| 6991 Granted, incantations for invisibility appear in ancient magical papyri. 6992 But those who have labored most diligently to parallel Jesus with a magician cannot produce parallels for some standard magical feats such as flying or summoning up spirits of the dead; nor do any of Jesus» «escapes» (8:59; 10:39) mention invisibility. Further, on at least some level Jesus» ability to elude hostile crowds seems to reflect pre-Johannine tradition, for it is multiply attested (Luke 4:30). 6993 Indeed, in both Luke 4and John 8a nonsupernatural reading based on human awe is also possible. 6994 Greek and Roman readers, more peripheral to John " s audience than those more schooled in the biblical tradition, would probably think more readily of allusions to invisibility in their classical literary traditions than of magical papyri. They might think of the helmet of Hades, which caused invisibility, 6995 or more commonly of how various deities would shroud themselves 6996 or their favorite mortals 6997 in mist or a cloud to render them invisible. Because the initiative for such invisibility always rested with deities, 6998 it would comport with Johns emphasis on Jesus» deity in the context. But no mist or cloud appears here; the closest parallel to that in first-century Christian literature is in Acts 1:9, where, however, the background is the Shekinah and Elijahs ascent in a chariot of fire (2 Kgs 2:11). Deities could come in disguise and then vanish, 6999 but this was not foreign even to the biblical tradition, as when God visited Abraham ( Gen 18:33 ). In more common Jewish circles, one could allude to the motif of the hidden Messiah, 7000 but though this new Moses figure may vanish and then reemerge from hiding in the wilderness, we have little indication of a sudden disappearance from view as here. In view of Jesus» identification of himself with manna in 6:48, one could also think of the hidden manna tradition presumably known to John " s audience (Rev 2:17). But much of John " s biblically literate audience, even if familiar with the hidden Messiah or Greek traditions about deities, would be inclined to read a report about the biblical deity of 8in light of God " s hiding activity, as where God hides his own from danger (e.g., Ps 17:8; 27:5; 31:19–20; 64:2; 119:114 ); one might also think of God " s sheltering presence in the clouds of glory in the exodus. |
| 8475 Some associate «door» with the tabernacle (see comment on the fold in John 10 ), and «way» also makes sense here (Heb 9:8) but both are too specific a usage to be likely without other clues supporting them. 8478 E.g., p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Gen. Rab. 81:2. See further Marmorstein, Names, 73,179–81; Urbach, Sages, 1; cf. the «God of truth» in 4Q416 frg. 1, line 14 (with a moral emphasis). The personification of «truth» in occasional Greek texts (Maximus of Tyre Or. 10.1; Philostratus Hrk. 33.37) appears to be no more than a rhetorical device, though polytheism would have allowed for more. 8479 See PGM 5.145–147 (referring to Israel " s God in 5.98–99; cf. Deissmann, Light, 142). This may, however, reflect a pagan pattern; Thoth appears as the master and embodiment of truth in PDM61.74–75. 8482 Marmorstein, Anthropomorphism, 104, citing Tanhuma, ed. Buber, 2.115; for Cleanthes as the very «image» of his teacher Zeno, see Seneca Ep. 6. In 1397, Profiat Duran (Isaac ben Moses Halevi) claimed that this verse in John indicated intimacy with God but not divinity (Lapide, Hebrew, 40). 8483 Cf. Wis 7:24–27; Philo Confusion 97,147; Dreams 1.239; 2.45; Drunkenness 133; Eternity 15; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.81; Col 1:15; Heb 1:3; see further comment on the prologue. 8484 Interestingly, in one strand of extant passion material, Jesus announced with such language that the world would see his glory at the Parousia (Matt 26:64; Luke 22:69; omitted in Mark 14:62 ); this illustrates John " s emphasis on realized eschatology (cf. Rev 14:13) and the disciples. 8485 Jub. 11:14–15; Liv. Pro. 19 (Joad) (§30 in Schermann " s Greek text); Josephus Ant. 8.231; L.A.B. 40:1. This may be the implication of Plutarch Alex. 20.4–5. 8486 Xenophon Anab. 4.1.18. Similarly he recalls the name of a hoplite who defended him (4.2.21) and a soldier who opposed him (3.4.47–49). 8488 E.g., Bernard, John, 2:540; Hanson, Gospel, 179. The eight uses of δεκνυμι in Revelation are apocalyptic, but many of the seven uses in John are visible to the eye (5:20; 10:32; 20:20), suggesting a request for a visible theophany (Boice, Witness, 33–34). Cf. pagan petitions for the invisible supreme deity to make himself manifest (Plutarch Isis 9, Mor. 354D). |
