| J. A Lost Edition of the Letters of Paul: A Reassessment of the Text of the Pauline Corpus Attested by Marcion. Wash., 1989; Trobisch D. Die Entstehung der Paulusbriefsammlung: Studien zu den Anfängen christl. Publizistik. Freiburg, 1989; idem. Die Endredaktion des Neuen Testaments: Eine Untersuch. z. Entstehung der christl. Bibel. Freiburg; Gött., 1996; idem. The First Edition of the New Testament. Oxf., 2000; Richards E. R. The Secretary in the Letters of Paul. Tüb, 1991; Hahneman G. M. The Muratorian Fragment and the Development of the Canon. Oxf., 1992; Bovon F. La structure canonique de l " Évangile et de l " Apôtre//Cristianesimo nella storia. Bologna, 1994. Vol. 15. N 3. P. 559-576; Brakke D. Canon Formation and Social Conflict in 4th-Cent. Egypt: Athanasius of Alexandria " s 39th «Festal Letter»//HarvTR. 1994. Vol. 87. N 4. P. 395-419; Kinzig W. Καιν διαθκη: The Title of the New Testament in the 2nd and 3rd Cent.//JThSt. 1994. Vol. 45. P. 519-544; L ö hr W. A. Kanonsgeschichtliche Beobachtungen zum Verhältnis von mündlicher und schriftlicher Tradition im 2 Jh.//ZNW. 1994. Bd. 85. H. 3/4. S. 234-258; Skeat T. C. The Origin of the Christian Codex//ZfPE. 1994. Bd. 102. S. 263-268; idem. The Oldest Manuscript of the Four Gospels?//NTS. 1997. Vol. 43. P. 1-34; Schmid U. Marcion und sein Apostolos: Rekonstruktion und historische Einordnung der marcionitischen Paulusbriefausgabe. B., 1995; Gundry R. Ευαγγλιον: How Soon a Book?//JBL. 1996. Vol. 115. P. 321-325; Barton J. The Spirit and the Letter: Studies in the Biblical Canon. L., 1997; Baum A. D. Der neutestamentliche Kanon bei Eusebios//EThL. 1997. Vol. 73. P. 307-348; Murphy-O " Connor J. Paul: A Critical Life. Oxf., 1997; Stanton G. The Fourfold Gospel//NTS. 1997. Vol. 43. P. 317-346; Hill Ch. E. What Papias Said about John (and Luke): A «New» Papias Fragment//JThSt. 1998. Vol. 49. P. 582-629; idem. The Johannine Corpus in the Early Church. Oxf., 2004; Heckel Th. K. Vom Evangelium des Markus zum viergestaltigen Evangelium. |
| 4004 Aune, Environment, 90 (citing Lucian Hist. 55; for disjunction, Polybius 38.5.1–8). Ovid is a striking example of arranging obviously disparate stories, sometimes in contrived ways, as if they happened sequentially (e.g., Metam. 2.708–713; 6.1–5 with 6.148–150); stories within stories (e.g., Ovid Metam. 4.37–388 within 4.1–415; perhaps Mark 5:21–43 ) were common. In Tannaitic texts, see Smith, Parallels, 131. 4005 Wiles, Gospel, 15. One who wished to harmonize could claim that John " s testimony in 1:32–34 can refer to a past event that could have been followed by a temptation, if (1) the Baptist could have uttered 1:26–27 on more than one occasion and (2) if 1is not his first encounter with Jesus (which the verb tenses in 1:32–34 may suggest it is not). 4006 E.g., Stanton, Jesus, 119–21; see comments in the introduction on genre. 4007 Dodd, Interpretation, 230–38; Barrett, «Lamb,» 218; cf. Sandy, «Affirmation.» Longenecker, Christology, 50, and Morris, John, 146, see this as the background for Revelation but not for John 1:29 . 4008 Cf., e.g., the arguments of Brown, John, 1:58–60; Schnackenburg, John, 1:299–300; Ridderbos, John, 72. 4009 The earliest supposedly non-Christian use of «lamb» for the Messiah is a Christian interpolation in Τ Jos. 19(Fiorenza, Revelation, 95; cf. Michaels, John, 17). A lamb does prophesy in Manetho Aegyptiaca Epitome frg. 64; but the connection with 1 En. 89–90 is at best weak. Likewise, even if Aries was considered a «lamb» in this period and a ruling constellation (Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 49–50), a Palestinian Jewish prophet (applicable to both the Baptist and the author) would think more readily of sacrificial or paschal lambs. 4010 E.g., Wis 19(the redeemed Israelites leaped before God like lambs, praising him); cf. also Luke 10(cf. Matt 10in the context of 10:6) in the Jesus tradition. 4011 Minear, Images, 102–3; Hillyer, «Lamb»; Keener, Revelation, 187. 4012 E.g., Bernard, John, 1:44–46; Taylor, Atonement, 138–39; Schnackenburg, John, 1:300; Bruce, Time, 48–49. |
