| 7183 The language would surely be intelligible in a very hellenized Jewish framework (e.g., Philo Creation 53, 66). 7185 For irony, see our introduction, pp. 214–28, under «The Jews»; for oxymoron, see Rowe, «Style,» 143 (citing Gregory Nazianzus Or. 28.30; Augustine Ep. 126.7); Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 582 (citing Rom 6:8 ). 7187 Some other ancient Mediterranean thinkers recognized that those who were most offensive to reason (Lucian Runaways 4) or justice (b. Roš Haš. 16b) were those who claimed most to possess it. 7188 That early Christians often recognized that this kind of abuse of power in the religious community was a potentially Christian as well as Pharisaic problem is clear in some elements of the gospel tradition (e.g., Matt 24:45–51), and it ultimately afflicted some Johannine communities (3 John 9–10). 7189 Bruns, «Shepherd,» 386; Mary, «Shepherd,» 2658. Appold, Motif 247, wrongly doubts the fit between chs. 8 and 9 (hence also 10). 7193 Johnston, «Parables,» 37, on Fiebig. Even among Greeks and Romans, some writers used allegorical images less frequently than others (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 5; Cicero Or. Brut. 24.81; 27.94). 7194 Dodd, Tradition, 382–83; Ellis, Genius, 168. Α παροιμα is a proverb in Alciphron Fishermen 18 (Halictypus to Encymon), 1.15; John " s are primarily riddles (Doh, «Paroimiai»); in rhetorical handbooks, see Anderson, Glossary, 91 (citing esp. Demetrius 156). Sages could use parables or riddles to explore God " s mysteries (4Q300 frg. 1,2.1–4; 4Q301 frg. 1, line 2; 4Q302a); on the semantic range of mashal and its Greek translations, see, e.g., Keener, Matthew, 371–73. 7199 Robinson, «Parable,» 234; Robinson, Studies, 68; Dodd, Tradition, 383; Dodd, More Studies, 31. In 10the door could represent Jesus " death (Meyer, «Note,» 233–34), whereas in 10Jesus himself is the door; but rabbis and eschatological teachers, including Jesus, were not always bound to the consistency of their images. 7200 See Johnston, «Parables,» 601–2; Stern, Parables, 11; discussion in Keener, Matthew, 381–84, and the sources cited there; cf. also Brown, Essays, 321–33. |
| And this is confirmed more extensively by the next co-conspirator. Celsus What Justin invites the emperor and senate to do, and what he criticizes Crescens for probably not doing, was done by the critic Celsus, at least to a degree. Celsus took the time to give the books of his opponents at least a cursory reading. In fact, many scholars have thought that Celsus, who wrote his True Logos sometime between about 160 and 180, was responding directly to some of the challenges posed in the writings of Justin. Robert Grant finds the significance of Celsus’ work to lie in the fact ‘that he has investigated second-century Christianity and knows a good deal about it’. 208 For one thing, Celsus is aware of the common notion that the disciples of Jesus wrote accounts regarding him which portrayed his suffering and death. Indeed, he accepts this as true (Against Celsus 2.16). And, somehow, he has procured copies of these accounts. As was noted earlier, he has his fictional Jewish opponent of Christianity professing to have refuted the Christians ‘from your own books’ (2.74 cf. 2.77). Which books would those have been? Origen says that Celsus ‘endeavours to cast reproach’ upon Jesus ‘from the narratives in the Gospel’ (Cels. 2.34) and ‘extracts from the Gospel narrative those statements on which he thinks he can found an accusation’ (Ceb. 2.37). Though Origen uses the singular, ‘the Gospel’, he clearly means the four Gospels collectively. He attests