| 6896 Cicero Vat. 10.25–26. 6897 Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.23.33. 6898 E.g., Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Yebam. 15:1, 8–10; 16:7; Ketub. 1:6–9; t. Yebam. 14:10; Sipra VDDeho. pq. 7.45.1.1. 6899 It was honorable and in onés favor to have no accuser (Seneca Controv. 2.1.7) or (more relevant here) no past criminal record (e.g., Cicero Sest. 30.64). 6900 Enoch is λεγχων of sins in T. Ab. 11:1–3B, but he appears more as a scribe recounting sins than a prosecutor exposing them. 6901 1 Kgs 8:46; Jub. 21:21; 1QS 11.9; Let. Aris. 277–278; Sir 8:5 ; 4 Ezra 7:138–140; b. Sanh. 101a; Apoc. Zeph. 7:8; Rom 3:23 ; perhaps 1 Esd 4:37–38. 6902 T. Ab. 10:13A; " Abot R. Nat. 14A; but normally even the patriarchs were not thought completely sinless (T. Ab. 9:3A; Moore, Judaism, 1:467–68; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 7:8). 6903 Cf. 1QS 6.26–7.9; 7.15–16; Josephus Ant. 3.67; b. Sanh. 101a; references in Edersheim, Life, 378; Beer, «lykwdm.» Publicly shaming onés fellow could be said to warrant exclusion from the coming age (m. " Abot 3:11). 6904 Likewise, «synagogue of Satan» is used for the jarring effect of its disjunctive image in Rev 2and 3:9, not because it had become a standard association of terms; the portrayal of churches as lampstands in Rev 1suggested their continuing Jewishness (see introduction, chs. 4–5). 6905 Brown, Community, 37, uses this to suggest that the Jewish community viewed John " s community as including «Samaritan elements.» By denying the demonization charge but not the Samaritan one, Jesus» response would encourage Samaritan converts (Duke, Irony, 75). 6906 Thus the emphatic σ at the sentencés conclusion (Bernard, John, 2:316). Cullmann, Church, 192, connects the charge with the fact that Jesus, like Samaritans, «was criticized for his attitude to the temple worship» (2:14–16); but the matter of descent from Abraham relates better to this context. 6907 The rhetorical practice of returning a charge had sufficient precedent (e.g., Plato Apo1. 35D; Matt 12:24,45); see further my introduction to 8:37–51. |
| Moule, Birth Moule, C. F. D. The Birth of the New Testament. New York: Harper & Row, 1962. Moule, «Factor» Moule, C. F. D. «A Neglected Factor in the Interpretation of Johannine Eschatology.» Pages 155–60 in Studies in John: Presented to Professor Dr. J. N. Sevenster on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by W. C. van Unnik. NovTSup 24. Leiden: Brill, 1970. Moule, «Individualism» Moule, C. F. D. «The Individualism of the Fourth Gospe1.» Pages 21–40 in The Composition of John " s Gospel: Selected Studies from Novum Testamentum. Compiled by David E. Orton. Brill " s Readers in Biblical Studies 2. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Moule, Mark Moule, C. F. D. The Gospel according to Mark. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965. Moulton and Milligan, Vocabulary Moulton, James Hope, and George Milligan. The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976. Mounce, «Eschatology» Mounce, Robert H. «Pauline Eschatology and the Apocalypse.» EvQ 46 (1974): 164–66. Mounce, Matthew Mounce, Robert H. Matthew. A Good News Commentary. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985. Mowinckel, «Geist» Mowinckel, Sigmund. «Die Vorstellung des Spätjudentums vom Heiligen Geist als Fürsprecher und der johanneische Paraklet.» ZNW32 (1933): 97–130. Mowinckel, «Remarks» Mowinckel, Sigmund. «Some Remarks on Hodayot 39.5–20.» JBL 75 (1956): 265–76. Mowry, «Scrolls» Mowry, Lucetta. «The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Gospel of John.» BA 17 (1954): 78–97. Mowvley, «Exodus» Mowvley, Henry. « John 1.14–18 in the Light of Exodus 33.7–34.35.» ExpTim 95 (1983–1984): 135–37. Moxnes, «Relations» Moxnes, Halvor. «Patron-Client Relations and the New Community in Luke-Acts.» Pages 241–68 in The Social World of Luke-Acts: Models for Interpretation. Edited by Jerome H. Neyrey. Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson, 1991. Moyer, «Purity» Moyer, James. «The Concept of Ritual Purity among the Hittites.» Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1969. Mozley, «Introduction» Mozley, J. H. Introduction. Pages vii-xx in Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica. Translated by J. H. Mozley. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936. |