| For the heirmoi, the classical chants in syllabic style are collected in a book called the Heirmologion, which may contain as many as 2,000 model stanzas. Like the Western Tonary, the Heirmologion is divided into one section per mode. The nine canticles are: 1 The song of Moses (Exodus 15.1–19) 2 The song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32.1–43) 3 The prayer of Hannah (I Kings 2.1–10) 4 The prayer of Habbakuk (Habbakuk 3.1–19) 5 The prayer of Isaiah (Isaiah 26.9–20) 6 The prayer of Jonah (Jonah 2.3–10) The prayer of the Three Children (the Benedicite, Apoc. Daniel 3.26–56 ) 7 The prayer of the Three Children (Apoc. Daniel 3.57–88 ) 8 The Magnificat and the Benedictus (Luke 1.46–55 and 68–79) Whatever the object of a canon may be (the celebration of a feast of the Lord or of the Virgin, or the commemoration of a saint or martyr), the hymn writer had to allude in each of the nine odes to its scriptural model. Church traditions (wrongly) attribute the invention of the canon to St. Andrew of Crete (ca. 660–740) and his famous Great Kanon of mid-Lent contains the exceptional number of 250 stanzas. But canon composition reached its peak in the 8th and 9th centuries, first in Palestine with examples by St. John Damascene (ca. 675-ca. 749) and St. Kosmas of Jerusalem (also known as St. Kosmas the Melodist or Kosmas of Maiuma; first half of the 8th century), then in Constantinople with St. Theodore, abbot of the Studion Monastery (759–826), and his brother Joseph (d. 833), the two Sicilians Methodios (d. 846) and Joseph the Hymnographer (d. 883), and the nun Cassia (ca. 810–65). SEE ALSO: Kontakion; Liturgical Books; Music (Sacred); Orthros (Matins) REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS Grosdidier de Matons, J. (1980–1) “Liturgie et hymnographie: Kontakion et Canon,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34–5: 31–43. Hannick, C. (1990) “The Performance of the Kanon in Thessaloniki in the 14th Century,” in D. Conomos (ed.) Studies in Eastern Chant, vol. 5. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, pp. 137–52. |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 1090 With Caird, Revelation, 63–64; Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 113. Cf. 1:6; they probably represent the 24 priestly watches of 1 Chr 24:1–6 (1QM 2.2 seems to have 26), courses still observed in later times (e.g., Luke 1:5; t. Sukkah 4:26; Ta c an. 2:1; Stern, «Aspects,» 587–95). Heavenly priests would fit the image of a heavenly temple (for heavenly service, apparently angelic, cf. 2 En. 22:3A). White garments, characteristic of worshipers in temples (SEG 11.923 [in Sherk, Empire, 58]; Acts John 38; Safrai, «Temple,» 877; cf. Diogenes Laertius 8.1.33), naturally especially characterized priests (e.g., Exod 39:27; 2 Chr 5:12; Pesiq. Rab. 33:10; Apuleius Metam. 11.10; cf. also Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 135). In Asiatic art each priest may have represented many more worshipers (Ramsay, Letters, 62–63). 1091 See also Caird, Revelation, 94–95; Rissi, Time, 89; Ladd, Last Things, 71–72. Others see them as an eschatological remnant for ethnic Israel (Tenney, Revelation, 78); although this may not fit Rev 2:9,3:9, it would not be incompatible with the Johannine community " s self-perception as ethnically still a Jewish entity. 1093 Most Jewish evidence cited as precedent for Dan " s particular apostasy ( Gen 49:16–17 ; Judg 18:30; 1 Kgs 12:29; T. Dan 5:6; t. Šabb. 7:3; Gen. Rab. 43:2; Pesiq. Rab. 12:13; Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 143–44; Caird, Revelation, 99; Russell, Apocalyptic, 279; cf. Jub. 44:28–29, 33) is too general (in the earliest sources, other tribes were equally criticized) or too late. Evidence for the antichrist " s origin from that tribe (Milligan, Thessalonians, 167), is too late. While some of the former may have influenced the particular selection of Dan for the dubious distinction of omission in Rev 7:4–8, the omission of one of the tribes (indeed, the first in Ezek 48:1–7, 23–27 ) may simply be intended to make the point that even the apparent elect were susceptible to apostasy. 1095 Whereas 1 John speaks of the present, Revelation again addresses the future; the Targumim apply the «second death» to eschatological annihilation (Abrahams, Studies, 2:44; McNamara, Targum, 123). |