specifically that Celsus ‘makes numerous quotations from the Gospel according to Matthew’ (Cels. 1.34). Origen notes that Celsus ‘extracts from the Gospel’ (this time it is John) ‘even passages which are incorrectly interpreted’ (Cels. 2.36). One of Celsus’ assertions was that the ‘framers of the genealogies, from a feeling of pride, made Jesus to be descended from the first man, and from the kings of the Jews’ (Cels. 2.32). The only known Gospels, canonical or non-canonical, which contain genealogies of Jesus are Matthew and Luke. Matthew traces Jesus’ lineage to ‘the kings of the Jews’, Luke back to Adam ‘the first man’. |
| 4100 Although God " s «Spirit» means more than «purifying wind» here, perhaps John " s baptism partly symbolized cleansing by the spirit of judgment and burning (Isa 4:4; Mal 3:2 ) that would deliver from eschatological fire (so Dunn, «Spirit,» 695); Barnard, «Matt. Ill,» 107, suggests the Jewish and Iranian image of a fiery stream. 4101 Keener, «Pneumatology,» 65–69. 4102 See Kraeling, John, 58–59, against detractors citing the obscure ignorance of Baptist disciples in Acts 19:2. That they were unaware of any Holy Spirit is unlikely, given the prevalence of teachings about the Holy Spirit in early Judaism (with or without the Baptist). 4103 Flowers, «Pneumati»; Manson, Sayings, 41 (citing Acts 19:1–6 against Spirit); cf. Kraeling, John, 61–63; Bruce, «Matthew,» 84; for the wind in winnowing, e.g., Ps 1:4 ; Isa 17:13; 29:5; 41:15–16; Hos 13:3 ; Lev. Rab. 28:2; Ecc1. Rab. 5:15, §1. 4104 See Bruce, «Spirit,» 50. 4105 Aune, Prophecy, 132, citing 1QS 4:20–21; for further documentation, see Keener, «Pneumatology,» 65–69. 4106 Cf. Robinson, Problem, 74. For the essential identity between John " s and Christian baptism, cf. Bultmann, Theology 1:39. 4107 On the difference, e.g., Meier, Matthew, 25; Parratt, «Spirit»; on their similarity (Christian baptism and Spirit baptism; John " s may function paradigmatically, but this is not in view here) cf. Beasley-Murray, «Spirit»; idem, Baptism, 275–78; Richardson, Theology, 357. 4108 See Dunn, Baptism, 33–34. 4109 Robinson, Problem, 76–77. 4110 The aorist here might contrast with Jesus» eschatological baptism; cf. Botha, " Ebaptisa,» who describes it as a «timeless aorist.» 4111 Dunn, Baptism, 24; cf. Beasley-Murray, Baptism, 290; White, Initiation, 87; Robinson, Problem, 9; Hooker, Message, 11; Robinson, Studies, 169. 4112 See more fully Keener, «Pneumatology,» 77–84; less eschatological segments of early Judaism stressed this less, but biblical traditions were clear (e.g., Isa 44:3; 59:21; Ezek 36:27; 37:14; 39:29 ; Joel 2:28–29 ). |
| 7688 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 286. Some Pharisaic opposition remains likely; Paul was a Pharisee ( Phil 3:5 ) and persecuted Christians ( Phil 3:6 ), though he acted in connection with the high priest (Acts 9:1–2); but other Pharisees, perhaps especially Hillelites, were more consistent with their general stance of tolerance (Acts 5:34–35). 7690 His Jewish name was Joseph, but his cognomen was Caiaphas, perhaps meaning «inquisitor» (Stauffer, Jesus, 122). 7691 Winter, Trial, 39, doubts that Caiaphas was much involved with the tria1. But while Luke also knows of Caiaphas (Luke 3:2; Acts 4:6), only Matthew and John (Matt 26:3, 57; John 18:13–14, 24,28 ) connect him with Jesus» trial, which strongly suggests (in view of John " s very likely independence from Matthew) independent traditions attesting Caiaphas " s role. On Annas and Caiaphas in John, see Brown, Death, 404–11. 