| Younger, K. Lawson Jr. Judges/Ruth. NIV Application Library. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002. Zenger, Erich. Das Buck Ruth. ZBAT8. Zurich: Theologischer, 1986. Zertal, Adam. «Israel Enters Canaan – Following the Pottery Trail.» BAR 17 (1990): 2849,75. Zevit, Ziony. «Archaeological and Literary Stratigraphy in Joshua 78.» BASOR 251 (1983): 2335. Zias, Joseph, and Eliezer Sekeles. «The Crucified Man from Giv " at ha-Mivtar: A Reappraisal.»/£/35 (1985): 2227. Библиография к Псалтири и книгам мудрости Alden, R.L. Job. NAG 11. Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1993. Allen, Leslie C. Psalms 101150. WBC. Waco: Word Books, 1983. Allen, Ronald B.Andl Will Praise Him: A Guide to Worship in the Psalms. Grand Rapids: Kregel, 1992. Andersen, F.l.Job. TOTC. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1976. Anderson, AA. The Book of Psalms. 2 vols. NCB. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972. Anderson, Bernhard W. Out of the Depths: The Psalms Speak for Us Today. 3rd ed. with Steven Bishop. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000. Archer, Gleason L. Jr. «The Linguistic Evidence for the Date of Ecclesiastes. "/.E7 " 5 12 (1969): 167181. Archer, Gleason L. Jr. A Survey of Old Testament Introduction. Chicago: Moody Press, 1978. Bartholomew, Craig C. «Towards a Post-liberal Agenda for Old Testament Study.» In Make the Old Testament Live. Ed. by Richard S. Hess and Gordon J. Wenham. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998. Bellinger, WH. Jr. Psalms: Reading and Studying the Book of Praises. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1990. Bergant, Diane. The Song of Songs. Berit Olam. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2001. Berry, Donald K. An Introduction to Wisdom and Poetry of the Old Testament. Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1995. See pp. 141156. Bland, Dave. Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon. The College Press NIV Commentary Series. Joplin, MO: College Press, 2002. Bloom, Harold, ed. The Songof Songs. Modem Critical Interpretations. New York: Chelsea, 1988. Blumenthal, D.R. «Where God Is Not: The Book of Esther and the Song of Songs.» Judaism 173 (1995): 8090. |
| Belilitu daughter of Belushezib descendant of the messenger declared the following to the judges of Nabonidus, king of Babylon: Tn the month of Abu, the first year of Nergalsharusur [Neriglissar], king of Babylon [AugustSeptember, 559 B.C.E.], I sold my slave Bazuzu to Nabuahheiddin son of Shula descendent of Egibi for onehalf mina five shekels of silver, but he did not pay cash and drew up a promissory note.’ The royal judges listened (to her) and commanded that Nabuahheiddin be brought before them. Nabuahheiddin brought the contract that he had concluded with Belilitu and showed the judges (the document which indicated that) he had paid the silver for Bazuzu. 241 Reference is thus made to the reigns of Neriglissar and that of Nabonidus. The generally accepted chronology would indicate that about three and a half years had passed since Belilitu had sold her slave in the first year of Neriglissar until she, in the accession year of Nabonidus, made a fraudulent but futile attempt to receive double payment for the slave. But if twenty years were to be added somewhere between the reigns of Neriglissar and Nabonidus, then Belilitu waited for twentythree and a half years before she brought her case before the court, something that appears extremely unlikely. f) Nabonidus to Cyrus That Nabonidus was the king of Babylon when Cyrus conquered Babylonia in 539 B.C.E. is clearly shown by the Nabonidus Chronicle (B.M. 35382). 242 dated this event to the seventeenth year” of Nabonidus, but as was pointed out earlier, this portion of the chronicle is damaged and the year number is illegible. Nonetheless, a whole group of economic texts has been found that provides chronological interlocking connections between Nabonidus’ seventeenth year and the reign of Cyrus. These include the tablets with the catalogue numbers CT 56:219, CT 57:52.3, and CT 57:56. 243 (9) The first of the three documents (CT 56:219) is dated to the accession year oi Cyrus, and the next two (CT 57:52.3 and CT 57:56) are dated to his first year. But all three tablets also refer to the preceding king’s “year 17,” and since it is accepted as fact that Nabonidus was the final king of the NeoBabylonian line, preceding Cyrus the Persian’s rule, this confirms that Nabonidus’ reign lasted 17 years. 244 |