| 4430 Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Diogenes Laertius 7.7.184; 10.1.15; Apuleius Metam. 7.12; Plutarch Poetry 1, Mor. 15E; T.T. 1.4.3, Mor. 62ICD; Diodorus Siculus 4.4.6; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.10.588; Athenaeus Deipn. 10.427AB, 432A; cf. Wasson, Hofmann, Ruck, Eleusis, 90. Though one might devote undiluted wine to Dionysus, one might dilute wine dedicated to Zeus (as in Diodorus Siculus 4.3.4). 4431 Plutarch Alex. 70.1; 75.3–4; less disastrously, Alciphron Farmers 30 (Scopiades to Cotion), 3.32; cf. Isa 5:22. 4437 P Ha1. 1.193–195; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Menander maxims 2, 5 in Sei. Pap. 3:260–61; Demosthenes Against Conon 7; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 83.19–20; Plutarch Isis 6, Mor. 353C; Statecraft 3, Mor. 799B; T.T. 3, introduction, Mor. 645A; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.109; Anacharsis Ep. 3.1–3; Crates Ep. 10; Chariton 4.3.8; Phaedrus 4.16; cf. L.A.B. 43:6. For further references, see Keener, Paul, 261–63. 4438 See, e.g., Euripides Cyc1. 488–494,678; Isocrates Demon. 32; Horace Sat. 1.3.90–91; Polybius II. 3; Livy 33.28.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.11.3; Diodorus Siculus 15.74.2; Athenaeus Deipn. 1.10e; cf. 1 Esd 3:17–24; Jdt 13:15; Josephus Life 225, 338. 4440 Alciphron Farmers 15 (Eustachys to Pithacnion), 3.18, par. 2, also emphasizing that they would sing and dance a lot. Cf. Athenaeus Deipn. 9.377AB. 4441 On varieties of wine (including some made without vines), see Pliny Nat. 14.6.53–14.22.118. Egyptian social clubs employed plenty of wine (P.Tebt. 118). 4444 E.g., t. Ber. 3:8; b. B. Qam. 69b (R. Meir); Pesah. 102a, bar.; Šabb. 23b; cf. perhaps Jub. 2:21. For regular blessings of wine at meals, cf. b. Ber. 33a; 51a; in much earlier Qumran texts, cf. firstfruits in 1QS 6.4–5. 4445 In general, see Safrai, «Home,» 747; Let. Arts. 274; among Greeks, see Menander Rhetor 2.7, 408.32–409.1. 4446 Homer Od. 18.304–305; Euripides Herac1. 892–893; Babrius 80.1–2; L.A.B. 51:7; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Ecc1. Rab. 10:19, §1; Luke 15:25. In religious celebrations, see the discussion of dancing at Sukkoth under John 8:12–20 . |
| 1052 Cf. Wilson, Luke and Pastoral Epistles, ix, who offers Lukés authorship of the Pastorals as «an extreme hypothesis, that of common authorship, in order to see what the evidence will bear.» 1054 For one thorough treatment of Revelations vocabulary, see Aune, Revelation, ccvii-ccxi. For some further documentation on Revelation passages cited below, see Keener, Revelation, loc. cit. 1056 Rhetoricians learned various styles for different kinds of speeches (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 45–46). Though rarely excelling in all, it was not uncommon to compose works in multiple genres (Seneca Controv. 3.pref.8; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 23) ; cf. also Rowe, «Style,» 151, 155). Style should be appropriate to a speech " s circumstances (Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 88; cf. 83 n.l). 1057 Cf. Newport, «Prepositions»; idem, «Εκ»; idem, «Evidence»; idem, «Meanings.» Among the most thorough treatments are Thompson, Syntax (who observes that the Apocalypse is « " Jewish Greek», to the fullest extent» of that expression); and Aune, Revelation, clx-ccvii, who also notes the Semitic «interference» (clxii). Of course, most apocalypses were originally composed in Hebrew or Aramaic (Moore, Judaism, 2:280), so conventions inherent in the genre may have affected the style Revelation " s writer adopted. 