7692 Stauffer, Jesus, 102. (Stauffer, p. 54, thinks that Caiaphas «held his peace» when Pilate introduced standards into Jerusalem; but Josephus Ant. 18.57–59 is unclear.) 7693 See the very debated, so-called Caiaphas family tomb (Riesner, «Familiengrab»; Reich, «Inscriptions»; idem, «Name»; Evans, «Caiaphas Ossuary»). Even if it did not belong to Caiaphas himself, it probably belonged to aristocratic priests (see Horbury, «Ossuaries») and so illustrates the point; for health advantages of Jerusalem " s upper class, cf. Zias, «Remains.» 7695 E.g., Case, Origins, 56; cf. Winter, Trial, 43. The aristocracy undoubtedly considered their method of silencing Jesus successful; Rome regarded Palestine as quiet during Tiberius " s reign I Judge, Pattern, 23, citing Tacitus Hist. 5.9). 7700 Mylonas, Eleusis, 230. Cf. also Caesar as Pontifex Maxim us, which appears in Greek as ρχιερες (P.Lond. 1912.14; Alexandria, 41 C.E.). 7702 Westcott, John, vi; Strachan, Gospel, 157; MacGregor, John, 256; Hoskyns, Gospel, 411; Lightfoot, Gospel, 230; Reicke, Era, 148 n. 17; Grundmann, «Decision,» 304; ÓDay, «John,» 697, with Origen. |
| 8312 A Greek proverb also regarded a friend as a second self (Diodorus Siculus 17.37.6; cf. Cicero Fam. 13.1.5; Fin. 1.20.70; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.63). Bultmann, Word, 115–16, following Kierkegaard, emphasizes that such love ultimately overpowers self-love. 8313 Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 75. John consolidates love for God and neighbor in 15:10–17 (see Grayston, Epistles, 67). 8314 Hoskyns, Gospel, 451. Segovia, Relationships, 124–25, rightly notes that love is christo-logically conditioned in 13:34–35 and 15:1–17, but probably reads too much into the situation when he finds antidocetic polemic here. 8316 E.g., Aeschines False Embassy 75; Lysias Or. 2.61, §196; Theophrastus Char, proem 3; Cicero Sesf. 48.102; 68.143; see also examples in our introduction concerning the moral functions of biographical genre; Kurz, «Models,» 176–85 on narrative models in antiquity (especially history and biography, pp. 177–83). 8318 Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 76–77, citing texts about «walking» in God " s «ways» ( Deut 8:6; 10:12; 11:22; 19:9; 26:17; 28:9; 30:16 ). For the imitation of God, see further Cicero Tusc. 5.25.70; Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; Epictetus Diatr. 2.14.12–13; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Plutarch Borr. 7, Mor. 830B; Let. Aris. 188, 190, 192, 208–210, 254, 281; Philo Creation 139; Eph 5:1 ; T. Ash. 4:3; Met Sir. 3.43–44; Sipra Qed. par. 1.195.1.3; Sent. Sext. 44–45; Keener, Matthew, 205; Rutenber, «Imitation,» chs. 2–3. 8319 E.g., tradition attributed to R. Akiba (e.g., Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.7; Gen. Rab. 24:7); cf. the emphasis on love of neighbor in m. 1:12, attributed to Hillel; Jub. 36:4,8. 8320 E.g., among the great diversity of views among early Jewish teachers, many felt that honoring parents was the greatest commandment (Let. Aris. 228; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Ps.-Phoc. 8; Moore, Judaism, 2:132); by contrast, early Christians were more united around a single primary teacher and his views. See Keener, Matthew, 530–31; cf. 248–49. 8322 Cf 4 Ezra 3:7: God gave Adam one commandment, through the violation of which Adam incurred death. |