| The admitting privileges greatly decreased the number of abortion facilities, from 40 before its passage to 17 today. Upholding the ambulatory surgical center requirements means all but seven or eight facilities statewide will close. “Not since before Roe v. Wade has a law or court decision had the potential to devastate access to reproductive health care on such a sweeping scale, " said Nancy Northup, the president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights, a New York-based pro-abortion lobby group that brought the lawsuit. “Once again, women across the state of Texas face the near total elimination of safe and legal options for ending a pregnancy, and the denial of their constitutional rights.” If the Supreme Court endorses today " s ruling, “ Roe v. Wade is almost entirely dead,” sighed an article on ThinkProgress , a website operated by the Soros-funded Center for American Progress. CAP called the ruling “a sweeping endorsement of the tactics anti-abortion lawmakers adopted in recent years in an effort to prevent abortion clinics from operating.” But pro-life politicians and advocates say the fault lies with abortion facilities, which have refused to meet more stringent – and more expensive – health and safety standards designed to protect women. “Abortion practitioners should have no right to operate their businesses from sub-standard facilities and with doctors who lack admitting privileges at a hospital, " said Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a Republican who strongly defended the law. Hawkins also critiqued feminist organizations “demanding access to abortion, however unsafe and subpar it may be.” The judges made one exception for a facility that did not meet ASC standards. Whole Woman’s Health abortion facility in McAllen, Texas, may remain open “until such time as another licensed abortion facility becomes available to provide abortions at a location nearer to the Rio Grande Valley than San Antonio.” The judges ruled that the drive from McAllen to San Antonio would violate a Supreme Court provision barring states from placing an “undue burden” upon women seeking abortions. |
| Pilate interrogates Jesus in 18:33; a hearing could consist of a cognitio, an inquiry to determine the truth of the charges. 9891 In such an inquiry, the official could consult his consilium, composed of his " accessores (junior barristers) and comites (attendants)» who functioned as knowledgeable legal aides (cf. Acts 25:12); but the final decision was his own. 9892 Roman judges should attend to imperial edicts, statutes, and custom (moribus, Justinian Inst. 4.17), but provincial officials were free to follow or disregard prior customs. 9893 3B. Jesus as King of the Jews (18:33–35) Although Pilate repeats the Jewish authorities» charge (18:35), it appears fitting that he, as a representative of the Roman Empire, is the first voice in the trial narrative to announce Jesus as «king of the Jews» (18:33), a title to which the Jewish leaders object (19:21) and which they themselves never offer to Jesus. 9894 On the level of the story world, Pilatés presentation of Jesus to «the Jews» as «king of the Jews» (18:39) may be ridicule (cf. 19:3); 9895 the Gospel " s ideal audience, however, will catch the irony (cf. 1:49). Probably the Johannine Christians find most Roman officials more tolerant of their claims to fidelity to their ancestral faith than the synagogue leaders are (cf. 4:9; 18:35). But as in many other cases in the Gospel, John is preaching from genuine tradition rather than creating it wholesale for his purposes. The charge, «king of the Jews» (18:33), is undoubtedly historica1. 9896 Jesus» triumphal entry (12:13) marked him as a royal aspirant; the priestly aristocracy would arrest, and the Romans execute, anyone who offered the slightest grounds for suspicion of treason against Rome. The title is not a traditional Christian confession; Jesus» «you say» in the tradition ( Mark 15:2 ) suggests that it is not the title Jesus or the tradition would have emphasized, and Romans crucified many self-proclaimed kings and their followers under the Lex Iulia de maiestate (Josephus Ant. 17.285, 295). 9897 Other Jewish rebels apparently hoped for kingship (Josephus War 2.443–444; Ant. 17.285), 9898 but unless they desired repression, Christians would have hardly invented the claim that Jesus was crucified on these grounds (cf. Acts 17:7). 9899 As broadly as «treason» could be defined in Roman law 9900 and especially in Sejanus " s Rome, 9901 the charge of claiming to be a king on the part of an otherwise unimportant provincial might require little investigation to secure condemnation. |