1058 Morrice, «John,» 43–44, emphasizes his use of Ezekiel in particular. Vanhoye, «Livre,» analyzes Revelation " s creative reapplication of Ezekiel " s imagery. 1059 The OT allusion forms are closer to the Hebrew than to the LXX (Koester, Introduction 2:252; Tenney, Revelation, 26–27; Trudinger, «Text,» 84–85), but the LXX itself is full of Semitic rhythms. 1060 E.g., Ezek 10:1,44:4 ; Dan 10:5 ; cf. also 4 Ezra (e.g., 11:2,5,7,10,12,20,22,24,25,26,28,33, 35,37) and 1 Enoch (e.g., 14:14–15,18,85:3); the simple, «and I saw» (a visionary statement plus the typical Semitic coordinating conjunction) is even more common (e.g., 1 En. 17:3,6,7,8,18:1,2,3,4, 5,9,10,11,12; 2 En. 20:1; 3 En. 42:3,44:7). Like 1QS, Revelation has few explicit quotes from the OT (e.g., 1QS 5.15; 8.14) but is full of allusions. (Ellis, «Uses,» 215 n. 27, observes that nearly 70 percent of the verses contain OT allusions.) Prophetic language was typically recycled in Hellenistic oracular practice as well (Parke, Sibyls, 15). |
| 4044 In Greek the term is pleonastic (emphatic but superfluous; see Anderson, Glossary, 102) despite its value for John " s vision motif. 4045 Tg. Onq. on Exod 12:43; Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 12:43; the Targum translations also cite Mek. 15 on Exod 12:43; and Mek. de R. Simeon b. Yohai on Exod 12:43. 4046 Thus Bernard, John, 1:44–46, suggests that the author expressed the Baptist " s messianic confession in his own words. 4047 The scapegoat, however, would be a more obvious allusion than the intercessor of 2 En. 64(in Boring et a1., Commentary, 247); but αρω is not used in LXX of Lev 16 , though it is a common term (twenty-three times in John alone). 4048 Nock, «Vocabulary,» 137. 4049 Various clues, such as the potentially theological use of «follow» in 1:40, could shift the case, but even their cumulative weight seems inadequate for certainty. «Walking» might possibly allow for peripatetic instruction (see comment on 1:37–39), which was common (hence the name of Aristotlés school; see Aune, Environment, 186; Robbins, Jesus, 171,178). 4050 See Dodd, Tradition, 274; Stauffer, Jesus, 65; Lane, Mark, 52; Kraeling, John, 55, summarizing Lohmeyer, «Überlieferung,» and K. Grobel, «After Me.» On the Baptist " s direct influence on Jesus, see further Michaels, Servant, 1–24. 4051 Kraeling, John, 55. 4052 Blomberg, Reliability, 79, following Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:116–20. 4053 Cf.Ibid. 4054 Ibid., 56–57, although we doubt his contention that this Son of Man was viewed as an ange1. 4055 Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:34–35, doubts that John saw this announcement in divine terms. 4056 Luke 14:7–11; 1QS 2.19–23; lQSa 2.11–17; t. Sank 7:8; b. Hor. 13b, bar.; p. Ketub. 12:3, §6; Sanh. 1:2, §13; Ta c an. 4:2, §§8–9; Ter. 8:7; Plutarch T.T. 1.2.3, Mor. 616E; T.T. 1.2.4, Mor. 617B; Apuleius Metam. 10.7; cf. 1QS 6.10–13 (with 6.26–27; Josephus War 2.132; and comments of Marcus, «Mebaqqer,» 302; cf. p. Roš Haš. 2:6, §9). In current Middle Eastern custom, see Eickelman, Middle East, 23–24. 4057 Philo Contemp1. Life. 66ff.; Ps.-Phoc. 220–222; t. Meg. 3:24; Sanh. 8:1; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §12; Lycurgus 14 in Plutarch S.S., Mor. 227F; on respecting elders in general, cf. Sir 8:6 ; Wis 4:8–9; 1Tim 5:1–2 ; 4 Bar. 5:20; Syr. Men. 11–14, 76–93 (though cf. 170–172); t. c Abod. Zar. 1:19; Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.22–23. |