| The title «Spirit of truth» is undoubtedly particularly relevant to the Farewell Discourses because of the earlier identification of Jesus as the truth (14:6). 8720 This again binds the Spirit to Jesus. 4. Coming and Staying (John 14:15–20) If the disciples keep Jesus» commandments (14:15), especially loving one another to the death (13:34–35), he will send them another Advocate to minister for them in his stead (14:16–17). Thus, when Jesus comes to them after the resurrection to give them resurrection life (14:18–19), he will in some sense remain with them–indeed, in them (14:20). Although John presupposes that his audience knows of Jesus» ascension (20:17), like Matthew he does not narrate it because, as in Matthew, Jesus in some sense remains among his people (Matt 28:20). Those who love Jesus keep his commandments (14:15, 21; cf. 21:15); those who keep his commandments will abide more securely in his love (14:21; 15:10). What Jesus describes here is not a formula–it is far too circular for that–but the pattern for a developing relationship. For discussion of the significance of the commandments of 14:15, see comment on 14:21–25. 4A. The Paraclete Brings Jesus» Presence (14:16–17) For discussion of the «Paraclete,» the «Spirit of truth,» and possible legal implications of the image, see the lengthy introductory sections above, pp. 953–71. Of primary significance in these verses is the relation of the Spirit to Jesus; he is «another Paraclete,» Jesus» «successor» (see discussion above). Further, like Jesus, the Spirit may be related in some manner to the image of divine Wisdom in early Jewish sources (see discussion above); if this connection is likely, then just as Jesus» opponents attacked the very divine Word they claimed to uphold, so do the opponents of John " s audience attack what they purport to defend. Later, after Jesus returned and the disciples were empowered, disciples would be able to ask what they wished in Jesus» name (16:26), but until that time they remained dependent on Jesus, who would secure the other Paraclete for them (14:16). Clearly, the Father must authorize the Spirit " s sending (cf. Acts 5:32; 1Pet 1:12 ), but Jesus also plays a direct role in it (15:26; 16:7; cf. 3:34; Luke 24:49). Further, as the Father dwelled in the Son (14:10), so would the Spirit dwell in the disciples (14:17). The remaining of the Spirit with them «forever» (14:16) reflects language familiar in the Johannine circle (cf. 2 John 2 ; perhaps John 8:35 ); just as the Spirit «remained» on Jesus (1:32), the Spirit would remain with the disciples (cf. 1 John 2:27 ). The disciples, ready to lament Jesus» departure, would in fact obtain his continuing presence by the Spirit once he was glorified! |
| Manns, «Réponse» Manns, Frédéric. «L " évangile de Jean, réponse chrétienne aux décisions de Jabne: Note complémentaire.» Studii biblici franciscani liber annuus 32 (1982): 85–108. Manns, «Sagesse» Manns, Frédéric. «La sagesse nourricière dans l " évangile de Jean.» Bibbia e oriente 39 (1997): 207–34. Manns, «Source» Manns, Frédéric. «Une source de l " aggadah juive: La littérature grecque.» Studii biblici franciscani liber annuus 29 (1979): 111–44. Manns, «Symbolisme» Manns, Frédéric. «Le symbolisme du jardin dans le récit de la passion selon St Jean.» Studii biblici franciscani liber annuus 37 (1987): 53–80. Manns, «Traditions» Manns, Frédéric. «Traditions targumiques en Jean 2,1–11.» Marianum 45 (1983): 297–305. Manson, Hebrews Manson, William. The Epistle to the Hebrews: An Historical and Theological Reconsideration. Baird Lecture, 1949. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1951. Manson, Paul and John Manson, T. W. On Paul and John: Some Selected Theological Themes. SBT 38. London: SCM, 1963. Manson, Sayings Manson, T. W. The Sayings of Jesus. London: SCM Press, 1957.Repr., Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979. Manson, Servant-Messiah Manson, T. W. The Servant-Messiah. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961. Mantel, «Oral Law» Mantel, Hugo D. «The Antiquity of the Oral Law.» Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute 12 (1983): 93–112. Mantel, Sanhédrin Mantel, Hugo. Studies in the History of the Sanhédrin. Harvard Semitic Studies 17. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961. Mantey, «Evidence» Mantey, Julius R. «Evidence That the Perfect Tense in John 20and Matthew 16Is Mistranslated.» JETS 16 (1973): 129–38. Mantey, «Translations» Mantey, Julius R. «Distorted Translations in John 20:23 ; Matthew 16:18–19 and 18:18.» Review and Expositor 78 (1981): 409–16. Manus, «Parallels» Manus, Ukachukwu Chris. « Jn 6:1–15 and Its Synoptic Parallels: An African Approach toward the Solution of a Johannine Critical Problem.» Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center 19 (1991–92): 47–71. |
| Wilckens, «Paraclete» Wilckens, Ulrich. «Der Paraclete und die Kirche.» Pages 184–203 in Kirche: Festschrift für Günther Bornkamm zum 75 Geburstag. Edited by Dieter Lührmann and Georg Strecker. Tübingen: Mohr, 1980. Wilcox, «Dualism» Wilcox, Max. «Dualism, Gnosticism, and Other Elements in the Pre-Pauline Tradition.» Pages 83–96 in The Scrolls and Christianity: Historical and Theological Significance. Edited by Matthew Black. London: SPCK, 1969. Wilcox, «God-Fearers» Wilcox, Max. «The «God-Fearers» in Acts–a Reconsideration.» JSNT 13 (1981): 102–22. Wilcox, «Tree» Wilcox, Max. » " Upon the Treé– Deut 21:22–23 in the New Testament.» JBL 96 (1977): 85–99. Wild, Water Wild, Robert A. Water in the Cultic Worship of Isis and Sarapis. Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l " empire romain 87. Leiden: Brill, 1981. Wiles, Gospel Wiles, Maurice F. The Spiritual Gospel: The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel in the Early Church. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Wilken, «Christians» Wilken, Robert. «The Christians as the Romans (and Greeks) Saw Them.» Pages 100–125 in vo1. 1 of Meyer and Sanders, Self-Definition. Wilken, «Collegia» Wilken, Robert. «Collegia, Philosophical Schools, and Theology.» Pages 268–91 « in The Catacombs and the Colosseum: The Roman Empire as the Setting of Primitive Christianity. Edited by Stephen Benko and John J. ÓRourke. Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1971. Wilken, «Interpretation» Wilken, Robert. «Toward a Social Interpretation of Early Christian Apologetics.» Church History 39 (1970): 437–58. Wilkins, Discipleship Wilkins, Michael I. Discipleship in the Ancient World and Matthew " s Gospe1. 2d ed. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1995. Wilkinson, «Blood» Wilkinson, John. «The Incident of the Blood and Water in John 19.34 .» S/T28 (1975): 149–72. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Wilkinson, John. Jerusalem as Jesus Knew It. London: Thames 8c Hudson, 1978. Wilkinson, «Orientation» Wilkinson, John. «Orientation, Jewish and Christian.» PEQ 116 (1984): 16–30. |
| 1958. Vol. 31. N 1. Р. 5-18; О созыве Вселенского Собора//ВРСХД. 1959. 1(52). С. 1-5; Autour de la convocation du concile oecuménique//Le Messager Orthodoxe. 1959. N 6. Р. 9-13; The Interrelelation of the Gospels: Matthew-Luke-Yohn//Studia Evangelica. B., 1959. Bd. 1. S. 129-147. (TU; 73); Что дал русской православной эмиграции Экзархат Вселенского престола?//ВРСХД. 1960. 1(56). С. 9-11; Das Studium des Neuen Testamentes in der Orthodoxen Kirche//Kyrios. N. Y.; B., 1960. Bd. 1. H. 1. S. 22-39; Concile romain et unité chrétienne//Le Messager Orthodoxe. 1961. N 13. Р. 2-8; Paroles orthodoxe autour du Concile//Irénikon. 