| См. Апок. X. 4 и cp. Rev. Prof. H. B. Swetë The Apocalypse of St. John: the Greek Text with Introduction, Notes and Indices. London, 1907, Р. 1266. 13 Некую иллюстрацию сему мы имеем в судьбе нашего великого писателя Н. В. Гоголя, «религиозное сознание которого было апокалиптично: земля горит, свиваются небеса, встают из гробов мертвые, растут страшилища из семян наших грехов». – «Религиозное воззрение Гоголя эсхатологично, потому что наступают последние времена, срок рождения Антихриста; верные Христу потерпят великие муки; Антихрист и теперь уже рождается частично; он воплощается в людях, овладевая душами». См. у проф. К. В. Мочульского; Духовный путь Гоголя. Париж, 1931, стр. 33. Все это аналогично изображению Апокалипсиса, но, как известно, Гоголь не был понят «просвещенными современниками» и объявлен ненормальным... 14 Пространный катехизис митрополита Филарета. Предварительные понятия. Москва, 1903, стр. 4. 15 Ср. Rev. Prof. H. В. Swetë The Apocalypse of St. John, p. CLXXIÏ «it is not the purpose of the Apocalypse to teach Christian doctrine, but to inspire Christian hope». 16 Это особенно несомненно, если «Свидетельствующий» в XXII, 18 и 20 есть сам Апостол Иоанн, написавший их по окончании книги Откровения, как мы допускаем. 17 Поэтому и новейшие заявления (у Prof. Ernst Lohmeyer: Die Offenbarung des Johannes, S. 13), якобы γενμην, 10, констатирует, что при записывании апокалиптических видений Св. Иоанн находился не на Патмосе, не имеют теоретической вероятности, а указанная глагольная форма описывает не время вообще, но бытие и состояние созерцателя в период изображаемых в книге видений. 18 Так, Prof. Theodor Lahn noлaraem(Die Offenbarung des Johannes, I, 8. 319), что« die Pause zwischen der ersten und der zweiten Vision von Johannes dazu benüzt worden ist, das bis dahin Geschaute und Gehö rte aufzuzeichnen», как и вообще нельзя допустить, чтобы верховные повеления γρ α ψον откладывались исполнением дольше необходимого по обстоятельствам времени, когда Иоанн не мог знать, последуют ли за виденными еще новые откровения. |
| 1061 Summons to «behold» in the Gospel (e.g., 1:29) may function pleonastically; for pleonasm in ancient rhetoric, see Quintilian 8.3.53–55; 9.3.46–47; Anderson, Glossary, 102; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 88. 1062 Caird, Revelation, 5. Fiorenza, Revelation, 16, provides other evidence for the intentionality of Revelations Semitic style, which seems to imitate OT Hebraic patterns. In some conditions rhetoricians could value «radical departure from common idiom» (Anderson, Glossary, 48; cf. also λλοωσις, ibid., 16–17). 1065 Trites, Witness, 154–55, observes both similarities and differences between Revelation and John, allowing that the different emphasis may be due either to different authors or to different genre. 1066 See Hill, Prophecy, 85. Allusions to Jesus» parables also occur in other early Christian texts and interpolations; see Bauckham, «Parables.» 1067 Such chronological markers are admittedly not unique to Johannine literature (2 Bar. 22:1; Josephus Life 427; cf. 1 En. 41:1), and in Revelation they usually denote only the sequence of visions («saw,» 4:1; 7:1,9; 15:5; 18:1; «heard,» 19:1). 1068 Of course, Revelations «come» for revelation harks back to Exod 19:24; 24:12; 34:2, esp. in Rev 4:1. (Jewish texts continued to emphasize that Moses could not ascend until God summoned him, e.g., the Ethiopie title of Jubilees; Abot R. Nat. 2, §11 B; cf. L.A.B. 11:2; in later tradition, he ascended all the way to heaven, Pesiq. Rab. 20:4.) The language is imitated or paralleled in other apocalyptic passages (e.g., 1 En. 14:24–25, 15:1; 2 En. 21:3; 3 En. 41:1, 42:1, 43:1, 44:1, 47:1, 48A; b. Hag. 14b; Plutarch Divine Vengeance 33, Mor. 568A). 1069 On Rev 22:20, see Cullmann, Worship, 13; cf. idem, Christology, 201–10. The Aramaic formula appears in 1Cor. 16:22 ; see Fee, Corinthians, 838–39; Longenecker, Christology, 121; cf. Conzelmann, Corinthians, 300–301; Robinson, Studies, 154–57; idem, Coming, 26–27. 1070 The context probably suggests that love for other believers is in view (Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 75; cf. Robbins, «Apocalyptic,» 160), although love for God cannot be excluded. |
