theophrastus Char. 16.14. For magical uses, see esp. Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 8–11 (forwarded to me by Daniel Wallace). 7057 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 170, e.g., cite Pliny Nat. 27.75; 28.5,48,61,77; 29.12,32; 32.39; Boring et a1., Commentary, 284, cite SIG 1173 (138 C.E.; magical). On therapeutic uses, see further Galen N.F. 3.7.163 (for skin diseases); Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 11–16. |
| Статья впервые опубл. по-сербски: 1) О савременом noлoжajy православие Руске Цркве: Польска митрополща, Финска, Ecmohuja, Ykpajuha, Лemohuja, Литванска, Гpyзuja// Никодим (Милаш) , епископ Далматински. Православно црквено право. Под ред. на Казимирович. 3 изд. Београд, 1926. С. 817–830, 862–866, 874–881, 887–890; 2) Руска Православна Црква и noлoжaj православних цркава, koje су се од uздbojuлe на Ykpajuhu, у Гpyзuju, Фuhckoj, Ecmohuju, Лemohuju и Живот. Београд, 1927. 9. С. 98–108; 10. С. 129–138; 11. С. 205–208; 12. С. 245–247. Окончание статьи опубликовано: Руска Православна Црква и noлoжaj православних цркава, koje су се из uздbojлe//Црква и Живот. 1928. 4–5. С. 172–180. На русском языке публикуется впервые по автографу Н. Н. Глубоковского : ЦДА. Ф. 1442 к. 23. 1-й лист отсутствует. 5. Рабочий социализм и русская православная церковь С большим интересом прочел я «ответ рабочих вождей» о «социализме и христианстве» в «British Weekly» (январь 17, 1924). К моему изумлению оказалось, что социалисты, как таковые, больше христиане, ибо они устрояют Царство Божие на земле (rev. Herbert Dunnico, M. P.), между тем, сами христиане ожидают его лишь в будущем веке... При такой христианской возвышенности, тем поразительнее совершенно антихристианские заявления «рабочих вождей» Англии о русской православной Церкви и именно в тот момент, когда она лежит измученная и залитая кровью от родственных им коммунистических социалистов, а они неистовствуют у себя и начинают торжествовать в Европе и Англии, как бы обеспечивая себе «религиозную свободу действий». Rev. Herbert Dunnico возбужденно говорит: «Большевистское отношение к Церкви (в России) если и нельзя защитить, то все-таки оно понятно. Разве «Британский Еженедельник» станет защищать бесстыдные, развращенные, гнусные и тиранические действия Русской Православной Церкви»? Таким образом, Rev. Herbert Dunnico, по-видимому, приглашает все английское христианство к организованному походу против русского православия, но его слишком энергические выражения и оскорбительные эпитеты не содержат никаких конкретных указаний и напоминают простые ругательства, которые важны для суждения лишь о субъекте, а ничуть не об объекте речи... Много спокойнее и вразумительнее докладывает Rev. John Lewis, что «в России церковь была погружена в суеверия и всецело находилась во власти развращенного и запятнанного кровью государства, преступлений коего мы до 1914 года гнушались, но после утверждения большевиков начинаем их забывать». Эти холодные слова сколько поясняют, столько же и опровергают предшествующую диффамацию. Теперь дело становится несколько понятнее. |
| 7345 The Jerusalemite Pharisees Jesus addresses (9:40–10:4), and the probably urban first recipients of the Gospel (cf. Rev 1:4,11), may have thought instead of the more common literary images of flocks (cf., e.g., Keener, Matthew, 452); perhaps Jerusalemites thought of temple flocks (see some commentators on Luke 2:8). 7351 Ovid Metam. 14.778; Statius Achilleid 1.704–708. So also thieves (Catullus 62.34–35; Lewis, Life, 123; Matt 24:43). 7353 Babrius 132.1–4 (presumably the danger of being trapped inside with dogs and shepherds functioned as a deterrent). 7355 Hegesippus claimed that James the Lord " s brother called Jesus θρα (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 2.23.12–19); if this tradition is independent, it supports the antiquity of the christological title (see Carson, John, 389). Augustine rightly links 10:7–9 with 14and contends that Jesus is the only way to salvation (Tr. Ev. Jo. 47.3.3). 7358 The opportunity for suicide (Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.20; 1.25.21; 2.1.19; 3.8.6); other opportunity (Plutarch Reply to Colotes 3, Mor. 1108D; cf. 1QS 11.9); dreams of closed doors were inauspicious (Chariton 1.12.5). 7361 With, e.g., Bruns, «Shepherd,» 388; too quickly dismissed by Bernard, John, 2:355. Tg. Neof. on Deut 33suggests that Moses would also go forth before his people, leading them in the future world. But the image applied to any shepherd/leader (1 Kgs 22:17; 2 Chr 18:16). 7362 Bailey, «Shepherd Poems,» 7, focuses on the village homés court and thinks animals would have to be led out to pasture even in winter. 7363 Cf. Jesus» present leading in 16:13; future (as a shepherd) in Rev 7:17. In Aeschylus Eumenides 91, Apollo promises that Hermes will guide Orestes safely, like a shepherd (ποιμανων). 7371 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 110. Winter approaches as Jesus speaks these words in the story world (7:2; cf. 10:22–23), but this would probably exercise little influence on how John " s audience imagines the pasturing. 7374 Longus 3.3 (addressing Lesbos, farther north, but relevant in the Judean hills; shepherds and goatherds generally remained in the hills–Babrius 91.2; Matt 18:12); cf. Babrius 45.2–3. |
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