1961. Vol. 34. Р. 232-237; La présence de l " Église d " orient en occident et son influénce//L " Église en dialogue. P., 1962. Р. 62-102; Préface// Cassian, mgr., Botte B. La Prière des Heures. P., 1963. P. 7-8; La prière dans le Nouveau Testament//Ibid. P. 17-42; Le Jour du Seigneur dans le Nouveau Testament// Botte B. e. a. Le Dimanche. P., 1965. P. 29-41; Толкование на Евангелие от Иоанна//Символ. 1995. 34. С. 15-190; Да приидет Царствие Твое: (Сб. ст.)/Ред.: протопр. Б. Бобринский. П., 2003; Лекции по Новому Завету: Евангелие от Матфея. П., 2003; То же: Евангелие от Марка. П., 2003; То же: Евангелие от Луки. П., 2004; То же: Евангелие от Иоанна. П., 2006; Водою и Кровию и Духом: К пониманию Евангелия от Иоанна. К., 2008. Лит.: List of the Writings of Professors of the Russian Theological Institute in Paris/Ed. L. Zander. P., 1932, 1937, 1947, 1954, 1965; Евлогий (Георгиевский), митр. Путь моей жизни: Восп./Предисл. и послесл.: Т. И. Манухина. П., 1947. М., 1994 2. С. 409, 412, 539, 546; Карташев А. В. Как начинался Богословский ин-т в Париже//ЦВЗЕЕ. 1950. 4. С. 15-17; Алексеев И. К вопросу о новом переводе на рус. язык Евангелия от Матфея//ЖМП. 1954. 2. С. 76-77; Иванов А. И. Новый перевод на рус. язык Евангелия от Матфея//Там же. 4. С. 45-55; 5. С. 38-47; [ Василий (Кривошеин), архиеп.]. Новый рус. перевод Евангелий//ВРЗЕПЭ. 1960. 33/34. С. 120-130; он же. |
| 5158 Some think Johns followers claimed messianic status for him, but neither Luke 3nor Ps.-Clem. Recognitions 1.54, 64, which is from the third century (both cited in Collins, Witness, 21), can make the case. 5160 Smith, John (1999), 105. Since Jesus was not baptizing in fire (Matt 3:11), the Baptist " s later concerns are plausible; see Keener, Matthew, 333–34. 5161 E.g., Homer I1. 1.178; Seneca Benef 4.5.1; Epictetus Diatr. 4.1.107; 4.4.29; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Marcus Aurelius 12.26; Exod. Rab. 6:3; cf. 2Macc 7:11; 2 Bar. 48:15; contrast Diogenes the Cynic in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.62). The gift in this context might be the Spirit (3:34). For self-diminishment in rhetoric, cf. Rhet. Ad Herenn. 4.50; Anderson, Glossary, 20–21; for (client) friends rejoicing in (patron) friends» honor, see esp. Seneca Benef. passim; Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 148–52. 5163 Jesus later employs the image (some argue that he has John partly or wholly in mind) that sower and reaper rejoice together because they share the same task. 5165 So many commentators, e.g., Abrahams, Studies, 2:213; Dodd, Tradition, 386; Barrett, John, 223; Infante, «L " amico.» Often they appeal to the identification of onés shoshbin with onés «friend» in m. Sanh. 3(e.g., Abrahams, Studies, 2:213). 5166 E.g., Exod. Rab. 20:8. The joy of «friends» also appears in 1Macc 9:39, though it is probably broader than a shoshbin implied by an emphatic, singular usage. 5169 In Num. Rab. 18:12, the brides shoshbin had the evidence of the bridés virginity (but see Zimmermann, «Freund»). 5171 E.g., t. Yebam. 4:4; b. Qidd. 43a; this would include bargaining over the ketubah (Derrett, Audience, 38). Romans also negotiated betrothals through intermediaries (Friedländer, Life, 1:234). 5172 Three of the four Tannaitic parables regarding a marriage broker present Moses as the intermediary between God and Israel (Johnston, Parables, 589). See further comment on agency under Christology in the introduction, pp. 310–17. 5175 T. Ber. 2:10. From the Shema, however, only the groom was exempt (m. Ber. 2:5; t. Ber. 2:10). |
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