| Isaeus. Translated by Edward Seymour Forster. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1927. Isocrates. Orations. Translated by George Norlin and Larue van Hook. 3 vols. LCL. London: Heinemann, 1928–1961. John Chrysostom. Commentary on Saint John the Apostle and Evangelist, Homilies 1–47. Translated by Sister Thomas Aquinas Goggin. The Fathers of the Church 33. New York: Fathers of the Church, 1957. Joseph and Asenath. Translated by C. Burchard. OTP 2:177–247. Joseph et Aséneth: Introduction, texte critique, traduction, et notes. Edited by Marc Philonenko. StPB B.Leiden: Brill, 1968. Josephus. Translated by H. St. J. Thackeray, Ralph Marcus, Allen Wikgren, and Louis H. Feldman. 10 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1926–1965. Josephus. The Jewish War. Edited by Gaalya Cornfeld with Benjamin Mazar and Paul L. Maier. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982. Jubilees. Translated by Orval S. Wintermute. OTP 2:35–142. Justinian. Institutes. Translation and introduction by Peter Birks and Grant McLeod, with the Latin text of Paul Krueger. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987. Juvena1. Satires. Translated by G. G. Ramsay. Rev. ed. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940. The Ladder of Jacob. Introduction and translation by H. G. Lunt. OTP 2:401–11. The Legend of King Keret. Translated by H. L. Ginsberg. ANET 142–49. Liber antiquitatum biblicarum. See Pseudo-Philo, below. Life of Adam and Eve. Translated by M. D. Johnson. OTP 2:249–95. Life of Adam and Eve. Greek text of the Vita of Adam and Eve, and the Apocalypse of Moses. Pages 1–23 in Apocalypses Apocryphae. Edited by Konstantin von Tischendorf. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966. Lives of the Prophets. Introduction and translation by D. R. A. Hare. OTP 2:379–99. Greek text in Propheten und Apostellegenden nebst Jüngerkatalogen, edited by Theodor Schermann. Livy. Ab urbe condita. Translated by Β. Ο. Foster, Frank Gardner, Evan T. Sage, and A. C. Schlesinger. 14 vols. LCL. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1919–1959. |
| 10569 Also p. Yoma 7:2 (paralleling heavenly priests); Pesiq. Rab. 33:10; Yadin, War Scroll, 219; cf. Exod 39:27–29; Lev 6:10; 16:4, 32 . 10570 Pausanias 2.35.5; 6.20.3; Pythagoras in Diodorus Siculus 10.9.6; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.33; Hipponax frg. 65; Ovid Her. 4.71 (Eleusinian rituals); Athenaeus Deipn. 4.149d; SEG 11.923, in Sherk, Empire, 58; Ramsay, Letters, 386; cf. the change of garments in Olmstead, History, 511. Cf. Rev 3:4–5, 18; 4:4; 6:11; 7:9, 13. Linen was not limited to worship settings, however (e.g., Indians in Arrian Ind. 16.1–2). 10571 Naturally, Archelaus in Josephus War 2.1 could afford a special garment; one doubts that all comers (despite Ant. 11.327) had the same opportunity. 10572 Cf. Homer II. 1.103; Ovid Metam. 2.832; Ex Ponto 2.5.37–38; 4Q183, 2.4–8 (possibly also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 6–7); 4Q544, 1.10–14; 2.3–5 (both depicting the ruler of darkness); 4Q548, lines 10–15; Silius Italicus 11.548; Dupont, Life, 260. Black functions negatively in Aeschylus Sept. 832–833 (a terrible, «black curse»); Ovid Fasti 1.58 (inauspicious); Marcus Aurelius 4.28. Athenians used white ballots for acquittal, black for a death sentence (Plutarch Alc. 22.2). 10573 Cf. Hesiod Op. 154–155; Aeschlyus Eumenides 745 (the Furies spring from Night); Ovid Amores 1.8.3–8 (night as the time for witchcraft); Philostratus Hrk. 33.6 (white associated with the sun god); Lucan C.W. 6.624; Philo thinks black the absence of light and white (Creation 29; Abraham 10). Ephraim Isaac, an Ethiopian translator of 1 Enoch, points out that in 1 En. 87white suggests the image of purity in Ethiopie (OTP 1n.) Against some modern assumptions, these associations with color derive from day/night divisions, not human pigment. White is associated positively with the spirit world in various traditional African societies (Mbiti, Religions, 73, 277; Isichei, History, 64). 10574 In early Christianity, cf. Rev 3:4–5; 4:4; 19:8, 14. 10575 E.g., PGM 4.637–638, 698–699; also an inscription in Grant, Religions, 16. |