| Ancient city unearthed where David battled Goliath Source: Jewish and Israel News September 9, 2016 The site " s casemate walls are reminiscent of the type of urban planning found only in Judah and Transjordan. Credit: Maayan Jaffe-Hoffman. Archaeologists believe they have found evidence of King David’s footprints in a mysterious two-gated city from 3,000 years ago, mentioned in the Bible’s story of David and Goliath. The site is known by its modern name, Khirbet Qeiyafa, in Israel’s Elah Valley. After nearly seven years of excavations, the public can now explore the archaeological findings of Qeiyafa through “In the Valley of David and Goliath,” a new Bible Lands Museum exhibition that opened earlier this week in Jerusalem. The Qeiyafa findings have sparked debate and intrigued historians and archaeologists since they were first revealed. The city was discovered between Sokho and Azekah, on the border between the Philistines and the Judeans, in the place where David and Goliath battled. It’s mentioned in the Torah in 1 Samuel 17: 1-2. Carbon-14 dating of some 28 charred olive pits found during excavations date the city as existing around the end of the 11th century BCE, until the early 10th century, in the days of Saul and David. “No one can argue with this data,” said Prof. Yosef Garfinkel, Yigal Yadin Chair of Archeology at the Institute of Archeology at Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He, along with Sa’ar Ganor from the Israel Antiquities Authority and Prof. Michal Hazel of Southern Adventist University of Tennessee, led the excavations. Among the site’s highlights are its two gates: the western gate, which faced Philistia, and the southern gate, which faced Judah. Having two gates for a relatively small city of 5.7 acres is unusual, according to Bible Lands curator Yehuda Kaplan. Gates are the weakest part of any city. The two gates are what led excavators to identify the site with Sha’arayim (Hebrew for “two gates”), a city mentioned in the David and Goliath story in the Book of Samuel, which reads, “…And the slain Philistines lay along the way of Sha’arayim, as far as Gath and Ekron.” (1 Samuel 17:52) It’s also in Judges 16:5 and in Jeremiah 17:19-20. |
| But judgment also appears as a central motif in this Gospel (κρσις in 3:19; 5:22, 24, 27, 29, 30; 7:24; 8:16; 12:31; 16:8, 11; κρνω in 3:17, 18; 5:22, 30; 7:24, 51; 8:15, 16, 26, 50; 12:47,48; 16:11; 18:31). Jesus» present mission is not judgment (3:17–18; 8:15; 12:47), but the world apart from him stands under judgment (3:18–19; 12:31; 16:8, 11). Jesus will judge in the end, and the way people respond to him in the present determines their destiny (12:48); those who do not embrace him face eternal judgment (5:24,29). When Jesus judges, his judgment is just (5:30; 8:16), like the Father " s (5:22; 8:50), who authorized him as judge (5:22, 27; 8:26). By contrast, unlike Jesus, the Father (8:50) and the law (7:51), Jesus» adversaries judge unrighteously (5:30; 7:24; 8:15; 18:31). Judgment occurs in the context of Jesus» ministry as peoplés hearts are exposed by how they respond to him and his message (9:39; cf. 12:31). John does not borrow this picture from Hellenism; Dodd in fact doubts that any adequate Hellenistic parallels exist to this picture of judgment accompanying the revelation of light. 5096 For believing in Jesus» «name» see comment on 1:12. 5D. Responding to the Light (3:19–21) The fundamental image behind 3:19–21 is the transcultural commonplace that activities conducted in daylight are visible, hence publicly known, whereas activities conducted when one cannot be seen can remain secret. 5097 John " s use of «light» and «darkness» would make especially good sense in his milieu (see comment on 1:4–5). In some diverse images in Jewish tradition, most of humanity was under darkness, 5098 including the nations who rejected Torah. 5099 Most significantly, even a first-time reader or hearer or the Gospel might well recall the stark illustration from the prologue: light is in conflict with and banishes darkness (1:5). They cannot coexist, and it is darkness that must retreat. (Modern readers may miss the shocking apparent incongruity of a small sect such as Qumran or the Jewish Christians identifying its own movement with triumphant light, with the rest of the world in darkness and evil–cf. 1 John 4:5–6; 5:19 .) |