| 5134 Brown, John, 1:151, notes that Eusebius placed it eight miles south of Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and that the Madaba map places it just northeast of the Dead Sea; but he prefers Ainun (cf. Ridderbos, John, 144). 5135 E.g., Bruce, History, 159; Brown, John, 1:151; Kysar, John, 57; Hunter, John, 43, following Albright. Boismard, «Aenon,» identifies it with Ain Far " ah, in the heart of Samaria. John " s geographical notes (1:28; 3:23; 5:2; 9:7; 11:54) are generally accepted as reliable (Dunn, «John,» 299). 5138 Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 580–81, lists Aenon and Salim (3:23), Sychar (4:5), and Ephraim (11:54) as probably Samaritan. 5140 See Josephus Ant. 18.113–114,124–125; Kraeling, Jonh, 85,90–91,143–45. For Nabatean relations with neighbors, see Matthiae, «Nabatäer.» John " s attraction to influential supporters of Antipas such as soldiers and tax gatherers (Luke 3:10–14) may also have suggested a political threat (Meier, «John,» 226–27). 5141 See Negev, «Nabateans.» For Nabatean technology in the building of Petra, see Hammond, «Settlement»; for their sculpture style, McKenzie, «Sculpture»; for their religion, see Lindner, «Heiligtum»; Jones, «Inscription.» 5142 Kraeling, John, 92–93, noting that he was safe in Judea or Samaria but on the eastern bank of the Jordan was in Antipas " s territory. 5147 Cf. how Agamemnon " s death at his return home provides suspense concerning what Odysseus could have faced on his return home had he not avoided it (Homer Od. 13.383–385). 5148 Dodd, Tradition, 280–81, may be correct that the record of this controversy is a historical reminiscence, but he errs in failing to see the Gospel " s theological reason for recording it. 5153 Cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 65. The lack of water in many places in Galilee could explain its absence in much of his itinerant ministry (cf. Kraeling, John, 174), though not around the lake of Galilee. 5154 «Coming» was salvific (6:35); those who plotted Jesus» execution to prevent «all» from coming (11:48–50) would actually bring about what they hoped to avoid (12:32). |
| Cranfield, «Romans 1.18» Cranfield, C. Ε. B. «Romans 1.18.» S/T21 (1968): 330–35. Cribbs, «Agreements» Cribbs, F. Lamar. «The Agreements That Exist between John and Acts.» Pages 40–61 in Perspectives on Luke-Acts. Edited by Charles H. Talbert. Danville, Va.: Association of Baptist Professors of Religion; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1978. Cribbs, «Reassessment» Cribbs, F. Lamar. «A Reassessment of the Date of Origin and the Destination of the Gospel of John.» JBL 89 (1970): 38–55. Crocker, «Bethsaida» Crocker, P. T. «Where Is Bethsaida?» Buried History 25, no. 3 (1989): 78–81. Crocker, «Priests» Crocker, P. T. «Corrupt Priests–a Common Phenomenon.» Buried History 26 (1990): 36–43. Crocker, «Sepphoris» Crocker, P. T. «Sepphoris: Past History and Present Discoveries.» Buried History 23, no. 4 (1987): 64–76. Cross, «Genres» Cross, Anthony R. «Genres of the New Testament.» Pages 402–11 in Dictionary of New Testament Background. Edited by Craig A. Evans and Stanley E. Porter. Downers Grove, 111.: InterVarsity, 2000. Cross, Library Cross, Frank Moore. The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies. Rev. ed. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1961. Repr.,Grand Rapids: Baker, 1980. Cross, Myth Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973. Crossan, «Anti-Semitism» Crossan, Dominic M. «Anti-Semitism and the Gospe1.» Theological Studies26 (1965): 189–214. Crossan, «Cynic» Crossan, John Dominic. «Open Healing and Open Eating: Jesus as a Jewish Cynic.» Biblical Research 36 (1991): 6–18. Crossan, Jesus Crossan, John Dominic. The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant. San Francisco: Harper, 1991. Crossan, «Tomb» Crossan, John Dominic. «Empty Tomb and Absent Lord ( Mark 16:1–8 ).» Pages 135–52 in The Passion in Mark: Studies in Mark 14–16 . Edited by Werner H. Kelber. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976. Crown, «Schism» Crown, Alan D. «Redating the Schism between the Judaeans and the Samaritans.» JQR 82 (1991–1992): 17–50. |
|
|