| At the same time there is some evidence that after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 the Jewish Christian apostolate gained considerable influence among the Jews and thus became a greater threat to Pharisaic leaders; this was especially the case because Christians saw the destruction of Jerusalem as a judgment Jesus had foretold ( Mark 13 ; Matt 24; Luke 21). 1631 This makes sense as a setting for the Fourth Gospe1. The Judeans, who are much less positive toward Jesus in this Gospel than are the Galileans, 1632 may represent the heirs of the Jerusalem leaders in Yavneh, which was in Judea. The impression one gets from the Fourth Gospel is that the Johannine community or its allies in Galilee felt repressed by the Judean Pharisees or their allies in Asia (7:13; 9:22; 20:19). After all, the Pharisees represent only part of the opposition in Mark, much more in Matthew, but have become identical with the opposition in John. The Sadducees do not appear in John (the «scribes» appear only in the interpolation of 7:53–8:11, in 8:3). Such a situation of conflict fits what we know of the churches» struggles in at least Smyrna and Philadelphia in Asia Minor (Rev 2:9–10; 3:7–9). 1633 Hostility between Jewish Christians and other Jews apparently had early roots in Ephesus (Acts 19:8–9, 33–34; 21:27–29; for the many Jewish Christians there, 19:9–10, 17), but events in Smyrna and Philadelphia were more recent. Rabbinic sources on the minim, «schismatics,» are not the ideal source for reconstructing the intra-Jewish conflict in this period, but they do resemble the picture we have from some of the Christian sources, and it is important to make use of all the relevant data. 1634 It is extremely doubtful that official dialogue occurred between Jewish Christians and the rabbis at Yavneh. 1635 Although it is not clear that any rabbis became Christians, 1636 rabbinic fear of contamination from heretical ideas intensified. 1637 Nevertheless, both Tannaim and Amoraim appear to have engaged in some serious discussions with the minim, or «heretics.» 1638 Although minuth, «heresy,» was dangerous, some may have suspected value in dialogue, as R. |
| 4399 If anything, the primary link, as in 7:37–39, is with Sukkoth and an emphasis on the Spirit «dwelling» among believers. 4405 Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 79; Estate of Ciron 9, 20. On wedding customs, see Keener, «Marriage,» 685–86; wedding feasts, e.g., in Xenophon Eph. 1.8; 3.5; Philostratus Hrk. 54.8; Matt 22:2; Rev 19:9. 4406 ÓRourke, «Law,» 181. But even in Roman weddings the mother decked the bride out, and the bride separated her toys for childhood deities (Friedländer, Life, 1:234); such frugality as Lucan C.W. 2.352–353 recounts is exceptiona1. Roman weddings were also joyous celebrations (Appian R.H. 3.4.7). 4410 " Abot R. Nat. 4 A; 8, §22 B; cf. also b. Ketub. 17a, in Safrai, «Home,» 758, and Urbach, Sages, 1:608. 4414 Even Romans would honor one who placed the demands of religious rituals above affection for onés family, though this may be because of their emphasis on duty to the state (Valerius Maximus 1.1.10; cf. Deut 13:6–10 ). 4416 E.g., t. Ber. 2:10; 4Q545 line 6; Brown, John, 1:97–98, cites Judg 14:12 ; Tob 11:19. Feasting during the night of the wedding itself may have been the most significant; cf. Eickelman, Middle East, 174, on traditional Middle Eastern weddings (Catullus 61.112, 192–193, insists that Roman weddings must be consummated on the first day). 4417 Safrai, «Home,» 760, citing especially t. Ber. 2:10, which emphasizes the participation of the shoshbinin (see on John 3:29 ) and the participating guests, the «sons of the wedding-canopy» (bene chuppah). Thus Haenchen, John, 1:174, is mistaken in denying that anyone would know the wine was different on the assumption that all guests were coming and going. 4419 E.g., Chariton 3.2.10; Menander Rhetor 2.6, 404.17 (perhaps hyperbolically); cf. Matt 22:3–10; Luke 14:21; Diodorus Siculus 16.91.4; 16.92.1; stele in Sherk, Empire, 33. 4420 E.g., the splendid and costly wedding of Josephus Ant. 13.18–21 (marred by a massacre); Phaedrus 1.6.1. For wedding invitations, see, e.g., P.Oxy. 1487; cf. similarly invitations to other banquets, P.Oxy. 112; 1214; 1485; 2147. An ideal banquet setting might prefer nine or less people (Aulus Gellius 13.11.2–3), but this was irrelevant for weddings. |
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