| Historically, local elders functioned as judges and leaders; of particular classes, priests probably filled this role most frequently. 7104 Here, however, the Pharisees, likely more influential in Jerusalem, as here, than in Galilee (though Mark sometimes places them in the latter), fill this role (9:13); see discussion in the introduction. Historically, some Pharisees (of the school of Hillel) permitted prayer for the sick on the Sabbath. 7105 If the more lenient Hillelites would have permitted prayer on the Sabbath, 7106 the Shammaite school was probably dominant among Pharisees in Jesus» day, 7107 though no longer in John " s. 7108 Yet most Pharisees probably would have opposed making a clay poultice on the Sabbath for someone not in danger of dying (9:14). 7109 The procedure, more than the healing act itself, would have violated Jesus» contemporaries» views. 7110 What functioned initially as a typical miracle story (for John, a «sign» with christological implications) now becomes a setting for theological conflict (9:14; cf. 5:9). In 9:15, the healed man retells the account of his healing slightly more briefly than he did for the crowds (9:11); this could be due to intimidation, 7111 though it probably simply represents John " s rhetorical abbreviation to avoid repeating all of what the reader already knows. The leaders considered Jesus a «sinner» (9:16) for breaking their understanding of the Sabbath (9:14); they may employ this term because Jesus had recently challenged them to find any genuine transgression (8:46), implying by their silence at that time that they could not. 7112 The tone of their interrogation in 9may imply their skepticism that Jesus really «opened» the man " s eyes in the literal sense or, for that matter, the spiritual sense. 7113 The passage shows how much their agenda of opposing Jesus colors their interest in truth: evasively, they repeatedly ignore the testimony of the miracle itself. They begin with interest only in the Sabbath violation (9:16), ignore the healed man " s own testimony (9:13–17); 7114 and intimidate his parents, who already know the danger of disagreeing with what their inquisitors wish to hear (9:22). |
| Contemporary Issues Last Updated: Feb 8th, 2011 - 05:50:02 Opinion on Same-sex Marriage Priest Sergei Sveshnikov Oct 17, 2008, 10:00 Discuss this article Printer friendly page Source: Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia Priest Sergei Sveshnikov is the Rector of the New Martyrs of Russia Orthodox Church, Mulino, OR, near Portland. He shares his thoughts on the recent decision of the Council of Elected Commissioners of Multnomah County on the issuing of marriage certificates for homosexual marriages. We have recently witnessed the heightening of passions in America over so-called " same-sex marriages. " In those jurisdictions where such " marriages " have been approved (San Francisco, Portland), there were demonstrations, protests for and against, even to the point of arrests. At the same time, the overwhelming majority of Americans, having been reared on tolerance, look upon all of this with bewilderment. Television screens and newspapers are filled with images of men in passionate kisses and the stories of two older women who had spent their entire lives together, who only now have been given those same human rights which more traditional couples have had. On the other hand, having already achieved the division of church from the state (unfortunately, not of the state from the church), Protestant movements suddenly, as one (well, almost, for each family has an ugly duckling), are calling upon judges and politicians to heed what is written in the Bible, or at least not to break centuries-old Christian traditions. What are we to make of this turmoil? I do not wish to render an opinion on the position taken by the " gays " that they were ostensibly born this way and cannot do anything about it—I am not sufficiently educated in the natural sciences, but the dilettante in me feels that if we turn to the animal kingdom, we find that homosexuality may exist there, but it is a clear departure from " the natural order of things " (what would happen if Butch loved Fido and not Lassie?). Such a " gay " pedigree would quickly end in nature. |
| Jugoslav Savic was dragged out of his car in Kosovska Kamenica and severely beaten. He died of his injuries several days later in Vranje. (Beta, file) Smaller groups of Serbs sought shelter in KFOR bases, while others headed for safer enclaves. Most of those forced to leave their homes remain internally displaced in collective centers and container settlements in Kosovo, while some 250 are in central Serbia. Of the 35 SPC churches and monasteries that were completely destroyed during the pogrom, 18 were monuments of culture, such as the UNESCO-listed Temple of Bogorodica Ljeviska in Prizren. Extremists worked systematically for several hours, piling up car tires and setting them on fire, to destroy the 14th century church and with it some of the finest paintings from that era. In response to the violence in Kosovo, protests were organized in several towns in central Serbia, including in Nis and Belgrade where rioters attacked and set on fire local mosques. 17 citizens and police officers were injured during the violence in Belgrade. No one has been held responsible for organizing the most serious violence targeting Serbs since the end of the war and deployment of international forces in the province. Out of the 51,000 Albanians who took part in the rioting, 270 were arrested and 143 found guilty, most of whom were ordered to pay fines. Skumbin Mehmeti was sent to prison for 30 years for opening fire on an UNMIK vehicle, killing one foreign and one Kosovo policeman, and wounding two others. International prosecutors and judges launched seven cases related to the destruction of churches and sentenced 67 people to jail from 21 months to 16 years. The terror perpetrated by Albanian extremists was condemned by the UN Security Council and the EU, while the Council of Europe Parliamentary Committee adopted a resolution in late April of the same year. U.S. Admiral Gregory Johnson, who headed NATO Southern Command at the time, described the March 2004 riots in Kosovo as ethnic cleansing aimed against one nation and its history. |
| A final strand in Maximus’ theological heritage is more controversial. This is the influence on him of the works ascribed to Denys (or Dionysius) the Areopagite. These writings came to the notice of Christian thinkers barely fifty years before Maximus’ birth. They are first quoted (or misquoted) by the Cyrilline theologians who rejected Chalcedon (the ‘Acephaloi’ or Severan Monophysites) at the colloquy called by Justinian in his attempts to achieve a settlement of the Christological controversy in 532. They cited in their support a passage from one of the writings ascribed to the Areopagite where he refers to Christ’s ‘one theandric energy’–arguing that if it is legitimate to speak of one energy in Christ, it is legitimate to speak of a single nature. The Orthodox dismissed the authority of the ‘Areopagite’, retorting that none of the Fathers–not Cyril, not Athanasius–had ever heard of him. But the compelling vision of the Areopagite was such that very soon his works were accepted by Monophysite and Orthodox alike as authentic: that is, as genuine works of that Denys, an Athenian who had been one of the judges of the Apostle Paul when he defended his preaching of Christianity before the court of the Areopagus in about AD 52 (see Acts 17.22–34), and who, it was believed, had become one of the early bishops of Athens. In fact, it is now universally recognized that these works–the Celestial Hierarchy, the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, the Divine Names, the Mystical Theology, and some letters–were written at the end of the fifth, or beginning of the sixth, century, probably by a Syrian monk, who had conceived an enthusiasm for the brand of Neoplatonism we associate with the fifth-century ‘Platonic successor’ (diadochus) at the Academy in Athens called Proclus (probably through having read some of their works, rather than having actually been a pupil at the Academy). 27 These works were edited in the middle of the sixth century by John, Bishop of Scythopolis in Palestine (modern Bet Shean), an orthodox Cyrilline Chalcedonian, and all the manuscripts of Denys that we have, except for the early Syriac translation by Sergius of Reshaina, go back to John’s edition. 28 John was a man of enormous erudition: he provided a preface to the Corpus Areopagiticum and learned scholia to the individual works. Part of his purpose in this was to show that Denys really belonged to the Orthodox, rather than to the Monophysites. It was Denys as presented by John that Maximus knew and accepted as part of the theological tradition. What Denys did for the tradition of Byzantine theology can perhaps be summed up under three headings: philosophy, liturgy, cosmos. |
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